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set.seed(10)
Reading in data
# Reading in data
un <- read.csv("UNGDC_1946-2023.csv") # UN data
wbi <- read.csv("wbi.csv") # world bank indicators data
Preliminary cleanup
# Creating country name variable
un <- un %>%
mutate(country_name = countrycode(ccodealp, origin = "iso3c", destination = "country.name"))
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# Observing data
un %>% head()
## ccodealp year doc_id
## 1 AFG 1952 AFG_07_1952.txt
## 2 AFG 1957 AFG_12_1957.txt
## 3 AFG 1958 AFG_13_1958.txt
## 4 AFG 1959 AFG_14_1959.txt
## 5 AFG 1960 AFG_15_1960.txt
## 6 AFG 1961 AFG_16_1961.txt
## text
## 1 I consider it a great honour and privilege to share with you the opportunities and responsibilities of the United Nations on this momentous occasion. This world Organization embodies the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the world for peace, prosperity and prospects of a better and more fruitful life, It is our task to reaffirm and to help realize the aims and purposes which are expressed in the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations with a degree of eloquence that only the urgent desire of a generation which had suffered the scourges of two world wars could formulate. It is for us, the representatives of Members of the United Nations, never to become oblivious to the sufferings and experiences which created the urgent desire to pursue the aims and the purposes of the United Nations. We must solemnly rededicate ourselves every day in discharging our functions. We must pledge ourselves to serve humanity. We must persist in our efforts in searching for ways and means of preserving peace. We must promote and safeguard the freedom of individuals and nations and relieve the stark poverty and conditions of starvation which unhappily is the lot of a great segment of the human race.\n54.\tIn order to accomplish these ends, we must push forward the cultural, economic and social development of the under-developed areas of the world through the aid and assistance of the United Nations in all its phases. In the realization of these aims and objectives, happily the moral duties of the peoples of the United Nations, for which their collective conscience acts as their guide, coincides with their collective practical self-interest.\n55.\tPeace with freedom is the prime requisite and the essential and critical condition for nations as well as for individuals in order that they may fully develop their mental, moral and physical potentialities and resources for producing good and desirable results. Only in a world political atmosphere which is free from suspicion, tension and fear of international conflicts and struggles can the fullest development of human and material resources of any nation, and especially of the lesser developed nations, be achieved. It is the solemn duty of the Member nations and their representatives here to search and find ways and means of allaying suspicion and fear among nations and to restore confidence in the ability of this Organization to preserve peace and promote freedom — the necessary conditions for the alleviation of misery, poverty, ignorance and disease in this world.\n56.\tPeace and security must be established on the firm foundations of equality and justice, No self-serving formula of established interests should obscure the issue of the aspirations of the peoples for individual freedom and national independence. In our search for peace, no differences in ideologies or political and economic doctrines, ho differences in faiths and professed beliefs should be allowed to stand in the way. The dangers are so great that no failure can be admitted. The very survival of the human race is at stake. The survival of the human race must have precedence over any narrow national aspirations or ideological issues. We must persist in our hope and work during the session of the General Assembly for the adoption of effective measures to reduce suspicions and fears among nations. We must promote the realization of the aspiration for personal freedom and national independence of the peoples who are still deprived of those basic elementary human rights. We must formulate and adopt effective measures to preserve peace. We must provide favourable conditions for the fullest utilization of technical assistance and find the funds so necessary for development in the under-developed areas of the world.\n57.\tI am sure that our collective dedicated efforts will move aside the apparent mountains of obstacles which seem to lie in the way. I am sure that with our collective dedicated efforts, even in this seventh session of the General Assembly we may be able to take important steps towards the realization of our noble and useful goals.
## 2 It is my privilege to express to you, Mr. President, the congratulations of the Afghanistan delegation on your election, which was so justly and unanimously voted by this Assembly. It is also my privilege to extend to my fellow representatives the greetings of the Royal Afghan Government, as well as its sincerest wishes for the success of the current session of the General Assembly.\n41.\tOur attachment to the United Nations and its Charter and principles and our complete adherence to the principles of human rights and self-determination of the peoples not only are based on ideological grounds but also result from our long experience as a free and small country in the controversial events of modern history. We believe that the peace of the world can be secured only on those bases, and we are certain that our future prosperity depends on peace. In saying that, we are not posing as moralists but, on the contrary, are in all humility expressing our conviction that our fellow Member States are as attached to those principles as we are.\n42.\tThe attitude of the Afghanistan delegation at previous sessions of the Assembly has been inspired by those principles, and that will continue to be the case during the current session. This attitude is not characterized by any kind of opposition towards any country or group of countries, or by any idea which is different from the basic ideal of the United Nations that is, that there should be no distinction among Member States based on geographical considerations.\n43.\tThis world has been the scene of tremendous evolution in the last twelve years. The nationalist movements of the African and Asian continents have been as natural as those of the European and American continents during the last century. Thus, if we have supported those movements, it has been only on the basis of an objective appreciation of that fact and because of our sincere desire that the problems of the world should be settled by mutual understanding and goodwill, and not by violent reactions and bloodshed. We likewise follow the same line today, without an antagonistic or fanatical feelings towards any other country.\n44.\tThe independence of the Federation of Malaya and its admission to the United Nations constitute one of the best examples, not only of the justification of the rightful aspirations of a great nation but also of the generous gesture and appreciation of a great Power, the United Kingdom. Both of them are to be sincerely congratulated, and their examples should be followed in similar cases.\n45.\tWe realize that the United Nations has had its difficulties and that present world problems are considered from many perspectives. We also realize that human problems are very complicated, that national political and economic problems play their role, and that each individual problem cannot be regarded in complete detachment from the currents of world problems. Notwithstanding these difficulties, however, there is no reason why we should not appreciate more the normal evolution of the world.\n46.\tFortunately, we realize that this great Organization, through the zeal of its eminent Secretary-General and its devoted officials, has gone forward along the path traced for it twelve years ago. This is a cause for hope and an evidence of progress; and we believe that through our devotion and adherence to the principles and spirit of the Charter we shall gradually overcome many other difficulties.\n47.\tOur optimism is based on the consciousness of the peoples of the world that, if we are to have peace, there is no alternative but ultimately to identify our respective policies with the spirit of the Charter. Each and every one of us is convinced that another war would bring nothing but the complete annihilation of all that is good, worth-while and beautiful in life - and perhaps of life itself.\n48.\tWe Afghans have no other ambition that to preserve our freedom and to try to ensure the prosperity of our own people in order that they may live as a modern nation in this world. We are attached to our traditions and our spiritual legacy as well as to our Constitution, which is the spontaneous outgrowth of the nature of our own country. We are trying to preserve them, and we are ready, as we have always been, to defend our freedom and integrity - and not only by words. Fortunately, the stability of our position and the sincerity of our neutrality have been tested and proved in the last fifth years, and especially during the two world wars. To develop and modernize our country we need the support and assistance of more developed countries, and we are grateful to receive such aid.\n49.\tWe greatly appreciate the technical assistance we have received from the United Nations; we appreciate it for its own value, as well as for the opportunity it has given us for closer co-operation with this world Organization.\n50.\tAfghanistan believes in the peaceful settlement of international differences and problems, great or small. We have tried in the past, with success, to settle many of our own problems through direct negotiations, the use of good offices, the advice and technical help of our friends, and other peaceful means of conciliation. We are trying now, and shall try in the future, to settle our other problems by the same means, on the basis of objective, unprejudiced consideration and the principles of right and justice.\n51.\tIn our view, as regards all problems of the world where conflicts arise, the ultimate reference of the unsettled problems should be, if ether conciliatory means of settlement fail, to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice. We have many important problems on our agenda this year which will be debated during the present session. The future of the world and the preservation of international peace depend on them. We hope, like everyone here, that those problems will find a satisfactory and just solution in the spirit of the United Nations Charter. To that end we are prepared to contribute in our modest way to facilitating such a solution.
## 3 138.\tBefore using this opportunity to make a statement on behalf of the Government of Afghanistan, I must say that the intervention of the Afghan delegation in the general debate is not merely for the purpose of following a practice which is almost customary on this occasion.\n139.\tWe represent a small nation which is confronted with great problems of its own, and which is concerned with all international problems. The fulfilment of our aspirations and the solution of our problems depend not only on our own efforts but on international peace and co-operation. Therefore, we find it more essential than anybody else to voice our views in the United Nations, an Organization dedicated to the cause of peace and co-operation among nations. We shall not take the time of the General Assembly except to make a few general remarks about the international problems before the Assembly and to acquaint our colleagues with the principles that govern our policy and the spirit with which we shall approach these problems at a time when we find ourselves most concerned about the prevailing tension in different parts of the world.\n140.\tHaving considered the agenda of this session, and having in mind the prevailing world situation, we know that the present session is one of the most important sessions in the history of the United Nations, not only because we are confronted with problems of great importance and significance, but also because of the undeniable fact that most of these problems are in their most important stage.\n141.\tIt is essential that special consideration be given to the standing problems which have appeared repeatedly on the agenda of the General Assembly. We may face recent difficulties with a sense of consolation, and we may cherish a hope that these problems will be solved when they are dealt With by the United Nations. But in regard to problems which we have not been able to solve for many years, we should admit that we will not be in a position to seek excuses or cherish much hope if they are not approached in a more realistic and constructive manner at this session of the General Assembly. It cannot be denied that the solution of these long-standing problems would prevent new situations from arising and would pave the way for better understanding and more constructive international co-operation in areas where such co-operation has hitherto been hampered by the existing political differences.\n142.\tWhile we say this, we must add that due to the circumstances prevailing in different parts of the world, we cannot slur over the fact that the lack of a better understanding at this session might nullify the efforts made by the United Nations at previous sessions in connexion with certain problems, efforts which in certain cases could even have been considered constructive achievements.\n143.\tTo give expression to our concerns, we are compelled to say that the situation in the Middle East, despite the efforts made at the emergency special session of the General Assembly, is still a source of anxiety and perplexity which cannot be ignored by the General Assembly. We are looking forward to a note of encouragement in the report of the Secretary-General, but we do not think that the resolution [1237 (ES-III)] adopted at the emergency special session is adequate to deal with the real causes of anxiety and tension in this area. The serious problems of this most important part of the world cannot be met successfully unless further effective measures are considered by the United Nations with the co-operation of the Arab States. My delegation stated its views on this issue at the emergency special session. The spirit of understanding demonstrated by the Arab States during that session was a source of great encouragement, not only to my delegation, which had expressed the wish that our friends in the Middle East would demonstrate such a spirit, but also to all Members of the United Nations and to people all over the world.\n144.\tThe development of events in Algeria is most discouraging. The analysis of this situation, from our point of view confronts us with two disappointing facts. The first fact is that there is war in Algeria. The second fact is that the General Assembly resolution, adopted without any opposition, has not been implemented so as at least to create a basis for hope of a peaceful solution of this problem.\n145.\tIt is a matter of regret if an unopposed resolution of the General Assembly does not receive the consideration of Member States. The results are more alarming than ever before.\n146.\tWe sincerely hope that the parties concerned will realize even at this late hour the grave consequences involved in a careless consideration of this problem, which is already an issue of a "hot" war between two peoples who have every chance of being close friends, being bound by bonds which can be considered lasting ties between nations, in an age which is "the age of the fulfilment of the aspirations of peoples and the end of Rule by Force".\n147.\tWe cannot think of any people who would be more capable of understanding the Algerian problem than the great people of France, with whom we have always had most friendly relations, a state of affairs which we have always kept in mind in the consideration of all matters, including the question of Algeria, and which we should always like to preserve.\n148.\tWhile the questions of Cyprus and West Irian remain unresolved, we are receiving alarming news from the Far East. It was a source of encouragement, however, when agreement was reached on holding the ambassadorial talks which have begun in Warsaw. We do hope that a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan problem will result from these direct negotiations. Whatever the outcome may be, the spirit and the quick decision of the parties concerned to negotiate should be appreciated. We hope that the same spirit will come to the assistance of the parties directly concerned with the problems of West Irian and Cyprus.\n149. We still note that the stubborn and unjust policies of certain Powers continue in the face of the struggle of millions of people for their natural and legitimate right to independence and their exercise of the right of self-determination. In cherishing these aspirations, these people are no longer alone, as these are the common aspirations of all freedom-loving people and of all those who realize that the peace and security of the world cannot be achieved unless the fundamental right to national Independence is recognized for all peoples and nations.\n150.\tThese common aspirations have been expressed repeatedly by the people of Asia and Africa and have been supported by the majority of the peace-loving nations of the world Inside and outside the United Nations. We wish to state that the Afghan delegation will follow its traditional policy of support of these peoples and will dedicate all its efforts to the cause of the self-determination of all peoples and nations.\n151.\tWe note that the use of force is still in process. Actions and measures destroying stability and disturbing the balance of power in different areas are persistently prevailing and are being initiated in a careless manner. These are' all matters which should receive the serious consideration of the General Assembly.\n152.\tThe important question of economic, social and cultural development of the less advanced areas of the world is one which should receive the consideration it fully deserves. Millions of people in the world are engaged in the difficult task of improving the economic, social and cultural conditions which, in most cases, were imposed upon them by unjust politics and unpleasant events of the past. Afghanistan is one these countries. Therefore we perhaps are in a position to realize more than anyone else the sufferings of these people, for we have learned much from the bitter experiences of the state of war during the last two centuries, which most happily resulted in the preservation of our independence but most unhappily imposed upon us the present economic and social conditions. While we wish to express our real appreciation of United Nations co-operation in this area, we would urge the Assembly to take more effective measures in this direction.\n153.\tAmong the unfortunate factors which have hindered the achievement of satisfactory results in this field is the regrettable competition among nations in the arms race and the lack of confidence which has been standing in the way of disarmament and, consequently, in the way of the advancement of human progress and the maintenance of peace and security.\n154. The obstacles preventing the peaceful uses of new energies for the purpose of achieving a better life for the people of the world are an Integral part of this great impediment to the fulfilment of the common aspirations of man.\n155.\tNo small nation can make a greater contribution than to give expression to its concern on the question of disarmament, as it is a matter which cannot be solved except by the good intentions and the realization of the responsibilities of the big Powers. Nevertheless, it remains a source of great anxiety for all peoples everywhere. We hope that no effort will be spared to achieve satisfactory progress in this field and that this matter will be examined with concern for the welfare of humanity only and without regard to political differences and considerations of strategic positions.\n156.\tWe believe that an agreement on principles on this issue would contribute greatly to peace and stability in the world and, by lessening international tension, would pave the way for further steps which could be taken in the direction of peace and prosperity,\n157.\tWe should share the anxiety of all the people of the world concerning the destructive harm, known and unknown, resulting from radiation caused by nuclear tests, harm which can effect the health and happiness of mankind. In the light of scientific reports, we would find it almost impossible to understand why all nations would not immediately try to reach an agreement on this question. Since the achievement of these goals depends solely on the establishment of understanding and mutual confidence, the necessity of paying urgent consideration to ways and means of making it possible for nations to live in peace is obvious. Basing our views on the important consideration of the Interrelationship of all these matters, we shall support any measures which will create more amicable relationships out of which peace and prosperity could grow.\n158.\tReferences have been made recently to the possible creation of a United Nations peace force. My Government, having the utmost confidence in this Organization and hoping that the United Nations becomes increasingly effective as an Instrument of peace, believes that this idea requires most careful study, particularly in the prevailing international atmosphere. We feel that we should be most careful in our deliberations on this issue, because any hasty or half-considered measures in this field would involve dangers that might affect the Organization directly.\n159.\tWhile we are not prepared to go into the details of this matter at the present stage, we find it essential to mention that in any case the United Nations should deal with it only at the proper time and after thorough examination of the desirability of establishing such a force. The way for a thorough consideration of this matter can be paved only by greater efforts to be undertaken by the United Nations through the Secretary-General.\n160.\tWe believe, in view of all these serious problems which confront the world, that there is only one place to seek a betterment of the conditions, and that place is the United Nations. It is not for one delegation to decide how great the responsibility of the United Nations is, and we should like to see that fact realized by all of us.\n161.\tIt is our understanding that we are here with a spirit and a determination to practise tolerance, to make it possible for nations to live together in peace with one another as good neighbours and to unite their desire and their strength to ensure human brotherhood. Our purposes are set out in the Charter to which we all adhere.\n162.\tOur gatherings in the past, as we believe, have been useful and effective substitutions for war. Our presence here expresses our willingness to discuss, to negotiate and to compromise with each other. Our duty is to make this greatest international democracy of all time a working reality, for the purpose of securing universal justice and equality. Our prestige and success depend on our respect for fundamental human rights, the dignity of the individual, and that of peoples and of nations. This understanding will be the basis of any policy that the Afghan delegation adopts during this session of the General Assembly; Our Interest in the discussions of international affairs will not be limited to those things which affect us directly.\n163.\tWhile we do not believe that, when discussing the relations between peoples and nations, geographical distances deserve sole consideration and while we realize that these distances are mere fictions carried over from earlier days, we attach great importance to the common cultural heritage, common aspirations and mutual bonds of cordial and neighbourly relations which we share with friendly nations in our own part of the world.\n164.\tWhile we adhere firmly to our own ideology, we do not oppose any other ideology. We believe not only in the United Nations but in a united world within the United Nations, a principle which does not permit us to favour the existence of any arrangement or organization which would divide peoples and nations of the world into two or more opposing camps, or policies which would harm the principle of universality of this Organization.\n165.\tWhile we are not opposed to the unity of nations in small or large peaceful groups, dedicated to making more effective contributions towards world peace and security, we do not favour the existence of any blocs or any military alliances, which have proved or will prove to be a possible source of International tension or lack of confidence between the nations of the world.\n166.\tTo give a true expression to the policy of my Government in this connexion, I should immediately add that we have never criticized and we never shall criticize the policies of any Government, nor shall we question what they consider to be the right path in the direction of their interests, but we do hope that all paths of individual or collective policies will lead towards the only true goal, the interest of mankind as a whole. This we believe is the true spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, which we shall keep in mind during the discussion of all questions which arise before this General Assembly.\n167.\tIt is with great faith and a deep conviction In the Principles and Purposes of the United Nations that we greet the thirteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I say this with full awareness of the criticism made of the activities of this Organization, the doubts in the minds of certain sections of the public in almost every country, and the confusion about the effectiveness of the efforts of the United Nations, particularly in the political field. This confusion has emanated partly from the fact that, while the activities of the United Nations in the economic, social and cultural fields are not well known to the public, they have been overshadowed by the heavy clouds of international tension and constant threats to peace and security, enhanced mostly by those who have power over the media of information and propaganda.\n168.\tWe have stated at previous sessions of the General Assembly, and we should like to state again, that our only ambition is to promote the economic, social and cultural conditions in our country and try to become a useful member of the family of nations. We wish to maintain our friendship with all nations of the world, and to achieve our alms in an atmosphere of co-operation, understanding and peace. We wish the fulfilment of this common aspiration for all nations everywhere.\n169.\tOur approach to all questions will be guided by our impartial and independent judgement of international affairs, and our decisions will be made on the merits of the cases which are presented for our consideration. We are doing this with unalterable determination, in spite of a realization of all the difficulties and complications which the solution of human problems always involves. We are aware of all the difficulties which quite normally would confront any gathering of eighty-one nations, but we feel confident that we can still hope and that we can still avoid disappointment.
## 4 69.\tI speak for a small country, Afghanistan, which enjoys friendly relations with all countries. Our peaceful policy is derived from our deep conviction that peace and friendship between peoples and nations are the only conditions in which we can live and work for a better future.\n70.\tOur friendly relations with those with whom we share the same ideology and way of life is a natural outcome of our aspirations. Our friendly relations with those whose ideology and way of life are different from our own are based on our belief in the principle of peaceful and friendly co-existence among peoples and nations of the world. It should be a matter of regret for all of us that we live in a divided world. In this divided world, however, we are associated with one and only one alliance, and that is the United Nations.\n71.\tOur intervention in the general debate is not merely to follow a customary practice, but it derives from the necessity of giving expression to the unbiased, impartial and independent voice of a small country. Whose experiences of the past, conditions of the present and aspirations for the future are typical of all small and particularly less-developed countries.\n72.\tThe fourteenth session of the General Assembly is convened on an important occasion. Important statements have already been made. In all these speeches, a deep desire for peace has been most strongly emphasized. It is a most hopeful reality that the desire for peace is universal, knowing no ideological or political borders.\n73.\tMr. Belaúnde, the distinguished President of the fourteenth session of the (General Assembly, in his opening statement [795th meeting] expressed the hope that this General Assembly would go down in history as the "Assembly of peace". As a representative of a small country I wish to associate my delegation with the hopes he cherished.\n74.\tRealizing that peace is in the custody of the big Powers, it is good to see that certain efforts are being made for lessening international tension. These efforts are a great source of encouragement to all peoples of the world, particularly those of the small countries. Not many events have been so warmly welcomed as have the direct contacts made by leaders of the big Powers. From this, one can derive the true meaning of the aspirations of the people of the world. We only hope that all those on whose wisdom the future of the world depends will be guided in their thoughts, their approach and their actions by unselfishness and a sense of responsibility, not only in their own interest, but in the interest of mankind as a whole.\n75.\tNo peace, in our opinion, without the full protection of all rights and interests and the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of all peoples and nations of the world is peace. On all occasions this is the greatest and the most natural concern of the small countries, for the expression of which there is no better time or place than the General Assembly of the United Nations.\n76.\tHowever, we must say that we are not happy that certain issues which are not on the agenda of the General Assembly at this session have been brought up in the general debate. This has engendered a fear of the continuation of the cold war at a time which was hoped to be a turning-point towards its termination. We sincerely desire that such attempts will not be followed, and that our deliberations in this session will be positive and Constructive and will influence the international situation in bringing the cold war to an end.\n77.\tNo small country can do more than express its concern over the regrettable international situation. Some representatives have stated, and correctly, that the contribution to the solution of world-wide problems by small countries is necessarily a modest one. However, we think that the voice of small countries in a democratic gathering of nations established on the principle of equality is not less than any other voice.\n78.\tWe admit that there are small Powers and big Powers, small countries and large countries, but we do not believe that there is anything like a small or large nation. All nations are equal in their dignity and in their rights, not only here in the United Nations under its Charter, but everywhere and at all times. Therefore we hope that all small countries will realize more than ever their position, particularly here in the United Nations, and will exercise their right to make this Organization work for the welfare of humanity through their independent judgement of all world affairs.\n79.\tWe are confident that with all the concern demonstrated by the big Powers about the welfare of the small countries, particularly those in under-developed areas, these efforts of the small countries will be most welcome. It is with this hope that we would like to state our views before the General Assembly.\n80.\tWe have carefully studied the introduction to the annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/4132/Add.1] particularly the part dealing with the role of the United Nations. We do not wish to express any disagreement with his interpretation of the role of the United Nations in the face of the developments and activities concerning international problems. We do not disagree, because under the circumstances it is a wise interpretation. But we shall not refrain from saying that we would have wished the circumstances to be different, so that this Organization could play its full and rightful role in the peaceful solution of all international problems.\n81.\tTo be satisfied that a certain activity does not go so far as to abolish the aims of the Charter of the United Nations is not enough. What is required is the strengthening of the United Nations by increasing the confidence of Member States in the organization so that they will consider it the best place for the negotiation of all international problems with a view to reaching agreements which will have the support and consent of all nations.\n82.\tIn an age when no nation remains unaffected by any event in any part of the world, it is wrong to think that international problems could be the concern only of a group of nations and not of a world organization, such as the United Nations, dedicated to their Solution.\n83.\tProcesses exclusive of the United Nations can hardly be considered fully consistent with the aims and purposes of the Charter. It is not only the question of such processes which should be considered, but their results and consequences. These concern the small countries, which, with their deep faith in the United Nations, can place their hopes and their confidence only in this Organization. Therefore, it is not very easy to accept as a general rule that the extraorganizational solution of problems of world-wide interest concerning humanity as a whole can be definitely or completely free from implications which would impair the position of the Organization in principle,\n84. Those who have the practical solution of the problems in their custody are obviously not in a weaker position within the United Nations, particularly if their desire to put themselves in a better position to solve a problem is in complete harmony with the aims of the Charter and the interest of the world as a whole.\n85.\tOne of the most important questions which directly concerns the small countries is the question of a United Nations stand-by force. This question was raised in the general debate during the thirteenth session, and it has been touched upon in this session. We stated [755th meeting] that we had utmost confidence in the United Nations, and expressed the hope that it would become increasingly effective as an instrument of peace. But, we added that the question of a United Nations force required more careful study, particularly in the prevailing international circumstances, and that we should be most cautious in our deliberations on this issue, because any hasty measures in this area would involve dangers that would affect the Organization directly. This point of view of the Afghan Government remains unchanged.\n86.\tMoreover, we stated that the United Nations should deal with this matter only at the most proper time and after a thorough examination of the desirability of the establishment of such a force. In the course of the year, we have been convinced by the prevailing international atmosphere that the proper time has not yet arrived. Therefore we are not in a position to commit ourselves to the approval of this idea at the present stage.\n87.\tIt is encouraging that the way for a fresh start in dealing with the disarmament question seems not to be considered closed. We hope that the General Assembly at its present session will express itself on the best method of this fresh start, paying more attention to the anxieties of all nations.\n88.\tExcept for a hot war which will bring destruction to all, the cold war is obviously the greatest source of anxiety from which the small countries suffer more than anyone else. The continuation of the cold war, therefore, means the continuation of this suffering for us. The arms race does not only affect the economic and social progress of the small countries, but in the field of nuclear competition the small countries, which have almost no means of protection, are more exposed to the dangers which threaten the world as a whole. Therefore the question of disarmament is of much more importance to us in the termination of the cold war and the strengthening of hopes for a lasting peace.\n89.\tThe Afghan delegation welcomes the spirit of the proposals advanced [A/4219] for complete disarmament by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. We think these proposals are basic and comprehensive, and we hope that their serious consideration by the United Nations will pave the way for more fruitful discussions on this long-standing, problem, which has a direct bearing on world peace and security. We hope that all States will judge the problem on its merits only, and will consider these proposals as an encouraging basis for the negotiation of this highly important and vital problem. The Afghan delegation would also wholeheartedly welcome any other initiative that would bring about a complete disarmament as soon as possible, or that would facilitate a general agreement on this most important question in all its aspects.\n90.\tWhile it is gratifying that the nuclear Powers have announced that the ban on the testing of nuclear weapons will be extended, it is regrettable that the complete cessation of nuclear tests has not been agreed upon. We hope that the General Assembly at its present session will emphasize the necessity of agreement on this point without any delay. The idea of stopping the spread of nuclear weapons should receive the strong support of all nations of the world, and should not be conditional upon anything, including a general agreement on disarmament, even in its most ideal form. The humanitarian aspect of the problem should not be overshadowed by the political differences which, however great they may be, are too small when compared with the importance of the preservation of the human race.\n91. We strongly support the appeal of the African nations for the prevention of the intended atomic tests in the Sahara. This question is not only a source of anxiety for the people of Africa, but for the majority of the population of the world, and should be most seriously considered by the United Nations.\n92.\tThe penetration of man into outer space and the use of outer space only for peaceful and scientific purposes should be approached with a universal outlook, which is not possible unless all developments are the sole concern of the United Nations.\n93.\tNo Member of the United Nations, having a deep conviction in’ the right of peoples and nations to independence, can strike a happier note in this General Assembly than to speak of the progress made toward independence in the Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories of Africa. We are looking forward to seeing the new States occupy their rightful place in the community of sovereign nations.\n94.\tThis happiness, however, is a mere flash of light on the horizon of the lives of many peoples, which has been darkened for centuries by the deprivation of peoples and nations of their legitimate right to independence. The real day of happiness bas not yet dawned, and indeed cannot, until all peoples and nations, whose aspirations for independence are suppressed in many ways and forms, achieve their goal, and colonialism is abolished in all its forms, wherever it exists.\n95.\tThe contribution already made by the new Member States in the United Nations leaves no doubt that the independence of the dependent peoples is not only the recognition of the highest aspirations of man for freedom from domination, but also that it benefits the peoples of the world as a whole. The unjust policies of certain countries must inevitably give way to the legitimate rights of the people for self-determination and independence.\n96.\tGratification has been voiced for the solution of the Cyprus problem. We would like to associate ourselves with this expression. The solution of the Cyprus issue is an example of a constructive approach to complicated problems in the United Nations. The efforts made by the parties in this direction should be highly appreciated.\n97.\tWe hope that a satisfactory solution of the West Irian question will follow as soon as possible,\n98.\tIt is most regrettable, however, that the developments in connexion with the solution of the Algerian problem are still most discouraging. To most of us it should be surprising enough that while we hear lofty voices of peace, and hear of the desire to end the cold war, no encouraging concern has been expressed about the Algerian people and the hot war which continues there. The constructive approach of many Members of the United Nations has not received the unanimous support it deserves.\n99.\tWe do understand the difficulties with which ye are confronted on certain problems, but it is regrettable to see that situations of greater importance are sometimes overshadowed, while attention is forcefully drawn to comparatively minor issues. The adoption of such a policy by an individual country in its own interest might be understandable, but is most discouraging when not abolished by an Organization like the United Nations, particularly on a matter of hot war. We hope that in this General Assembly where attempts made to thaw the cold war have been highly praised, more attention will be paid to ending the hot war in Algeria.\n100.\tThe recent statement of policy made in Paris by the President of the French Republic has attracted the attention it deserves all over the world. We are confident that it will also receive the consideration of the Algerian leaders who have been so bravely fighting for the cause of independence of their country. Afghanistan has always supported the right of peoples and nations to self-determination and to independence everywhere., In this case also, we hold the same opinion. But we must add that the desire of the Algerian people for independence is clear, and their determination has been declared by the rightful leaders of Algeria. We do not think that the Solution of the Algerian problem should be based solely on the declaration of intentions by France. Whatever measures to be taken should be dependent on peaceful negotiations between France and the rightful leaders of Algeria, with a view to reaching a complete understanding on the restoration of an honourable peace and the realization of the legitimate rights of the Algerian people to decide their own destiny.\n101.\tIn these considerations the United Nations should fully realize its responsibilities. We' should remind the General Assembly of the many outstanding examples of political arrangements after the Second World War, where the fate of peoples and nations has been at stake. We are particularly alarmed about Such situations when they arise because similar examples exist in our own part of the world.\n102.\tOne of the most dangerous ways of solving such problems is through the partition of countries and their division, or the annexation of territories without the free consent of the people themselves. Such methods have always given rise to difficulties in the future which have damaged peaceful and friendly relations between peoples and nations. I do not think that there is any necessity to enumerate these examples. But we would like to state clearly that in the consideration of the Algerian question this point should not be ignored.\n103.\tNegotiations cannot be fair and just unless they are without restrictions and conditions, and in harmony with the dignity and honour of the parties concerned. It would, be most unrealistic to think that a war could end peacefully by ignoring one of the parties in the dispute. It will be premature to go further into this matter at the present stage, but we would like to state that the people of Algeria, who have struggled so bravely for their independence, will have our full support in the United Nations when this question is discussed.\n104.\tWe have been deeply impressed by the concern shown for the welfare of under-developed countries by all those who are in a position to continue their assistance through international co-operation for the promotion of economic and social conditions in these areas. As a representative of a small country in a less developed area, however, it is our duty to draw the attention of the Members of the General Assembly to the fact that the appreciation of these gratifying statements has not been completely free from certain anxieties.\n105.\tCertain forms of international co-operation, being a direct result of political and military pacts and alliances, have caused serious tensions in these areas. We want to make it clear that we do not wish to criticize any policies of any individual country or group of countries in any respect, but it should not be left unsaid that when other countries are affected by such policies, they are forced to give expression to their anxieties in the interest of peace and the maintenance of friendly relations between peoples and nations. This becomes more important when we see that even some international bodies have also been affected by such policies.\n106.\tThe impact of such policies, influenced by favouritism, has affected the progress of the less developed countries to a great extent, and has already disturbed the balance of positions among the countries of the region. It has damaged the principle of justice and. even equitable distribution of assistance to meet greater and more urgent needs in the case of certain countries. It has diverted the attention of these countries from concentration on the promotion of their economic and social conditions, in the direction of unnecessary measures forced upon them to meet the threats to their security with which they have been confronted.\n107.\tThere is no doubt that the work of the United Nations in the economic and social fields, which is so often obscured by the political aspects of its activities, has taken on a new significance. The realization of the importance of the development of under-developed countries has led to intensified activity. But still the needs of the under-developed countries are enormous while the means at their disposal are so limited.\n108.\tThe United Nations Technical Assistance Programme is rendering great service. The recently established Special Fund is making a good beginning on a new co-operative venture that holds out great promise for the future. However the need of less developed countries for a capital development fund is not yet realized. It is hoped that a capital development fund will be established soon, as this is the missing link in the chain of international financial organizations dedicated to economic and social progress.\n109.\tThe increasing area of under-development is an additional cause for concern. The most needy countries are likely to be most affected by the new tasks the United Nations will have to undertake in new areas, unless additional resources are found. It should be noted that the sources of aid, old and new, seem to ameliorate conditions in countries which have already made great strides toward advancement, while the most needy countries find it difficult and sometimes even impossible to meet the terms of assistance. Thus while some countries forge ahead, others meet increasing problems in gaining assistance.\n110.\tOn his return from a visit to various countries in Asia, the Secretary-General noted that although some improvement had been realized, the economic progress in under-developed countries was painfully slow. We deem it necessary to say that the examples of improvement are not a great source of encouragement, especially in view of the insufficiency of the response to the requirements of the under-developed countries and the lack of a sense of urgency in meeting these needs.\n111.\tThe recent trips of the Secretary-General to many countries in various continents constituted one of the most useful undertakings of the United Nations, leading toward a correct understanding of real situations, particularly in the less developed countries. We hope that the Secretary-General will continue his policy of direct contact with the Member States, and that he will receive the co-operation of Governments on matters which will bring about more fruitful conditions for all. However, as long, as the present difficulties are not met, one can hardly hope that the goals of the organizations set up for these purposes can be achieved.\n112.\tThe sincerity of all those countries whose delegations have expressed their interest in the promotion of conditions in the under-developed areas is appreciated, but more understanding of the points of view which can truly be presented by those who represent these under-developed countries is required.\n113.\tIt is the small under-developed country which suffers most under the prevailing situation. Afghanistan is one of these small countries. Our backward condition, unlike most countries in our part of the world, is not the result of domination by others, but is the outcome of years of war against domination in defence of freedom, which has been preserved at all costs, particularly the cost of development.\n114.\tOur pride in this achievement is not lessened by the economic conditions in which we find ourselves today. We are determined to give the same energies now, if we are left at peace, to our economic and social development as we did to our political independence. It is a part of our determination to accept only the assistance which is truly devoted to the betterment of conditions within our country, free from any other considerations whatsoever. It is for this reason that the United Nations assistance is so desired, and the strengthening of this Organization has become our most sincere desire.\n115.\tThe difficulties which confront the United Nations are great, but the hope of the peoples of the world is surely strong enough to overcome them. We hope that in this General Assembly, in the consideration of the reports that the Assembly will receive in these fields, due attention will be paid to these issues.\n116.\tIn conclusion, Mr. President, I would like to state that it is a great privilege to take this opportunity to associate myself with those representatives who have congratulated you on your election as President of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly, and above all, we wish that the hope you expressed as President of the General Assembly will be fulfilled, and that this Assembly will go down in history as the "Assembly of peace".
## 5 At the outset, Mr. President, allow me to extend to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the important and responsible post of the Presidency of the present session, and to wish you success in achieving the aims and purposes of the Charter, for which the General Assembly has been convened.\n71.\tIt is a source of great pleasure for us that the inauguration of this session has been marked by a most important and historic event, the increase in the membership of the United Nations. I wish once again to extend the sincere welcome of the Afghan people and Government to the representatives of these fourteen nations and, through them, to their peoples and Governments.\n72.\tWith the increased number of Members the Organization is approaching the ideal of universality. We hope that this forum of independent voices of mankind will be completed soon through the attainment of independence by the dependent peoples, and that it will lead to the realization of a united, free world in the true sense. It is our fervent hope that the Organization will thus become a power strong enough to overcome the difficulties confronting mankind, in the interest of humanity, on the basis of justice and equality, and for the preservation of a peace founded upon the legitimate rights of individuals and nations.\n73.\tIn this connexion we believe that the right of the People's Republic of China to its rightful place in the United Nations should be implemented without any further delay. This belief does not emanate only from the fact that China is our neighbour, and that we have diplomatic relations with China. It is based also upon the fact that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the only legitimate government representing the Chinese people. The exclusion of this great nation from the United Nations is in no way in the interest of the Organization, and is in fact a denial of the principle of universality of the United Nations.\n74.\tThe meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations is certainly the most important international event. At this session special interest has been demonstrated by the Member States in the solution of the great problems confronting the Organization, and therefore the occasion is more momentous. The significance of such an occasion calls, before everything else, for an increased sense of responsibility and an unselfish attitude and approach which would be in the interest of mankind; The occasion can bring about a great many constructive and fruitful results, but failure to use such an opportunity for constructive ends could lead to most discouraging consequences.\n75.\tIn the face of the threat-to humanity, the shifting of blame from one side to another will neither shift the responsibility for unfavourable consequences nor save anyone from the destructive results which will be ultimately universal.\n76.\tOur failures in the past, outside the United Nations, should in no way deprive us of cherishing the hope that this Organization, set up for peaceful negotiations, will provide everyone with the means of better understanding, particularly the big Powers, who can better hear the cry of humanity for peace and prosperity. These failures have been rightly deplored, but, welcoming the most important and indeed greatly significant fact that the United Nations is the ultimate repository of world problems, we hope for the peaceful solution of even the most complicated problems.\n77.\tThere are many issues before us — all of them the great concern of the United Nations and all its Members — which will be discussed by the General Assembly in due course. At this stage, however, I shall confine myself to a few most urgent points.\n78.\tI speak strictly for a small, peace-loving country, with a most impartial and independent position in international affairs, having the deepest conviction in the United Nations, the only alliance to which we belong under its Charter, where our record is well known, and our friendship with all cannot be questioned. We are confident, therefore, that our views will be considered in the most friendly spirit in which we express them.\n79.\tThe greatest and most natural concern of the small countries is the prevailing international tension and the continuation of the "cold war". There is no doubt that the lessening of international tension, mostly caused by ideological differences and political interests, is in the custody of the big Powers. In the United Nations, however, that division greatly concerns the small countries which comprise the majority. The responsibility of these countries, therefore, cannot and should not be underestimated, either by themselves or by the big Powers. Not only are these countries desirous of making a positive contribution to the cause of peace, but they are capable of doing so and we hope that they will give to the Assembly the benefit of their independent judgement of world affairs.\n80.\tIn our opinion, the most urgent task before the Assembly, in the present circumstances, is to concentrate on the Ways and means of eliminating the fundamental causes which have created the international problems and on the factors which have delayed their solution, rather than to attempt the solution of the problems directly, without the preparation of a healthy atmosphere which could mean the end of the cold war. There is obviously no other way than to address, on behalf of the General Assembly, an urgent appeal to the big Powers to enter immediately into peaceful negotiations to this end.\n81.\tEach day brings with it further proof that peaceful coexistence among peoples and nations is imperative. The failure to recognize this fact would lead to a complete deterioration of the international situation, with grave and even disastrous consequences. The United Nations is in itself the highest expression that mankind has given to this principle, after suffering from disastrous experiences. Therefore, the failure of the United Nations to implement this principle would be the greatest source of discouragement to all peace-loving peoples of the world.\n82.\tThe only position from which it will be possible to realize the peaceful aspirations of man and the security and prosperity of the world is the position of mutual confidence among all, particularly among those who otherwise could choose the, position of strength. While it is certain that the opportunity provided by this session can be used for greater results, the least that can be expected is that everything should be done to avoid further deterioration of the international situation. The solution of the problem of disarmament depends solely on the confidence of the big Powers in each other and on their good will towards humanity. The importance of the issue to the small countries, however, is in no way diminished by this consideration.\n83.\tLast year when the question came before the General Assembly, we stated that we welcomed the proposals advanced for complete disarmament by the Government of this Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which were referred to as basic and comprehensive. We stated also that we would welcome wholeheartedly any other initiative, regardless of its source, which would lead in the direction of disarmament.\n84.\tThe proposals of the United States do not differ in principle from the course directed to general and complete disarmament. Therefore there is a great margin of agreement on the basic issues. It is encouraging that the leaders of the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have expressed their willingness to resume negotiations. This is greatly appreciated. The achievement of this goal will not only answer the expectations of the smaller countries' in the United Nations but will respond to the aspirations of millions of people who await the fruitful results of this important gathering.\n85.\tWe adhere to our view that, in any measures that may be taken, the importance of the consideration that the goal should remain total disarmament, under effective international control and inspection, should be stressed, and at the same time practical steps, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons, should not be further delayed.\n86.\tThe question of disarmament is essentially and primarily the responsibility of the United Nations. This fact is iso recognized by the big Powers. It can he said with hope that the General Assembly could succeed in taking certain measures which would compensate for the failure of efforts that have been made outside the United Nations.\n87.\tWe adhere also to our view that a world without arms would be a new order in the life of nations. In any new order, the secure position of the small countries themselves is of utmost importance to us. We highly appreciate the references to the effect that as a result of disarmament more assistance would be available to the under-developed areas of the world, but we would like to add immediately that, although our needs are enormous, our primary concern continues to be the maintenance of peace and security, the only condition in which the under-developed countries can hope for the fulfilment of their desire for a better life. We believe that, as long as the domination of one nation by another is not abolished in all its forms, neither the abolition of arms, nor economic assistance on any scale will complete the happiness to which man is entitled by his right to independence and dignity.\n88.\tThis session of the General Assembly, at which we have admitted a great number of independent States, offers us a unique opportunity to concentrate our efforts on the realization of the aspirations of the dependent peoples. The progress made in this field is encouraging but by no means satisfactory. No one can rightly be content as long as there are dependent peoples in this world. The policies of certain countries must inevitably give way to the right of self-determination and independence for these peoples.\n89.\tThe situation in connexion with the problem of Algerians — one of these peoples — is most deplorable. It would be unnatural to speak of ending the cold war, and express no concern over the hot war continuing in Algeria. The deliberate delay in the peaceful solution of this problem, on the part of the French Government, is most alarming. It will be a matter of great regret if certain major issues, like the Algerian issue, are overshadowed by other problems merely because those problems have arisen more recently. We hope that the General Assembly will give high priority, at this session, to the consideration of the Algerian problem in the light of the most discouraging new developments and that it will take appropriate measures to implement Its resolutions, recommendations and hopes for a peaceful solution of the question. We hope that this year, which has been referred to as the year of Africa, will have in it the dawn of the independence of Algeria, without which the African horizon will remain clouded by colonialism.\n90.\tThe Algerians have agreed to a solution based on the right of self-determination, a right which the French had accepted in principle. We maintain high hopes that the legitimate aspirations of all peoples will be realized, and we are happy to see that the triumph of self-determination, without which peace cannot be maintained, is a real source of pride for foe peoples of the United Nations. But this pride cannot be fully enjoyed if it is recognized in certain cases and denied in others,\n91.\tThe most disturbing events in the Republic of the Congo, now a Member State, have been the concern of the United Nations in more than one respect. We supported the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its emergency session [1474 (ES-IV)], with the hope that the assistance of the United Nations, in the light of the experiences gained by the Organization since its involvement with the problems of this young State, would serve the purpose of stability and of law and order in this unhappy country. In any measures that may be taken in this connexion, we would Stress the fact that all the Members of the Organization should give the utmost consideration to the significance of United Nations prestige, which is so directly involved.\n92.\tThe constructive contribution of the independent African States in this matter is undoubtedly of special significance. The countries of Asia have always, in the spirit of solidarity among African-Asian nations, demonstrated their concern over the situations in the African continent and have contributed to the cause of the peoples of Africa. We hope that, before long, the people of the Congo will be able to have the representatives of their rightful Government participating in the United Nations.\n93.\tReferences have been made to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the Middle East, a region to which Afghanistan belongs. The expression by these countries of their desire for friendly relations is a source of satisfaction to us. No country has ever been more ready to respond to the call of friendship and neighbourly relations than Afghanistan. We have followed, and shall follow, this policy as the fundamental basis of our international relations with all countries, particularly with our neighbours. In this connexion, however, I should add that the elimination of differences cannot be achieved except by serious efforts, through peaceful negotiations, for the solution of the problems which have caused friction between the countries of this region.\n94.\tWe wish to maintain good and friendly relations with all our neighbours, and therefore we sincerely respond to the spirit of amity voiced here by the distinguished representative of Iran [870th meeting].\n95.\tWe have studied the annual report of the Secretary-General [A/4390 and Add.1], containing many important ideas, all of which, as I said at the beginning, can be taken up by the General Assembly at the proper stages of its work. There is one point, however, to which I should like to refer now, and that is the question of the development of the under-developed countries. The views of Afghanistan on this matter have been made known in the General Assembly and also in the Economic and Social Council. The responsibility of the United Nations in this connexion, regarding the new areas of under-development, has been rightly recognized. But special consideration as to its effect on other areas of responsibility is required.
## 6 ): It is not to follow a customary practice but rather to express a real feeling that I wish to congratulate you on your election, Mr. President. The unanimous vote of the General Assembly is recognition of your high qualifications and the esteem your person deserves as one in whom such confidence can be placed for the fulfilment of a task which is particularly important in the prevailing circumstances.\n35.\tWe were deeply impressed when on assuming your duties as President of the General Assembly you expressed the feelings of the Members of the United Nations on the tragic and untimely death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. I have already associated myself with the tribute you paid to his memory, but at this particular moment I ask your permission to allow me to convey the heartfelt sorrow and sympathy of His Majesty the King, the Government and the people of Afghanistan to the Members of the General Assembly, the members of the Secretariat and to Mr. Hammarskjold's family and Ms friends.\n36.\tThis message of condolence is also extended to the Swedish Mission to the United Nations and to all those who are related to the devoted members of the United Nations Secretariat who died with the Secretary-General in the line of duty. It is an expression of our deep respect for men who have died serving the cause of peace, the ultimate goal of mankind, for the achievement of which the United Nations is the only existing human institution.\n37.\tThis session of the General Assembly is being held at a critical moment in international affairs. The threat to peace is no longer a fear of war as we have known it in the past. The situation is pregnant with the fear of total destruction. The world is no longer confronted with events which might one day become a source of great anxiety to humanity. We are now faced with a concrete situation in which mankind is living in the shadow of war. This is not an imagined fear, for the possibility of war has been explicitly recognized here by those nations powerful enough to make the possibility a tragic reality.\n38.\tIn such circumstances it is not proper for any responsible individual — and it is even less proper for any assembly of nations — to spend one moment on anything but the most serious efforts to prevent a further deterioration of the situation.\n39.\tMy delegation is particularly disturbed by the attitude demonstrated by the big Powers in their statements during this session: while fully realizing the dangers involved in the present undesirable development of international affairs and while strongly expressing their desire for peace, they have explicitly spoken of the might and power at their disposal. We found that most alarming because the very demonstration of force can well lead to the provocation of its implementation.\n40.\tAdmitting that the weak and the powerless do not have effective means of bringing about tangible results, the small countries which make up the majority of the population of the world and the majority of voices in this Organization cannot be deprived of at least one right that they still possess. That is to initiate a course of consideration and action in the General Assembly at this session. These countries should demand from the powerful countries a pledge to refrain from any action that would create or increase the possibility of the use of force in any circumstances. While one might agree with those who think that such a demand by the weak for such a pledge from the powerful might not serve any practical purpose, one cannot possibly agree that such a demand for such a pledge is not most essential. In our view, that is the first task of this session of the General Assembly.\n41.\tThe second task in the prevailing circumstances should be the realization that while all of us recognize the existence of many important problems with which the United Nations should deal, it is very urgent that the major political problems of the world, on the solution of which depends the possibility of solving other problems, should receive the immediate attention of the General Assembly during this session. There are ninety-one items on the agenda of this session. The fact that these items have been included in the agenda is sufficient recognition of their importance. At the same time, however, every one of us realizes that a constructive solution to most of these issues is not possible without the creation of the kind of atmosphere which can be expected to prevail only if the efforts of the United Nations are concentrated on the major world problems. There are certain items the discussion of which intensifies international tension and the cold war, which is gradually becoming warmer. My delegation would therefore wish that the General Assembly, having recognized the importance of the items by including them in the agenda, would, in dealing with the problems, reach an understanding temporarily to defer a discussion of them until it had dealt with the major problems, within the limits of a careful analysis of the possibilities at its disposal. That, of course, applies only to the controversial political items.\n42.\tIn our view, the major problems confronting the world are the following: the discontinuance of the cold war and the lessening of international tension, and the substitution therefore of peaceful coexistence and international co-operation; the discontinuance of the arms race, and the institution of general and complete disarmament; the discontinuance of war and bloodshed where they exist at present and particularly the war and bloodshed that has resulted from colonial aggression, through negotiations; and the settlement of the situation in Berlin — although this last question is not yet on the agenda of this session. Those are the major problems confronting the world. To them should be added the problem of concentrating our efforts on solving the situation that has arisen as a result of the sudden death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold and the problem of the structure of the United Nations. The representation of China in the United Nations is of course basic to a solution of the latter issue.\n43.\tI have no intention of elaborating at this stage of the general debate on these or other problems that will be discussed during this session — partly because our views on them are known, and basically, because we shall have a chance to express ourselves on them when they come up for discussion.\n44.\tI hope that our basic views on how to approach the present unfortunate situation in international affairs are clear to our colleagues. As a small country, we have no force behind the thoughts we have expressed except our good intentions, derived from our aspirations for peace, and our expectation that the Members of the Assembly, especially the peace- loving small countries, will take note of the seriousness of the situation and seek ways and means which would secure the interests of humanity as a whole. We do not wish to insist that our own way of thinking be generally accepted, but we do insist that if the United Nations is to serve the cause of world peace each Member of it should consider, the interests of the entire world as paramount in the present crisis. Only by such breadth of vision can the United Nations make that constructive contribution to the solution of world problems for which this Assembly has been convened.\n45.\tBefore concluding, I would like to express our general views on one point which should be recognized as the most urgent task of this session, namely the question of how to meet the situation in which this Organization finds itself in the absence of a Secretary- General. Being well aware of the complexity of the matter in the prevailing circumstances and hoping that an agreement will be reached at the end of the current negotiations, it is our considered opinion that it is far from desirable for anyone to insist upon any controversial position on this matter. Unless full agreement is reached, no hurried measures should be allowed to be taken in the name of urgency. While the urgency of the matter should be emphasized, the lasting interest of the United Nations as an effective world organ for international harmony should not be sacrificed as a result of a psychologically disturbing situation which can easily mislead us and can bring about more difficulties. We cannot allow ourselves to fail to search thoroughly the avenues of an agreement satisfactory to all. In our view, it is better not to make a final decision on this matter in the rush imposed upon us by certain difficulties with which we admit we are confronted. An interim arrangement has been suggested. The Afghan delegation favours this view in principle. Any provisional arrangement which would bring about a unanimous understanding will be acceptable to my delegation. In the case of disagreement, we shall take a stand in the face of the compelling circumstances which we should not like to foresee at this stage.\n46.\tThere is, however, an exceptional urgency realized by all of us as to the responsibilities of the\nUnited Nations in connexion with the situation in the Congo. To meet this particular urgency, the Afghan delegation thinks that in the case of a disagreement on the matter of filling the post of the Secretary- General on a temporary basis, with a clear understanding that this temporary arrangement will not affect final positions, it would be more advisable to try to reach an agreement on a provisional arrangement that would enable the United Nations to function effectively in the performance of its responsibilities in the Congo only.\n47.\tThe creation of such an authority, under the direction of the Security Council, should be considered possible, while at the same time the Security Council should be continuously seized of finding a solution, as soon, as possible, in the interest of the Organization, for filling the post of the Secretary-General.\n48.\tThe guiding principle in: our thoughts is a stronger United Nations emerging from the present crisis. This goal cannot be achieved without the tolerance, patience and understanding needed for securing full support of all Members of the United Nations for any decision.\n49.\tIn conclusion, I would like to emphasize that if the United Nations is expected to be able to fulfil ,\\ts primary task for the cause of peace, every individual Member of the Organization should avoid a hostile attitude in the interest of the restless and troubled world. The United Nations, to which we belong and in which we have the deepest conviction, is not meant to invite the cold war into the already shaking Organization, or to send the cold war out to the already shivering world.\n\n \n
## session dem_bi country IdealPointAll vdem_gender democratic_performance_name
## 1 7 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 2 12 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 3 13 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 4 14 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 5 15 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 6 16 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## major_power regime_status_name nonwest gaiscore country_name
## 1 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan
## 2 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan
## 3 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan
## 4 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan
## 5 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan
## 6 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan
Data Source: https://www.kaggle.com/datasets/namigabbasov/united-nations-general-debate-corpus-1946-2023?resource=download
# Creating corpus
corpus <- corpus(un, text_field = "text")
# Preprocessing
tokens <- tokens(corpus,
split_hyphens = FALSE, # keep hyphenated words
to_lower = TRUE, # convert all to lowercase
remove_punct = TRUE, # remove punctuation
remove_numbers = TRUE, # remove digits
remove_symbols = TRUE, # remove symbols
remove_url = TRUE, # remove links
valuetype = "regex") %>%
tokens_tolower() %>% # to lowercase
tokens_remove(stopwords("en")) # remove stopwords
## Warning: to_lower, valuetype arguments are not used.
tokens <- tokens_wordstem(tokens) # stem
# Creating DFM matrix
dfm <- dfm(tokens, min_docfreq = 0.05, max_docfreq = 0.95, docfreq_type = "prop", verbose = TRUE) # Min doc freq of 5% and max of 95%
## Warning: min_docfreq, max_docfreq, docfreq_type arguments are not used.
## Creating a dfm from a tokens object...
## ...complete, elapsed time: 1.42 seconds.
## Finished constructing a 10,760 x 65,541 sparse dfm.
dfm %>% head()
## Document-feature matrix of: 6 documents, 65,541 features (99.36% sparse) and 13 docvars.
## features
## docs consid great honour privileg share opportun respons unit
## AFG_07_1952.txt 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 6
## AFG_12_1957.txt 1 5 0 2 0 1 0 8
## AFG_13_1958.txt 5 10 0 0 2 1 2 23
## AFG_14_1959.txt 6 9 2 1 1 1 3 32
## AFG_15_1960.txt 1 11 0 0 0 3 7 24
## AFG_16_1961.txt 3 1 0 0 0 0 3 17
## features
## docs nation moment
## AFG_07_1952.txt 16 1
## AFG_12_1957.txt 10 0
## AFG_13_1958.txt 43 0
## AFG_14_1959.txt 52 0
## AFG_15_1960.txt 28 1
## AFG_16_1961.txt 19 3
## [ reached max_nfeat ... 65,531 more features ]
Applying LSD dictionary
# Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary
## Calculating LSD sentiment analysis scores
sentiment_lsd <- dfm_lookup(dfm, dictionary = data_dictionary_LSD2015) # Applying LSD to DFM
sentiment_lsd <- convert(sentiment_lsd, to = "data.frame") # Converting to DF
sentiment_lsd$lsd_net_sent <- sentiment_lsd$positive - sentiment_lsd$negative # Calculating net sentiment scores
## Merging net sentiment scores to UN DF
un <- un %>%
left_join(sentiment_lsd %>% select(doc_id, lsd_net_sent), by = "doc_id")
Plotting sentiment over time
# Create the line plot of LSD net sentiment (USA)
ggplot(un[un$ccodealp == "USA",], aes(x = year, y = lsd_net_sent)) +
geom_line() +
labs(title = "US Net Sentiment", x = "Year", y = "Value")
# ... and mean net sentiment the world
ggplot(un %>% group_by(year) %>% summarize(mean_lsd_net_sent = mean(lsd_net_sent)), aes(x = year, y = mean_lsd_net_sent)) +
geom_line(color = "#3498db",
linewidth = 1) +
labs(title = "Mean World Net Sentiment Over Time", x = "Year", y = "Net Sent.") +
ylim(0, 100) +
theme_get() +
theme(
plot.title = element_text(face = "bold", hjust = 0.5, margin = margin(b = 10)),
#panel.grid.major = element_line(color = "grey92"),
axis.line.x = element_line(color = "grey30"),
plot.margin = margin(20, 20, 20, 20)
)
Perplexity: Determining best K
# Sampling DFM for computational efficiency
un_sample_dfm <- dfm_sample(dfm, size = round(.1*ndoc(dfm))) # taking 10% sample
# LDA models for different K groups
#un_lda_3 <- LDA(un_sample_dfm, k = 3, control = list(seed = 10)) # k = 3
#un_lda_5 <- LDA(un_sample_dfm, k = 5, control = list(seed = 10)) # k = 5
#un_lda_7 <- LDA(un_sample_dfm, k = 7, control = list(seed = 10)) # k = 7
un_lda_10 <- LDA(un_sample_dfm, k = 10, control = list(seed = 10)) # k = 10
# Calculating perplexities for each K
#perplexity_3 <- perplexity(un_lda_3, new_data = un_sample_dfm)
#perplexity_5 <- perplexity(un_lda_5, new_data = un_sample_dfm)
#perplexity_7 <- perplexity(un_lda_7, new_data = un_sample_dfm)
perplexity_10 <- perplexity(un_lda_10, new_data = un_sample_dfm)
#print(paste("Perplexity (k=3):", perplexity_3))
#print(paste("Perplexity (k=5):", perplexity_5))
#print(paste("Perplexity (k=7):", perplexity_7))
print(paste("Perplexity (k=10):", perplexity_10))
## [1] "Perplexity (k=10): 1415.63578638362"
Applying LDA
# LDA initialization
k <- 10 # n topics
un_lda <- LDA(dfm,
k = k, # number of topics
method = "Gibbs", # method
control = list(#alpha = 50/k, # alpha = 50/n topics
#delta = 0.1, # standard delta (for Gibbs)
seed = 10))
Interpreting topics (word betas)
# Topics
un_lda_topics <- tidy(un_lda, matrix = "beta") # for words
head(un_lda_topics)
## # A tibble: 6 × 3
## topic term beta
## <int> <chr> <dbl>
## 1 1 consid 0.000781
## 2 2 consid 0.00239
## 3 3 consid 0.000939
## 4 4 consid 0.00108
## 5 5 consid 0.0000000586
## 6 6 consid 0.0000519
# Top 10 Terms per topc
un_top_terms <- un_lda_topics %>%
group_by(topic) %>%
slice_max(beta, n = 10) %>%
ungroup() %>%
arrange(topic, -beta)
un_top_terms
## # A tibble: 100 × 3
## topic term beta
## <int> <chr> <dbl>
## 1 1 nation 0.0262
## 2 1 unit 0.0253
## 3 1 intern 0.0166
## 4 1 secur 0.0154
## 5 1 human 0.0118
## 6 1 right 0.0114
## 7 1 cooper 0.00998
## 8 1 council 0.00960
## 9 1 will 0.00855
## 10 1 organ 0.00828
## # ℹ 90 more rows
Probability of topics (gamma per document)
# Gamma values
gamma_un_lda <- tidy(un_lda, matrix = "gamma")
gamma_un_lda %>% head(100)
## # A tibble: 100 × 3
## document topic gamma
## <chr> <int> <dbl>
## 1 AFG_07_1952.txt 1 0.0327
## 2 AFG_12_1957.txt 1 0.0415
## 3 AFG_13_1958.txt 1 0.0111
## 4 AFG_14_1959.txt 1 0.0216
## 5 AFG_15_1960.txt 1 0.0119
## 6 AFG_16_1961.txt 1 0.0183
## 7 AFG_17_1962.txt 1 0.0338
## 8 AFG_18_1963.txt 1 0.0142
## 9 AFG_19_1964.txt 1 0.0297
## 10 AFG_20_1965.txt 1 0.0691
## # ℹ 90 more rows
# Posterior Gamma distribution
gamma_dist_un_lda <- as.data.frame(posterior(un_lda)$topics)
# Mean gamma values by topic
gamma_un_lda %>% group_by(topic) %>% summarize(mean(gamma))
## # A tibble: 10 × 2
## topic `mean(gamma)`
## <int> <dbl>
## 1 1 0.120
## 2 2 0.116
## 3 3 0.0841
## 4 4 0.0707
## 5 5 0.105
## 6 6 0.116
## 7 7 0.0965
## 8 8 0.0798
## 9 9 0.0927
## 10 10 0.119
Assigning topics for each speech
# Fetching topic terms for each
terms <- get_terms(un_lda, 10)
# Creating topic-terms table
terms_df <- as_tibble(terms) %>%
janitor::clean_names() %>%
pivot_longer(cols = contains("topic"), names_to = "topic", values_to = "words") %>%
group_by(topic) %>%
summarise(words = list(words)) %>% # Collect words into a list per topic
mutate(words = map(words, paste, collapse = ", ")) %>%
unnest()
## Warning: `cols` is now required when using `unnest()`.
## ℹ Please use `cols = c(words)`.
# Appending topics to UN speeches names
un_topics <- get_topics(un_lda, 1)
Merging back to UN data frame
# Creating un topic df and cleaning
un_topics <- un_topics %>% as.data.frame()
un_topics <- rownames_to_column(un_topics, var = "Index")
colnames(un_topics)[1] <- "text"
colnames(un_topics)[2] <- "topic"
# Merging
un <- un %>%
left_join(un_topics, by = c("doc_id" = "text"))
# Adding titles to topics
un$topic_title <- case_when(
un$topic == 1 ~ "International Development & Economic Inequality",
un$topic == 2 ~ "Africa & the Global South",
un$topic == 3 ~ "The Middle East",
un$topic == 4 ~ "War, Conflict, & Diplomacy",
un$topic == 5 ~ "Peacebuilding & Disarmament",
un$topic == 6 ~ "Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals",
un$topic == 7 ~ "Peacekeeping Operations",
un$topic == 8 ~ "The Cold War",
un$topic == 9 ~ "Island Nations",
un$topic == 10 ~ "International Cooperation",
TRUE ~ NA
)
# Cleaning WBI data
wbi2 <- wbi %>%
mutate(across(everything(), ~ na_if(., ".."))) %>% # filling .. with NA
pivot_longer(cols = -c(Country.Name, Country.Code, Series.Name
, Series.Code), names_to = "year", values_to = "Value") %>% # Pivoting to long
mutate(year = as.integer(substr(year, 2, 5))) %>% # cleaning year variable
select(-c(Series.Code)) %>% # omitting series code
filter(Series.Name != "") %>%
pivot_wider(names_from = Series.Name, values_from = Value) # Pivoting wider
# Merging w. UN data
un <- un %>% left_join(wbi2, by = c("ccodealp" = "Country.Code", "year" = "year"))
#un <- un %>% select(-c(X, X.1, Country.Name, Employers..total....of.total.employment...modeled.ILO.estimate., Indicator.Name
#)) %>% rename(GDP_per_capita = GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.., Gini = Gini.index)
un %>% head()
## ccodealp year doc_id
## 1 AFG 1952 AFG_07_1952.txt
## 2 AFG 1957 AFG_12_1957.txt
## 3 AFG 1958 AFG_13_1958.txt
## 4 AFG 1959 AFG_14_1959.txt
## 5 AFG 1960 AFG_15_1960.txt
## 6 AFG 1961 AFG_16_1961.txt
## text
## 1 I consider it a great honour and privilege to share with you the opportunities and responsibilities of the United Nations on this momentous occasion. This world Organization embodies the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the world for peace, prosperity and prospects of a better and more fruitful life, It is our task to reaffirm and to help realize the aims and purposes which are expressed in the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations with a degree of eloquence that only the urgent desire of a generation which had suffered the scourges of two world wars could formulate. It is for us, the representatives of Members of the United Nations, never to become oblivious to the sufferings and experiences which created the urgent desire to pursue the aims and the purposes of the United Nations. We must solemnly rededicate ourselves every day in discharging our functions. We must pledge ourselves to serve humanity. We must persist in our efforts in searching for ways and means of preserving peace. We must promote and safeguard the freedom of individuals and nations and relieve the stark poverty and conditions of starvation which unhappily is the lot of a great segment of the human race.\n54.\tIn order to accomplish these ends, we must push forward the cultural, economic and social development of the under-developed areas of the world through the aid and assistance of the United Nations in all its phases. In the realization of these aims and objectives, happily the moral duties of the peoples of the United Nations, for which their collective conscience acts as their guide, coincides with their collective practical self-interest.\n55.\tPeace with freedom is the prime requisite and the essential and critical condition for nations as well as for individuals in order that they may fully develop their mental, moral and physical potentialities and resources for producing good and desirable results. Only in a world political atmosphere which is free from suspicion, tension and fear of international conflicts and struggles can the fullest development of human and material resources of any nation, and especially of the lesser developed nations, be achieved. It is the solemn duty of the Member nations and their representatives here to search and find ways and means of allaying suspicion and fear among nations and to restore confidence in the ability of this Organization to preserve peace and promote freedom — the necessary conditions for the alleviation of misery, poverty, ignorance and disease in this world.\n56.\tPeace and security must be established on the firm foundations of equality and justice, No self-serving formula of established interests should obscure the issue of the aspirations of the peoples for individual freedom and national independence. In our search for peace, no differences in ideologies or political and economic doctrines, ho differences in faiths and professed beliefs should be allowed to stand in the way. The dangers are so great that no failure can be admitted. The very survival of the human race is at stake. The survival of the human race must have precedence over any narrow national aspirations or ideological issues. We must persist in our hope and work during the session of the General Assembly for the adoption of effective measures to reduce suspicions and fears among nations. We must promote the realization of the aspiration for personal freedom and national independence of the peoples who are still deprived of those basic elementary human rights. We must formulate and adopt effective measures to preserve peace. We must provide favourable conditions for the fullest utilization of technical assistance and find the funds so necessary for development in the under-developed areas of the world.\n57.\tI am sure that our collective dedicated efforts will move aside the apparent mountains of obstacles which seem to lie in the way. I am sure that with our collective dedicated efforts, even in this seventh session of the General Assembly we may be able to take important steps towards the realization of our noble and useful goals.
## 2 It is my privilege to express to you, Mr. President, the congratulations of the Afghanistan delegation on your election, which was so justly and unanimously voted by this Assembly. It is also my privilege to extend to my fellow representatives the greetings of the Royal Afghan Government, as well as its sincerest wishes for the success of the current session of the General Assembly.\n41.\tOur attachment to the United Nations and its Charter and principles and our complete adherence to the principles of human rights and self-determination of the peoples not only are based on ideological grounds but also result from our long experience as a free and small country in the controversial events of modern history. We believe that the peace of the world can be secured only on those bases, and we are certain that our future prosperity depends on peace. In saying that, we are not posing as moralists but, on the contrary, are in all humility expressing our conviction that our fellow Member States are as attached to those principles as we are.\n42.\tThe attitude of the Afghanistan delegation at previous sessions of the Assembly has been inspired by those principles, and that will continue to be the case during the current session. This attitude is not characterized by any kind of opposition towards any country or group of countries, or by any idea which is different from the basic ideal of the United Nations that is, that there should be no distinction among Member States based on geographical considerations.\n43.\tThis world has been the scene of tremendous evolution in the last twelve years. The nationalist movements of the African and Asian continents have been as natural as those of the European and American continents during the last century. Thus, if we have supported those movements, it has been only on the basis of an objective appreciation of that fact and because of our sincere desire that the problems of the world should be settled by mutual understanding and goodwill, and not by violent reactions and bloodshed. We likewise follow the same line today, without an antagonistic or fanatical feelings towards any other country.\n44.\tThe independence of the Federation of Malaya and its admission to the United Nations constitute one of the best examples, not only of the justification of the rightful aspirations of a great nation but also of the generous gesture and appreciation of a great Power, the United Kingdom. Both of them are to be sincerely congratulated, and their examples should be followed in similar cases.\n45.\tWe realize that the United Nations has had its difficulties and that present world problems are considered from many perspectives. We also realize that human problems are very complicated, that national political and economic problems play their role, and that each individual problem cannot be regarded in complete detachment from the currents of world problems. Notwithstanding these difficulties, however, there is no reason why we should not appreciate more the normal evolution of the world.\n46.\tFortunately, we realize that this great Organization, through the zeal of its eminent Secretary-General and its devoted officials, has gone forward along the path traced for it twelve years ago. This is a cause for hope and an evidence of progress; and we believe that through our devotion and adherence to the principles and spirit of the Charter we shall gradually overcome many other difficulties.\n47.\tOur optimism is based on the consciousness of the peoples of the world that, if we are to have peace, there is no alternative but ultimately to identify our respective policies with the spirit of the Charter. Each and every one of us is convinced that another war would bring nothing but the complete annihilation of all that is good, worth-while and beautiful in life - and perhaps of life itself.\n48.\tWe Afghans have no other ambition that to preserve our freedom and to try to ensure the prosperity of our own people in order that they may live as a modern nation in this world. We are attached to our traditions and our spiritual legacy as well as to our Constitution, which is the spontaneous outgrowth of the nature of our own country. We are trying to preserve them, and we are ready, as we have always been, to defend our freedom and integrity - and not only by words. Fortunately, the stability of our position and the sincerity of our neutrality have been tested and proved in the last fifth years, and especially during the two world wars. To develop and modernize our country we need the support and assistance of more developed countries, and we are grateful to receive such aid.\n49.\tWe greatly appreciate the technical assistance we have received from the United Nations; we appreciate it for its own value, as well as for the opportunity it has given us for closer co-operation with this world Organization.\n50.\tAfghanistan believes in the peaceful settlement of international differences and problems, great or small. We have tried in the past, with success, to settle many of our own problems through direct negotiations, the use of good offices, the advice and technical help of our friends, and other peaceful means of conciliation. We are trying now, and shall try in the future, to settle our other problems by the same means, on the basis of objective, unprejudiced consideration and the principles of right and justice.\n51.\tIn our view, as regards all problems of the world where conflicts arise, the ultimate reference of the unsettled problems should be, if ether conciliatory means of settlement fail, to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice. We have many important problems on our agenda this year which will be debated during the present session. The future of the world and the preservation of international peace depend on them. We hope, like everyone here, that those problems will find a satisfactory and just solution in the spirit of the United Nations Charter. To that end we are prepared to contribute in our modest way to facilitating such a solution.
## 3 138.\tBefore using this opportunity to make a statement on behalf of the Government of Afghanistan, I must say that the intervention of the Afghan delegation in the general debate is not merely for the purpose of following a practice which is almost customary on this occasion.\n139.\tWe represent a small nation which is confronted with great problems of its own, and which is concerned with all international problems. The fulfilment of our aspirations and the solution of our problems depend not only on our own efforts but on international peace and co-operation. Therefore, we find it more essential than anybody else to voice our views in the United Nations, an Organization dedicated to the cause of peace and co-operation among nations. We shall not take the time of the General Assembly except to make a few general remarks about the international problems before the Assembly and to acquaint our colleagues with the principles that govern our policy and the spirit with which we shall approach these problems at a time when we find ourselves most concerned about the prevailing tension in different parts of the world.\n140.\tHaving considered the agenda of this session, and having in mind the prevailing world situation, we know that the present session is one of the most important sessions in the history of the United Nations, not only because we are confronted with problems of great importance and significance, but also because of the undeniable fact that most of these problems are in their most important stage.\n141.\tIt is essential that special consideration be given to the standing problems which have appeared repeatedly on the agenda of the General Assembly. We may face recent difficulties with a sense of consolation, and we may cherish a hope that these problems will be solved when they are dealt With by the United Nations. But in regard to problems which we have not been able to solve for many years, we should admit that we will not be in a position to seek excuses or cherish much hope if they are not approached in a more realistic and constructive manner at this session of the General Assembly. It cannot be denied that the solution of these long-standing problems would prevent new situations from arising and would pave the way for better understanding and more constructive international co-operation in areas where such co-operation has hitherto been hampered by the existing political differences.\n142.\tWhile we say this, we must add that due to the circumstances prevailing in different parts of the world, we cannot slur over the fact that the lack of a better understanding at this session might nullify the efforts made by the United Nations at previous sessions in connexion with certain problems, efforts which in certain cases could even have been considered constructive achievements.\n143.\tTo give expression to our concerns, we are compelled to say that the situation in the Middle East, despite the efforts made at the emergency special session of the General Assembly, is still a source of anxiety and perplexity which cannot be ignored by the General Assembly. We are looking forward to a note of encouragement in the report of the Secretary-General, but we do not think that the resolution [1237 (ES-III)] adopted at the emergency special session is adequate to deal with the real causes of anxiety and tension in this area. The serious problems of this most important part of the world cannot be met successfully unless further effective measures are considered by the United Nations with the co-operation of the Arab States. My delegation stated its views on this issue at the emergency special session. The spirit of understanding demonstrated by the Arab States during that session was a source of great encouragement, not only to my delegation, which had expressed the wish that our friends in the Middle East would demonstrate such a spirit, but also to all Members of the United Nations and to people all over the world.\n144.\tThe development of events in Algeria is most discouraging. The analysis of this situation, from our point of view confronts us with two disappointing facts. The first fact is that there is war in Algeria. The second fact is that the General Assembly resolution, adopted without any opposition, has not been implemented so as at least to create a basis for hope of a peaceful solution of this problem.\n145.\tIt is a matter of regret if an unopposed resolution of the General Assembly does not receive the consideration of Member States. The results are more alarming than ever before.\n146.\tWe sincerely hope that the parties concerned will realize even at this late hour the grave consequences involved in a careless consideration of this problem, which is already an issue of a "hot" war between two peoples who have every chance of being close friends, being bound by bonds which can be considered lasting ties between nations, in an age which is "the age of the fulfilment of the aspirations of peoples and the end of Rule by Force".\n147.\tWe cannot think of any people who would be more capable of understanding the Algerian problem than the great people of France, with whom we have always had most friendly relations, a state of affairs which we have always kept in mind in the consideration of all matters, including the question of Algeria, and which we should always like to preserve.\n148.\tWhile the questions of Cyprus and West Irian remain unresolved, we are receiving alarming news from the Far East. It was a source of encouragement, however, when agreement was reached on holding the ambassadorial talks which have begun in Warsaw. We do hope that a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan problem will result from these direct negotiations. Whatever the outcome may be, the spirit and the quick decision of the parties concerned to negotiate should be appreciated. We hope that the same spirit will come to the assistance of the parties directly concerned with the problems of West Irian and Cyprus.\n149. We still note that the stubborn and unjust policies of certain Powers continue in the face of the struggle of millions of people for their natural and legitimate right to independence and their exercise of the right of self-determination. In cherishing these aspirations, these people are no longer alone, as these are the common aspirations of all freedom-loving people and of all those who realize that the peace and security of the world cannot be achieved unless the fundamental right to national Independence is recognized for all peoples and nations.\n150.\tThese common aspirations have been expressed repeatedly by the people of Asia and Africa and have been supported by the majority of the peace-loving nations of the world Inside and outside the United Nations. We wish to state that the Afghan delegation will follow its traditional policy of support of these peoples and will dedicate all its efforts to the cause of the self-determination of all peoples and nations.\n151.\tWe note that the use of force is still in process. Actions and measures destroying stability and disturbing the balance of power in different areas are persistently prevailing and are being initiated in a careless manner. These are' all matters which should receive the serious consideration of the General Assembly.\n152.\tThe important question of economic, social and cultural development of the less advanced areas of the world is one which should receive the consideration it fully deserves. Millions of people in the world are engaged in the difficult task of improving the economic, social and cultural conditions which, in most cases, were imposed upon them by unjust politics and unpleasant events of the past. Afghanistan is one these countries. Therefore we perhaps are in a position to realize more than anyone else the sufferings of these people, for we have learned much from the bitter experiences of the state of war during the last two centuries, which most happily resulted in the preservation of our independence but most unhappily imposed upon us the present economic and social conditions. While we wish to express our real appreciation of United Nations co-operation in this area, we would urge the Assembly to take more effective measures in this direction.\n153.\tAmong the unfortunate factors which have hindered the achievement of satisfactory results in this field is the regrettable competition among nations in the arms race and the lack of confidence which has been standing in the way of disarmament and, consequently, in the way of the advancement of human progress and the maintenance of peace and security.\n154. The obstacles preventing the peaceful uses of new energies for the purpose of achieving a better life for the people of the world are an Integral part of this great impediment to the fulfilment of the common aspirations of man.\n155.\tNo small nation can make a greater contribution than to give expression to its concern on the question of disarmament, as it is a matter which cannot be solved except by the good intentions and the realization of the responsibilities of the big Powers. Nevertheless, it remains a source of great anxiety for all peoples everywhere. We hope that no effort will be spared to achieve satisfactory progress in this field and that this matter will be examined with concern for the welfare of humanity only and without regard to political differences and considerations of strategic positions.\n156.\tWe believe that an agreement on principles on this issue would contribute greatly to peace and stability in the world and, by lessening international tension, would pave the way for further steps which could be taken in the direction of peace and prosperity,\n157.\tWe should share the anxiety of all the people of the world concerning the destructive harm, known and unknown, resulting from radiation caused by nuclear tests, harm which can effect the health and happiness of mankind. In the light of scientific reports, we would find it almost impossible to understand why all nations would not immediately try to reach an agreement on this question. Since the achievement of these goals depends solely on the establishment of understanding and mutual confidence, the necessity of paying urgent consideration to ways and means of making it possible for nations to live in peace is obvious. Basing our views on the important consideration of the Interrelationship of all these matters, we shall support any measures which will create more amicable relationships out of which peace and prosperity could grow.\n158.\tReferences have been made recently to the possible creation of a United Nations peace force. My Government, having the utmost confidence in this Organization and hoping that the United Nations becomes increasingly effective as an Instrument of peace, believes that this idea requires most careful study, particularly in the prevailing international atmosphere. We feel that we should be most careful in our deliberations on this issue, because any hasty or half-considered measures in this field would involve dangers that might affect the Organization directly.\n159.\tWhile we are not prepared to go into the details of this matter at the present stage, we find it essential to mention that in any case the United Nations should deal with it only at the proper time and after thorough examination of the desirability of establishing such a force. The way for a thorough consideration of this matter can be paved only by greater efforts to be undertaken by the United Nations through the Secretary-General.\n160.\tWe believe, in view of all these serious problems which confront the world, that there is only one place to seek a betterment of the conditions, and that place is the United Nations. It is not for one delegation to decide how great the responsibility of the United Nations is, and we should like to see that fact realized by all of us.\n161.\tIt is our understanding that we are here with a spirit and a determination to practise tolerance, to make it possible for nations to live together in peace with one another as good neighbours and to unite their desire and their strength to ensure human brotherhood. Our purposes are set out in the Charter to which we all adhere.\n162.\tOur gatherings in the past, as we believe, have been useful and effective substitutions for war. Our presence here expresses our willingness to discuss, to negotiate and to compromise with each other. Our duty is to make this greatest international democracy of all time a working reality, for the purpose of securing universal justice and equality. Our prestige and success depend on our respect for fundamental human rights, the dignity of the individual, and that of peoples and of nations. This understanding will be the basis of any policy that the Afghan delegation adopts during this session of the General Assembly; Our Interest in the discussions of international affairs will not be limited to those things which affect us directly.\n163.\tWhile we do not believe that, when discussing the relations between peoples and nations, geographical distances deserve sole consideration and while we realize that these distances are mere fictions carried over from earlier days, we attach great importance to the common cultural heritage, common aspirations and mutual bonds of cordial and neighbourly relations which we share with friendly nations in our own part of the world.\n164.\tWhile we adhere firmly to our own ideology, we do not oppose any other ideology. We believe not only in the United Nations but in a united world within the United Nations, a principle which does not permit us to favour the existence of any arrangement or organization which would divide peoples and nations of the world into two or more opposing camps, or policies which would harm the principle of universality of this Organization.\n165.\tWhile we are not opposed to the unity of nations in small or large peaceful groups, dedicated to making more effective contributions towards world peace and security, we do not favour the existence of any blocs or any military alliances, which have proved or will prove to be a possible source of International tension or lack of confidence between the nations of the world.\n166.\tTo give a true expression to the policy of my Government in this connexion, I should immediately add that we have never criticized and we never shall criticize the policies of any Government, nor shall we question what they consider to be the right path in the direction of their interests, but we do hope that all paths of individual or collective policies will lead towards the only true goal, the interest of mankind as a whole. This we believe is the true spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, which we shall keep in mind during the discussion of all questions which arise before this General Assembly.\n167.\tIt is with great faith and a deep conviction In the Principles and Purposes of the United Nations that we greet the thirteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I say this with full awareness of the criticism made of the activities of this Organization, the doubts in the minds of certain sections of the public in almost every country, and the confusion about the effectiveness of the efforts of the United Nations, particularly in the political field. This confusion has emanated partly from the fact that, while the activities of the United Nations in the economic, social and cultural fields are not well known to the public, they have been overshadowed by the heavy clouds of international tension and constant threats to peace and security, enhanced mostly by those who have power over the media of information and propaganda.\n168.\tWe have stated at previous sessions of the General Assembly, and we should like to state again, that our only ambition is to promote the economic, social and cultural conditions in our country and try to become a useful member of the family of nations. We wish to maintain our friendship with all nations of the world, and to achieve our alms in an atmosphere of co-operation, understanding and peace. We wish the fulfilment of this common aspiration for all nations everywhere.\n169.\tOur approach to all questions will be guided by our impartial and independent judgement of international affairs, and our decisions will be made on the merits of the cases which are presented for our consideration. We are doing this with unalterable determination, in spite of a realization of all the difficulties and complications which the solution of human problems always involves. We are aware of all the difficulties which quite normally would confront any gathering of eighty-one nations, but we feel confident that we can still hope and that we can still avoid disappointment.
## 4 69.\tI speak for a small country, Afghanistan, which enjoys friendly relations with all countries. Our peaceful policy is derived from our deep conviction that peace and friendship between peoples and nations are the only conditions in which we can live and work for a better future.\n70.\tOur friendly relations with those with whom we share the same ideology and way of life is a natural outcome of our aspirations. Our friendly relations with those whose ideology and way of life are different from our own are based on our belief in the principle of peaceful and friendly co-existence among peoples and nations of the world. It should be a matter of regret for all of us that we live in a divided world. In this divided world, however, we are associated with one and only one alliance, and that is the United Nations.\n71.\tOur intervention in the general debate is not merely to follow a customary practice, but it derives from the necessity of giving expression to the unbiased, impartial and independent voice of a small country. Whose experiences of the past, conditions of the present and aspirations for the future are typical of all small and particularly less-developed countries.\n72.\tThe fourteenth session of the General Assembly is convened on an important occasion. Important statements have already been made. In all these speeches, a deep desire for peace has been most strongly emphasized. It is a most hopeful reality that the desire for peace is universal, knowing no ideological or political borders.\n73.\tMr. Belaúnde, the distinguished President of the fourteenth session of the (General Assembly, in his opening statement [795th meeting] expressed the hope that this General Assembly would go down in history as the "Assembly of peace". As a representative of a small country I wish to associate my delegation with the hopes he cherished.\n74.\tRealizing that peace is in the custody of the big Powers, it is good to see that certain efforts are being made for lessening international tension. These efforts are a great source of encouragement to all peoples of the world, particularly those of the small countries. Not many events have been so warmly welcomed as have the direct contacts made by leaders of the big Powers. From this, one can derive the true meaning of the aspirations of the people of the world. We only hope that all those on whose wisdom the future of the world depends will be guided in their thoughts, their approach and their actions by unselfishness and a sense of responsibility, not only in their own interest, but in the interest of mankind as a whole.\n75.\tNo peace, in our opinion, without the full protection of all rights and interests and the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of all peoples and nations of the world is peace. On all occasions this is the greatest and the most natural concern of the small countries, for the expression of which there is no better time or place than the General Assembly of the United Nations.\n76.\tHowever, we must say that we are not happy that certain issues which are not on the agenda of the General Assembly at this session have been brought up in the general debate. This has engendered a fear of the continuation of the cold war at a time which was hoped to be a turning-point towards its termination. We sincerely desire that such attempts will not be followed, and that our deliberations in this session will be positive and Constructive and will influence the international situation in bringing the cold war to an end.\n77.\tNo small country can do more than express its concern over the regrettable international situation. Some representatives have stated, and correctly, that the contribution to the solution of world-wide problems by small countries is necessarily a modest one. However, we think that the voice of small countries in a democratic gathering of nations established on the principle of equality is not less than any other voice.\n78.\tWe admit that there are small Powers and big Powers, small countries and large countries, but we do not believe that there is anything like a small or large nation. All nations are equal in their dignity and in their rights, not only here in the United Nations under its Charter, but everywhere and at all times. Therefore we hope that all small countries will realize more than ever their position, particularly here in the United Nations, and will exercise their right to make this Organization work for the welfare of humanity through their independent judgement of all world affairs.\n79.\tWe are confident that with all the concern demonstrated by the big Powers about the welfare of the small countries, particularly those in under-developed areas, these efforts of the small countries will be most welcome. It is with this hope that we would like to state our views before the General Assembly.\n80.\tWe have carefully studied the introduction to the annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/4132/Add.1] particularly the part dealing with the role of the United Nations. We do not wish to express any disagreement with his interpretation of the role of the United Nations in the face of the developments and activities concerning international problems. We do not disagree, because under the circumstances it is a wise interpretation. But we shall not refrain from saying that we would have wished the circumstances to be different, so that this Organization could play its full and rightful role in the peaceful solution of all international problems.\n81.\tTo be satisfied that a certain activity does not go so far as to abolish the aims of the Charter of the United Nations is not enough. What is required is the strengthening of the United Nations by increasing the confidence of Member States in the organization so that they will consider it the best place for the negotiation of all international problems with a view to reaching agreements which will have the support and consent of all nations.\n82.\tIn an age when no nation remains unaffected by any event in any part of the world, it is wrong to think that international problems could be the concern only of a group of nations and not of a world organization, such as the United Nations, dedicated to their Solution.\n83.\tProcesses exclusive of the United Nations can hardly be considered fully consistent with the aims and purposes of the Charter. It is not only the question of such processes which should be considered, but their results and consequences. These concern the small countries, which, with their deep faith in the United Nations, can place their hopes and their confidence only in this Organization. Therefore, it is not very easy to accept as a general rule that the extraorganizational solution of problems of world-wide interest concerning humanity as a whole can be definitely or completely free from implications which would impair the position of the Organization in principle,\n84. Those who have the practical solution of the problems in their custody are obviously not in a weaker position within the United Nations, particularly if their desire to put themselves in a better position to solve a problem is in complete harmony with the aims of the Charter and the interest of the world as a whole.\n85.\tOne of the most important questions which directly concerns the small countries is the question of a United Nations stand-by force. This question was raised in the general debate during the thirteenth session, and it has been touched upon in this session. We stated [755th meeting] that we had utmost confidence in the United Nations, and expressed the hope that it would become increasingly effective as an instrument of peace. But, we added that the question of a United Nations force required more careful study, particularly in the prevailing international circumstances, and that we should be most cautious in our deliberations on this issue, because any hasty measures in this area would involve dangers that would affect the Organization directly. This point of view of the Afghan Government remains unchanged.\n86.\tMoreover, we stated that the United Nations should deal with this matter only at the most proper time and after a thorough examination of the desirability of the establishment of such a force. In the course of the year, we have been convinced by the prevailing international atmosphere that the proper time has not yet arrived. Therefore we are not in a position to commit ourselves to the approval of this idea at the present stage.\n87.\tIt is encouraging that the way for a fresh start in dealing with the disarmament question seems not to be considered closed. We hope that the General Assembly at its present session will express itself on the best method of this fresh start, paying more attention to the anxieties of all nations.\n88.\tExcept for a hot war which will bring destruction to all, the cold war is obviously the greatest source of anxiety from which the small countries suffer more than anyone else. The continuation of the cold war, therefore, means the continuation of this suffering for us. The arms race does not only affect the economic and social progress of the small countries, but in the field of nuclear competition the small countries, which have almost no means of protection, are more exposed to the dangers which threaten the world as a whole. Therefore the question of disarmament is of much more importance to us in the termination of the cold war and the strengthening of hopes for a lasting peace.\n89.\tThe Afghan delegation welcomes the spirit of the proposals advanced [A/4219] for complete disarmament by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. We think these proposals are basic and comprehensive, and we hope that their serious consideration by the United Nations will pave the way for more fruitful discussions on this long-standing, problem, which has a direct bearing on world peace and security. We hope that all States will judge the problem on its merits only, and will consider these proposals as an encouraging basis for the negotiation of this highly important and vital problem. The Afghan delegation would also wholeheartedly welcome any other initiative that would bring about a complete disarmament as soon as possible, or that would facilitate a general agreement on this most important question in all its aspects.\n90.\tWhile it is gratifying that the nuclear Powers have announced that the ban on the testing of nuclear weapons will be extended, it is regrettable that the complete cessation of nuclear tests has not been agreed upon. We hope that the General Assembly at its present session will emphasize the necessity of agreement on this point without any delay. The idea of stopping the spread of nuclear weapons should receive the strong support of all nations of the world, and should not be conditional upon anything, including a general agreement on disarmament, even in its most ideal form. The humanitarian aspect of the problem should not be overshadowed by the political differences which, however great they may be, are too small when compared with the importance of the preservation of the human race.\n91. We strongly support the appeal of the African nations for the prevention of the intended atomic tests in the Sahara. This question is not only a source of anxiety for the people of Africa, but for the majority of the population of the world, and should be most seriously considered by the United Nations.\n92.\tThe penetration of man into outer space and the use of outer space only for peaceful and scientific purposes should be approached with a universal outlook, which is not possible unless all developments are the sole concern of the United Nations.\n93.\tNo Member of the United Nations, having a deep conviction in’ the right of peoples and nations to independence, can strike a happier note in this General Assembly than to speak of the progress made toward independence in the Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories of Africa. We are looking forward to seeing the new States occupy their rightful place in the community of sovereign nations.\n94.\tThis happiness, however, is a mere flash of light on the horizon of the lives of many peoples, which has been darkened for centuries by the deprivation of peoples and nations of their legitimate right to independence. The real day of happiness bas not yet dawned, and indeed cannot, until all peoples and nations, whose aspirations for independence are suppressed in many ways and forms, achieve their goal, and colonialism is abolished in all its forms, wherever it exists.\n95.\tThe contribution already made by the new Member States in the United Nations leaves no doubt that the independence of the dependent peoples is not only the recognition of the highest aspirations of man for freedom from domination, but also that it benefits the peoples of the world as a whole. The unjust policies of certain countries must inevitably give way to the legitimate rights of the people for self-determination and independence.\n96.\tGratification has been voiced for the solution of the Cyprus problem. We would like to associate ourselves with this expression. The solution of the Cyprus issue is an example of a constructive approach to complicated problems in the United Nations. The efforts made by the parties in this direction should be highly appreciated.\n97.\tWe hope that a satisfactory solution of the West Irian question will follow as soon as possible,\n98.\tIt is most regrettable, however, that the developments in connexion with the solution of the Algerian problem are still most discouraging. To most of us it should be surprising enough that while we hear lofty voices of peace, and hear of the desire to end the cold war, no encouraging concern has been expressed about the Algerian people and the hot war which continues there. The constructive approach of many Members of the United Nations has not received the unanimous support it deserves.\n99.\tWe do understand the difficulties with which ye are confronted on certain problems, but it is regrettable to see that situations of greater importance are sometimes overshadowed, while attention is forcefully drawn to comparatively minor issues. The adoption of such a policy by an individual country in its own interest might be understandable, but is most discouraging when not abolished by an Organization like the United Nations, particularly on a matter of hot war. We hope that in this General Assembly where attempts made to thaw the cold war have been highly praised, more attention will be paid to ending the hot war in Algeria.\n100.\tThe recent statement of policy made in Paris by the President of the French Republic has attracted the attention it deserves all over the world. We are confident that it will also receive the consideration of the Algerian leaders who have been so bravely fighting for the cause of independence of their country. Afghanistan has always supported the right of peoples and nations to self-determination and to independence everywhere., In this case also, we hold the same opinion. But we must add that the desire of the Algerian people for independence is clear, and their determination has been declared by the rightful leaders of Algeria. We do not think that the Solution of the Algerian problem should be based solely on the declaration of intentions by France. Whatever measures to be taken should be dependent on peaceful negotiations between France and the rightful leaders of Algeria, with a view to reaching a complete understanding on the restoration of an honourable peace and the realization of the legitimate rights of the Algerian people to decide their own destiny.\n101.\tIn these considerations the United Nations should fully realize its responsibilities. We' should remind the General Assembly of the many outstanding examples of political arrangements after the Second World War, where the fate of peoples and nations has been at stake. We are particularly alarmed about Such situations when they arise because similar examples exist in our own part of the world.\n102.\tOne of the most dangerous ways of solving such problems is through the partition of countries and their division, or the annexation of territories without the free consent of the people themselves. Such methods have always given rise to difficulties in the future which have damaged peaceful and friendly relations between peoples and nations. I do not think that there is any necessity to enumerate these examples. But we would like to state clearly that in the consideration of the Algerian question this point should not be ignored.\n103.\tNegotiations cannot be fair and just unless they are without restrictions and conditions, and in harmony with the dignity and honour of the parties concerned. It would, be most unrealistic to think that a war could end peacefully by ignoring one of the parties in the dispute. It will be premature to go further into this matter at the present stage, but we would like to state that the people of Algeria, who have struggled so bravely for their independence, will have our full support in the United Nations when this question is discussed.\n104.\tWe have been deeply impressed by the concern shown for the welfare of under-developed countries by all those who are in a position to continue their assistance through international co-operation for the promotion of economic and social conditions in these areas. As a representative of a small country in a less developed area, however, it is our duty to draw the attention of the Members of the General Assembly to the fact that the appreciation of these gratifying statements has not been completely free from certain anxieties.\n105.\tCertain forms of international co-operation, being a direct result of political and military pacts and alliances, have caused serious tensions in these areas. We want to make it clear that we do not wish to criticize any policies of any individual country or group of countries in any respect, but it should not be left unsaid that when other countries are affected by such policies, they are forced to give expression to their anxieties in the interest of peace and the maintenance of friendly relations between peoples and nations. This becomes more important when we see that even some international bodies have also been affected by such policies.\n106.\tThe impact of such policies, influenced by favouritism, has affected the progress of the less developed countries to a great extent, and has already disturbed the balance of positions among the countries of the region. It has damaged the principle of justice and. even equitable distribution of assistance to meet greater and more urgent needs in the case of certain countries. It has diverted the attention of these countries from concentration on the promotion of their economic and social conditions, in the direction of unnecessary measures forced upon them to meet the threats to their security with which they have been confronted.\n107.\tThere is no doubt that the work of the United Nations in the economic and social fields, which is so often obscured by the political aspects of its activities, has taken on a new significance. The realization of the importance of the development of under-developed countries has led to intensified activity. But still the needs of the under-developed countries are enormous while the means at their disposal are so limited.\n108.\tThe United Nations Technical Assistance Programme is rendering great service. The recently established Special Fund is making a good beginning on a new co-operative venture that holds out great promise for the future. However the need of less developed countries for a capital development fund is not yet realized. It is hoped that a capital development fund will be established soon, as this is the missing link in the chain of international financial organizations dedicated to economic and social progress.\n109.\tThe increasing area of under-development is an additional cause for concern. The most needy countries are likely to be most affected by the new tasks the United Nations will have to undertake in new areas, unless additional resources are found. It should be noted that the sources of aid, old and new, seem to ameliorate conditions in countries which have already made great strides toward advancement, while the most needy countries find it difficult and sometimes even impossible to meet the terms of assistance. Thus while some countries forge ahead, others meet increasing problems in gaining assistance.\n110.\tOn his return from a visit to various countries in Asia, the Secretary-General noted that although some improvement had been realized, the economic progress in under-developed countries was painfully slow. We deem it necessary to say that the examples of improvement are not a great source of encouragement, especially in view of the insufficiency of the response to the requirements of the under-developed countries and the lack of a sense of urgency in meeting these needs.\n111.\tThe recent trips of the Secretary-General to many countries in various continents constituted one of the most useful undertakings of the United Nations, leading toward a correct understanding of real situations, particularly in the less developed countries. We hope that the Secretary-General will continue his policy of direct contact with the Member States, and that he will receive the co-operation of Governments on matters which will bring about more fruitful conditions for all. However, as long, as the present difficulties are not met, one can hardly hope that the goals of the organizations set up for these purposes can be achieved.\n112.\tThe sincerity of all those countries whose delegations have expressed their interest in the promotion of conditions in the under-developed areas is appreciated, but more understanding of the points of view which can truly be presented by those who represent these under-developed countries is required.\n113.\tIt is the small under-developed country which suffers most under the prevailing situation. Afghanistan is one of these small countries. Our backward condition, unlike most countries in our part of the world, is not the result of domination by others, but is the outcome of years of war against domination in defence of freedom, which has been preserved at all costs, particularly the cost of development.\n114.\tOur pride in this achievement is not lessened by the economic conditions in which we find ourselves today. We are determined to give the same energies now, if we are left at peace, to our economic and social development as we did to our political independence. It is a part of our determination to accept only the assistance which is truly devoted to the betterment of conditions within our country, free from any other considerations whatsoever. It is for this reason that the United Nations assistance is so desired, and the strengthening of this Organization has become our most sincere desire.\n115.\tThe difficulties which confront the United Nations are great, but the hope of the peoples of the world is surely strong enough to overcome them. We hope that in this General Assembly, in the consideration of the reports that the Assembly will receive in these fields, due attention will be paid to these issues.\n116.\tIn conclusion, Mr. President, I would like to state that it is a great privilege to take this opportunity to associate myself with those representatives who have congratulated you on your election as President of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly, and above all, we wish that the hope you expressed as President of the General Assembly will be fulfilled, and that this Assembly will go down in history as the "Assembly of peace".
## 5 At the outset, Mr. President, allow me to extend to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the important and responsible post of the Presidency of the present session, and to wish you success in achieving the aims and purposes of the Charter, for which the General Assembly has been convened.\n71.\tIt is a source of great pleasure for us that the inauguration of this session has been marked by a most important and historic event, the increase in the membership of the United Nations. I wish once again to extend the sincere welcome of the Afghan people and Government to the representatives of these fourteen nations and, through them, to their peoples and Governments.\n72.\tWith the increased number of Members the Organization is approaching the ideal of universality. We hope that this forum of independent voices of mankind will be completed soon through the attainment of independence by the dependent peoples, and that it will lead to the realization of a united, free world in the true sense. It is our fervent hope that the Organization will thus become a power strong enough to overcome the difficulties confronting mankind, in the interest of humanity, on the basis of justice and equality, and for the preservation of a peace founded upon the legitimate rights of individuals and nations.\n73.\tIn this connexion we believe that the right of the People's Republic of China to its rightful place in the United Nations should be implemented without any further delay. This belief does not emanate only from the fact that China is our neighbour, and that we have diplomatic relations with China. It is based also upon the fact that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the only legitimate government representing the Chinese people. The exclusion of this great nation from the United Nations is in no way in the interest of the Organization, and is in fact a denial of the principle of universality of the United Nations.\n74.\tThe meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations is certainly the most important international event. At this session special interest has been demonstrated by the Member States in the solution of the great problems confronting the Organization, and therefore the occasion is more momentous. The significance of such an occasion calls, before everything else, for an increased sense of responsibility and an unselfish attitude and approach which would be in the interest of mankind; The occasion can bring about a great many constructive and fruitful results, but failure to use such an opportunity for constructive ends could lead to most discouraging consequences.\n75.\tIn the face of the threat-to humanity, the shifting of blame from one side to another will neither shift the responsibility for unfavourable consequences nor save anyone from the destructive results which will be ultimately universal.\n76.\tOur failures in the past, outside the United Nations, should in no way deprive us of cherishing the hope that this Organization, set up for peaceful negotiations, will provide everyone with the means of better understanding, particularly the big Powers, who can better hear the cry of humanity for peace and prosperity. These failures have been rightly deplored, but, welcoming the most important and indeed greatly significant fact that the United Nations is the ultimate repository of world problems, we hope for the peaceful solution of even the most complicated problems.\n77.\tThere are many issues before us — all of them the great concern of the United Nations and all its Members — which will be discussed by the General Assembly in due course. At this stage, however, I shall confine myself to a few most urgent points.\n78.\tI speak strictly for a small, peace-loving country, with a most impartial and independent position in international affairs, having the deepest conviction in the United Nations, the only alliance to which we belong under its Charter, where our record is well known, and our friendship with all cannot be questioned. We are confident, therefore, that our views will be considered in the most friendly spirit in which we express them.\n79.\tThe greatest and most natural concern of the small countries is the prevailing international tension and the continuation of the "cold war". There is no doubt that the lessening of international tension, mostly caused by ideological differences and political interests, is in the custody of the big Powers. In the United Nations, however, that division greatly concerns the small countries which comprise the majority. The responsibility of these countries, therefore, cannot and should not be underestimated, either by themselves or by the big Powers. Not only are these countries desirous of making a positive contribution to the cause of peace, but they are capable of doing so and we hope that they will give to the Assembly the benefit of their independent judgement of world affairs.\n80.\tIn our opinion, the most urgent task before the Assembly, in the present circumstances, is to concentrate on the Ways and means of eliminating the fundamental causes which have created the international problems and on the factors which have delayed their solution, rather than to attempt the solution of the problems directly, without the preparation of a healthy atmosphere which could mean the end of the cold war. There is obviously no other way than to address, on behalf of the General Assembly, an urgent appeal to the big Powers to enter immediately into peaceful negotiations to this end.\n81.\tEach day brings with it further proof that peaceful coexistence among peoples and nations is imperative. The failure to recognize this fact would lead to a complete deterioration of the international situation, with grave and even disastrous consequences. The United Nations is in itself the highest expression that mankind has given to this principle, after suffering from disastrous experiences. Therefore, the failure of the United Nations to implement this principle would be the greatest source of discouragement to all peace-loving peoples of the world.\n82.\tThe only position from which it will be possible to realize the peaceful aspirations of man and the security and prosperity of the world is the position of mutual confidence among all, particularly among those who otherwise could choose the, position of strength. While it is certain that the opportunity provided by this session can be used for greater results, the least that can be expected is that everything should be done to avoid further deterioration of the international situation. The solution of the problem of disarmament depends solely on the confidence of the big Powers in each other and on their good will towards humanity. The importance of the issue to the small countries, however, is in no way diminished by this consideration.\n83.\tLast year when the question came before the General Assembly, we stated that we welcomed the proposals advanced for complete disarmament by the Government of this Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which were referred to as basic and comprehensive. We stated also that we would welcome wholeheartedly any other initiative, regardless of its source, which would lead in the direction of disarmament.\n84.\tThe proposals of the United States do not differ in principle from the course directed to general and complete disarmament. Therefore there is a great margin of agreement on the basic issues. It is encouraging that the leaders of the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have expressed their willingness to resume negotiations. This is greatly appreciated. The achievement of this goal will not only answer the expectations of the smaller countries' in the United Nations but will respond to the aspirations of millions of people who await the fruitful results of this important gathering.\n85.\tWe adhere to our view that, in any measures that may be taken, the importance of the consideration that the goal should remain total disarmament, under effective international control and inspection, should be stressed, and at the same time practical steps, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons, should not be further delayed.\n86.\tThe question of disarmament is essentially and primarily the responsibility of the United Nations. This fact is iso recognized by the big Powers. It can he said with hope that the General Assembly could succeed in taking certain measures which would compensate for the failure of efforts that have been made outside the United Nations.\n87.\tWe adhere also to our view that a world without arms would be a new order in the life of nations. In any new order, the secure position of the small countries themselves is of utmost importance to us. We highly appreciate the references to the effect that as a result of disarmament more assistance would be available to the under-developed areas of the world, but we would like to add immediately that, although our needs are enormous, our primary concern continues to be the maintenance of peace and security, the only condition in which the under-developed countries can hope for the fulfilment of their desire for a better life. We believe that, as long as the domination of one nation by another is not abolished in all its forms, neither the abolition of arms, nor economic assistance on any scale will complete the happiness to which man is entitled by his right to independence and dignity.\n88.\tThis session of the General Assembly, at which we have admitted a great number of independent States, offers us a unique opportunity to concentrate our efforts on the realization of the aspirations of the dependent peoples. The progress made in this field is encouraging but by no means satisfactory. No one can rightly be content as long as there are dependent peoples in this world. The policies of certain countries must inevitably give way to the right of self-determination and independence for these peoples.\n89.\tThe situation in connexion with the problem of Algerians — one of these peoples — is most deplorable. It would be unnatural to speak of ending the cold war, and express no concern over the hot war continuing in Algeria. The deliberate delay in the peaceful solution of this problem, on the part of the French Government, is most alarming. It will be a matter of great regret if certain major issues, like the Algerian issue, are overshadowed by other problems merely because those problems have arisen more recently. We hope that the General Assembly will give high priority, at this session, to the consideration of the Algerian problem in the light of the most discouraging new developments and that it will take appropriate measures to implement Its resolutions, recommendations and hopes for a peaceful solution of the question. We hope that this year, which has been referred to as the year of Africa, will have in it the dawn of the independence of Algeria, without which the African horizon will remain clouded by colonialism.\n90.\tThe Algerians have agreed to a solution based on the right of self-determination, a right which the French had accepted in principle. We maintain high hopes that the legitimate aspirations of all peoples will be realized, and we are happy to see that the triumph of self-determination, without which peace cannot be maintained, is a real source of pride for foe peoples of the United Nations. But this pride cannot be fully enjoyed if it is recognized in certain cases and denied in others,\n91.\tThe most disturbing events in the Republic of the Congo, now a Member State, have been the concern of the United Nations in more than one respect. We supported the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its emergency session [1474 (ES-IV)], with the hope that the assistance of the United Nations, in the light of the experiences gained by the Organization since its involvement with the problems of this young State, would serve the purpose of stability and of law and order in this unhappy country. In any measures that may be taken in this connexion, we would Stress the fact that all the Members of the Organization should give the utmost consideration to the significance of United Nations prestige, which is so directly involved.\n92.\tThe constructive contribution of the independent African States in this matter is undoubtedly of special significance. The countries of Asia have always, in the spirit of solidarity among African-Asian nations, demonstrated their concern over the situations in the African continent and have contributed to the cause of the peoples of Africa. We hope that, before long, the people of the Congo will be able to have the representatives of their rightful Government participating in the United Nations.\n93.\tReferences have been made to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the Middle East, a region to which Afghanistan belongs. The expression by these countries of their desire for friendly relations is a source of satisfaction to us. No country has ever been more ready to respond to the call of friendship and neighbourly relations than Afghanistan. We have followed, and shall follow, this policy as the fundamental basis of our international relations with all countries, particularly with our neighbours. In this connexion, however, I should add that the elimination of differences cannot be achieved except by serious efforts, through peaceful negotiations, for the solution of the problems which have caused friction between the countries of this region.\n94.\tWe wish to maintain good and friendly relations with all our neighbours, and therefore we sincerely respond to the spirit of amity voiced here by the distinguished representative of Iran [870th meeting].\n95.\tWe have studied the annual report of the Secretary-General [A/4390 and Add.1], containing many important ideas, all of which, as I said at the beginning, can be taken up by the General Assembly at the proper stages of its work. There is one point, however, to which I should like to refer now, and that is the question of the development of the under-developed countries. The views of Afghanistan on this matter have been made known in the General Assembly and also in the Economic and Social Council. The responsibility of the United Nations in this connexion, regarding the new areas of under-development, has been rightly recognized. But special consideration as to its effect on other areas of responsibility is required.
## 6 ): It is not to follow a customary practice but rather to express a real feeling that I wish to congratulate you on your election, Mr. President. The unanimous vote of the General Assembly is recognition of your high qualifications and the esteem your person deserves as one in whom such confidence can be placed for the fulfilment of a task which is particularly important in the prevailing circumstances.\n35.\tWe were deeply impressed when on assuming your duties as President of the General Assembly you expressed the feelings of the Members of the United Nations on the tragic and untimely death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. I have already associated myself with the tribute you paid to his memory, but at this particular moment I ask your permission to allow me to convey the heartfelt sorrow and sympathy of His Majesty the King, the Government and the people of Afghanistan to the Members of the General Assembly, the members of the Secretariat and to Mr. Hammarskjold's family and Ms friends.\n36.\tThis message of condolence is also extended to the Swedish Mission to the United Nations and to all those who are related to the devoted members of the United Nations Secretariat who died with the Secretary-General in the line of duty. It is an expression of our deep respect for men who have died serving the cause of peace, the ultimate goal of mankind, for the achievement of which the United Nations is the only existing human institution.\n37.\tThis session of the General Assembly is being held at a critical moment in international affairs. The threat to peace is no longer a fear of war as we have known it in the past. The situation is pregnant with the fear of total destruction. The world is no longer confronted with events which might one day become a source of great anxiety to humanity. We are now faced with a concrete situation in which mankind is living in the shadow of war. This is not an imagined fear, for the possibility of war has been explicitly recognized here by those nations powerful enough to make the possibility a tragic reality.\n38.\tIn such circumstances it is not proper for any responsible individual — and it is even less proper for any assembly of nations — to spend one moment on anything but the most serious efforts to prevent a further deterioration of the situation.\n39.\tMy delegation is particularly disturbed by the attitude demonstrated by the big Powers in their statements during this session: while fully realizing the dangers involved in the present undesirable development of international affairs and while strongly expressing their desire for peace, they have explicitly spoken of the might and power at their disposal. We found that most alarming because the very demonstration of force can well lead to the provocation of its implementation.\n40.\tAdmitting that the weak and the powerless do not have effective means of bringing about tangible results, the small countries which make up the majority of the population of the world and the majority of voices in this Organization cannot be deprived of at least one right that they still possess. That is to initiate a course of consideration and action in the General Assembly at this session. These countries should demand from the powerful countries a pledge to refrain from any action that would create or increase the possibility of the use of force in any circumstances. While one might agree with those who think that such a demand by the weak for such a pledge from the powerful might not serve any practical purpose, one cannot possibly agree that such a demand for such a pledge is not most essential. In our view, that is the first task of this session of the General Assembly.\n41.\tThe second task in the prevailing circumstances should be the realization that while all of us recognize the existence of many important problems with which the United Nations should deal, it is very urgent that the major political problems of the world, on the solution of which depends the possibility of solving other problems, should receive the immediate attention of the General Assembly during this session. There are ninety-one items on the agenda of this session. The fact that these items have been included in the agenda is sufficient recognition of their importance. At the same time, however, every one of us realizes that a constructive solution to most of these issues is not possible without the creation of the kind of atmosphere which can be expected to prevail only if the efforts of the United Nations are concentrated on the major world problems. There are certain items the discussion of which intensifies international tension and the cold war, which is gradually becoming warmer. My delegation would therefore wish that the General Assembly, having recognized the importance of the items by including them in the agenda, would, in dealing with the problems, reach an understanding temporarily to defer a discussion of them until it had dealt with the major problems, within the limits of a careful analysis of the possibilities at its disposal. That, of course, applies only to the controversial political items.\n42.\tIn our view, the major problems confronting the world are the following: the discontinuance of the cold war and the lessening of international tension, and the substitution therefore of peaceful coexistence and international co-operation; the discontinuance of the arms race, and the institution of general and complete disarmament; the discontinuance of war and bloodshed where they exist at present and particularly the war and bloodshed that has resulted from colonial aggression, through negotiations; and the settlement of the situation in Berlin — although this last question is not yet on the agenda of this session. Those are the major problems confronting the world. To them should be added the problem of concentrating our efforts on solving the situation that has arisen as a result of the sudden death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold and the problem of the structure of the United Nations. The representation of China in the United Nations is of course basic to a solution of the latter issue.\n43.\tI have no intention of elaborating at this stage of the general debate on these or other problems that will be discussed during this session — partly because our views on them are known, and basically, because we shall have a chance to express ourselves on them when they come up for discussion.\n44.\tI hope that our basic views on how to approach the present unfortunate situation in international affairs are clear to our colleagues. As a small country, we have no force behind the thoughts we have expressed except our good intentions, derived from our aspirations for peace, and our expectation that the Members of the Assembly, especially the peace- loving small countries, will take note of the seriousness of the situation and seek ways and means which would secure the interests of humanity as a whole. We do not wish to insist that our own way of thinking be generally accepted, but we do insist that if the United Nations is to serve the cause of world peace each Member of it should consider, the interests of the entire world as paramount in the present crisis. Only by such breadth of vision can the United Nations make that constructive contribution to the solution of world problems for which this Assembly has been convened.\n45.\tBefore concluding, I would like to express our general views on one point which should be recognized as the most urgent task of this session, namely the question of how to meet the situation in which this Organization finds itself in the absence of a Secretary- General. Being well aware of the complexity of the matter in the prevailing circumstances and hoping that an agreement will be reached at the end of the current negotiations, it is our considered opinion that it is far from desirable for anyone to insist upon any controversial position on this matter. Unless full agreement is reached, no hurried measures should be allowed to be taken in the name of urgency. While the urgency of the matter should be emphasized, the lasting interest of the United Nations as an effective world organ for international harmony should not be sacrificed as a result of a psychologically disturbing situation which can easily mislead us and can bring about more difficulties. We cannot allow ourselves to fail to search thoroughly the avenues of an agreement satisfactory to all. In our view, it is better not to make a final decision on this matter in the rush imposed upon us by certain difficulties with which we admit we are confronted. An interim arrangement has been suggested. The Afghan delegation favours this view in principle. Any provisional arrangement which would bring about a unanimous understanding will be acceptable to my delegation. In the case of disagreement, we shall take a stand in the face of the compelling circumstances which we should not like to foresee at this stage.\n46.\tThere is, however, an exceptional urgency realized by all of us as to the responsibilities of the\nUnited Nations in connexion with the situation in the Congo. To meet this particular urgency, the Afghan delegation thinks that in the case of a disagreement on the matter of filling the post of the Secretary- General on a temporary basis, with a clear understanding that this temporary arrangement will not affect final positions, it would be more advisable to try to reach an agreement on a provisional arrangement that would enable the United Nations to function effectively in the performance of its responsibilities in the Congo only.\n47.\tThe creation of such an authority, under the direction of the Security Council, should be considered possible, while at the same time the Security Council should be continuously seized of finding a solution, as soon, as possible, in the interest of the Organization, for filling the post of the Secretary-General.\n48.\tThe guiding principle in: our thoughts is a stronger United Nations emerging from the present crisis. This goal cannot be achieved without the tolerance, patience and understanding needed for securing full support of all Members of the United Nations for any decision.\n49.\tIn conclusion, I would like to emphasize that if the United Nations is expected to be able to fulfil ,\\ts primary task for the cause of peace, every individual Member of the Organization should avoid a hostile attitude in the interest of the restless and troubled world. The United Nations, to which we belong and in which we have the deepest conviction, is not meant to invite the cold war into the already shaking Organization, or to send the cold war out to the already shivering world.\n\n \n
## session dem_bi country IdealPointAll vdem_gender democratic_performance_name
## 1 7 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 2 12 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 3 13 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 4 14 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 5 15 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## 6 16 NA <NA> NA NA <NA>
## major_power regime_status_name nonwest gaiscore country_name lsd_net_sent
## 1 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan 29
## 2 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan 45
## 3 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan 58
## 4 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan 98
## 5 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan 59
## 6 NA <NA> NA NA Afghanistan -11
## topic topic_title Country.Name
## 1 2 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 2 2 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 3 2 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 4 2 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 5 2 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 6 2 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## GDP per capita (constant 2015 US$) Gini index
## 1 <NA> <NA>
## 2 <NA> <NA>
## 3 <NA> <NA>
## 4 <NA> <NA>
## 5 <NA> <NA>
## 6 <NA> <NA>
## Employers, total (% of total employment) (modeled ILO estimate)
## 1 <NA>
## 2 <NA>
## 3 <NA>
## 4 <NA>
## 5 <NA>
## 6 <NA>
## Indicator Name
## 1 <NA>
## 2 <NA>
## 3 <NA>
## 4 <NA>
## 5 <NA>
## 6 <NA>
write.csv(un, file = "un_final.csv", row.names = TRUE) # UN data set w. sentiment and LDA
write.csv(un_top_terms, file = "topics_top10terms.csv", row.names = TRUE) # Topic top 10 terms
Topic 1: International Development & Economic Inequality Topic 2: Africa & the Global South Topic 3: The Middle East Topic 4: War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Topic 5: Peacebuilding & Disarmament Topic 6: Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals Topic 7: Peacekeeping Operations Topic 8: The Cold War Topic 9: Island Nations Topic 10: International Cooperation
Reading in data
# Number of speeches by topic
un2 <- read.csv("un_final.csv")
un2 %>% head(100)
## X ccodealp year doc_id
## 1 1 AFG 1952 AFG_07_1952.txt
## 2 2 AFG 1957 AFG_12_1957.txt
## 3 3 AFG 1958 AFG_13_1958.txt
## 4 4 AFG 1959 AFG_14_1959.txt
## 5 5 AFG 1960 AFG_15_1960.txt
## 6 6 AFG 1961 AFG_16_1961.txt
## 7 7 AFG 1962 AFG_17_1962.txt
## 8 8 AFG 1963 AFG_18_1963.txt
## 9 9 AFG 1964 AFG_19_1964.txt
## 10 10 AFG 1965 AFG_20_1965.txt
## 11 11 AFG 1966 AFG_21_1966.txt
## 12 12 AFG 1968 AFG_23_1968.txt
## 13 13 AFG 1969 AFG_24_1969.txt
## 14 14 AFG 1971 AFG_26_1971.txt
## 15 15 AFG 1972 AFG_27_1972.txt
## 16 16 AFG 1973 AFG_28_1973.txt
## 17 17 AFG 1974 AFG_29_1974.txt
## 18 18 AFG 1975 AFG_30_1975.txt
## 19 19 AFG 1976 AFG_31_1976.txt
## 20 20 AFG 1977 AFG_32_1977.txt
## 21 21 AFG 1978 AFG_33_1978.txt
## 22 22 AFG 1979 AFG_34_1979.txt
## 23 23 AFG 1980 AFG_35_1980.txt
## 24 24 AFG 1981 AFG_36_1981.txt
## 25 25 AFG 1982 AFG_37_1982.txt
## 26 26 AFG 1983 AFG_38_1983.txt
## 27 27 AFG 1984 AFG_39_1984.txt
## 28 28 AFG 1985 AFG_40_1985.txt
## 29 29 AFG 1986 AFG_41_1986.txt
## 30 30 AFG 1987 AFG_42_1987.txt
## 31 31 AFG 1988 AFG_43_1988.txt
## 32 32 AFG 1989 AFG_44_1989.txt
## 33 33 AFG 1990 AFG_45_1990.txt
## 34 34 AFG 1991 AFG_46_1991.txt
## 35 35 AFG 1992 AFG_47_1992.txt
## 36 36 AFG 1993 AFG_48_1993.txt
## 37 37 AFG 1994 AFG_49_1994.txt
## 38 38 AFG 1995 AFG_50_1995.txt
## 39 39 AFG 1996 AFG_51_1996.txt
## 40 40 AFG 1997 AFG_52_1997.txt
## 41 41 AFG 1998 AFG_53_1998.txt
## 42 42 AFG 1999 AFG_54_1999.txt
## 43 43 AFG 2000 AFG_55_2000.txt
## 44 44 AFG 2001 AFG_56_2001.txt
## 45 45 AFG 2002 AFG_57_2002.txt
## 46 46 AFG 2003 AFG_58_2003.txt
## 47 47 AFG 2004 AFG_59_2004.txt
## 48 48 AFG 2005 AFG_60_2005.txt
## 49 49 AFG 2006 AFG_61_2006.txt
## 50 50 AFG 2007 AFG_62_2007.txt
## 51 51 AFG 2008 AFG_63_2008.txt
## 52 52 AFG 2009 AFG_64_2009.txt
## 53 53 AFG 2010 AFG_65_2010.txt
## 54 54 AFG 2011 AFG_66_2011.txt
## 55 55 AFG 2012 AFG_67_2012.txt
## 56 56 AFG 2013 AFG_68_2013.txt
## 57 57 AFG 2014 AFG_69_2014.txt
## 58 58 AFG 2015 AFG_70_2015.txt
## 59 59 AFG 2016 AFG_71_2016.txt
## 60 60 AFG 2017 AFG_72_2017.txt
## 61 61 AFG 2018 AFG_73_2018.txt
## 62 62 AFG 2019 AFG_74_2019.txt
## 63 63 AFG 2020 AFG_75_2020.txt
## 64 64 AGO 1977 AGO_32_1977.txt
## 65 65 AGO 1978 AGO_33_1978.txt
## 66 66 AGO 1980 AGO_35_1980.txt
## 67 67 AGO 1981 AGO_36_1981.txt
## 68 68 AGO 1982 AGO_37_1982.txt
## 69 69 AGO 1983 AGO_38_1983.txt
## 70 70 AGO 1984 AGO_39_1984.txt
## 71 71 AGO 1985 AGO_40_1985.txt
## 72 72 AGO 1986 AGO_41_1986.txt
## 73 73 AGO 1987 AGO_42_1987.txt
## 74 74 AGO 1988 AGO_43_1988.txt
## 75 75 AGO 1989 AGO_44_1989.txt
## 76 76 AGO 1990 AGO_45_1990.txt
## 77 77 AGO 1991 AGO_46_1991.txt
## 78 78 AGO 1992 AGO_47_1992.txt
## 79 79 AGO 1993 AGO_48_1993.txt
## 80 80 AGO 1994 AGO_49_1994.txt
## 81 81 AGO 1995 AGO_50_1995.txt
## 82 82 AGO 1996 AGO_51_1996.txt
## 83 83 AGO 1997 AGO_52_1997.txt
## 84 84 AGO 1998 AGO_53_1998.txt
## 85 85 AGO 1999 AGO_54_1999.txt
## 86 86 AGO 2000 AGO_55_2000.txt
## 87 87 AGO 2001 AGO_56_2001.txt
## 88 88 AGO 2002 AGO_57_2002.txt
## 89 89 AGO 2003 AGO_58_2003.txt
## 90 90 AGO 2004 AGO_59_2004.txt
## 91 91 AGO 2005 AGO_60_2005.txt
## 92 92 AGO 2006 AGO_61_2006.txt
## 93 93 AGO 2007 AGO_62_2007.txt
## 94 94 AGO 2008 AGO_63_2008.txt
## 95 95 AGO 2009 AGO_64_2009.txt
## 96 96 AGO 2010 AGO_65_2010.txt
## 97 97 AGO 2011 AGO_66_2011.txt
## 98 98 AGO 2012 AGO_67_2012.txt
## 99 99 AGO 2013 AGO_68_2013.txt
## 100 100 AGO 2014 AGO_69_2014.txt
## text
## 1 I consider it a great honour and privilege to share with you the opportunities and responsibilities of the United Nations on this momentous occasion. This world Organization embodies the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the world for peace, prosperity and prospects of a better and more fruitful life, It is our task to reaffirm and to help realize the aims and purposes which are expressed in the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations with a degree of eloquence that only the urgent desire of a generation which had suffered the scourges of two world wars could formulate. It is for us, the representatives of Members of the United Nations, never to become oblivious to the sufferings and experiences which created the urgent desire to pursue the aims and the purposes of the United Nations. We must solemnly rededicate ourselves every day in discharging our functions. We must pledge ourselves to serve humanity. We must persist in our efforts in searching for ways and means of preserving peace. We must promote and safeguard the freedom of individuals and nations and relieve the stark poverty and conditions of starvation which unhappily is the lot of a great segment of the human race.\n54.\tIn order to accomplish these ends, we must push forward the cultural, economic and social development of the under-developed areas of the world through the aid and assistance of the United Nations in all its phases. In the realization of these aims and objectives, happily the moral duties of the peoples of the United Nations, for which their collective conscience acts as their guide, coincides with their collective practical self-interest.\n55.\tPeace with freedom is the prime requisite and the essential and critical condition for nations as well as for individuals in order that they may fully develop their mental, moral and physical potentialities and resources for producing good and desirable results. Only in a world political atmosphere which is free from suspicion, tension and fear of international conflicts and struggles can the fullest development of human and material resources of any nation, and especially of the lesser developed nations, be achieved. It is the solemn duty of the Member nations and their representatives here to search and find ways and means of allaying suspicion and fear among nations and to restore confidence in the ability of this Organization to preserve peace and promote freedom — the necessary conditions for the alleviation of misery, poverty, ignorance and disease in this world.\n56.\tPeace and security must be established on the firm foundations of equality and justice, No self-serving formula of established interests should obscure the issue of the aspirations of the peoples for individual freedom and national independence. In our search for peace, no differences in ideologies or political and economic doctrines, ho differences in faiths and professed beliefs should be allowed to stand in the way. The dangers are so great that no failure can be admitted. The very survival of the human race is at stake. The survival of the human race must have precedence over any narrow national aspirations or ideological issues. We must persist in our hope and work during the session of the General Assembly for the adoption of effective measures to reduce suspicions and fears among nations. We must promote the realization of the aspiration for personal freedom and national independence of the peoples who are still deprived of those basic elementary human rights. We must formulate and adopt effective measures to preserve peace. We must provide favourable conditions for the fullest utilization of technical assistance and find the funds so necessary for development in the under-developed areas of the world.\n57.\tI am sure that our collective dedicated efforts will move aside the apparent mountains of obstacles which seem to lie in the way. I am sure that with our collective dedicated efforts, even in this seventh session of the General Assembly we may be able to take important steps towards the realization of our noble and useful goals.
## 2 It is my privilege to express to you, Mr. President, the congratulations of the Afghanistan delegation on your election, which was so justly and unanimously voted by this Assembly. It is also my privilege to extend to my fellow representatives the greetings of the Royal Afghan Government, as well as its sincerest wishes for the success of the current session of the General Assembly.\n41.\tOur attachment to the United Nations and its Charter and principles and our complete adherence to the principles of human rights and self-determination of the peoples not only are based on ideological grounds but also result from our long experience as a free and small country in the controversial events of modern history. We believe that the peace of the world can be secured only on those bases, and we are certain that our future prosperity depends on peace. In saying that, we are not posing as moralists but, on the contrary, are in all humility expressing our conviction that our fellow Member States are as attached to those principles as we are.\n42.\tThe attitude of the Afghanistan delegation at previous sessions of the Assembly has been inspired by those principles, and that will continue to be the case during the current session. This attitude is not characterized by any kind of opposition towards any country or group of countries, or by any idea which is different from the basic ideal of the United Nations that is, that there should be no distinction among Member States based on geographical considerations.\n43.\tThis world has been the scene of tremendous evolution in the last twelve years. The nationalist movements of the African and Asian continents have been as natural as those of the European and American continents during the last century. Thus, if we have supported those movements, it has been only on the basis of an objective appreciation of that fact and because of our sincere desire that the problems of the world should be settled by mutual understanding and goodwill, and not by violent reactions and bloodshed. We likewise follow the same line today, without an antagonistic or fanatical feelings towards any other country.\n44.\tThe independence of the Federation of Malaya and its admission to the United Nations constitute one of the best examples, not only of the justification of the rightful aspirations of a great nation but also of the generous gesture and appreciation of a great Power, the United Kingdom. Both of them are to be sincerely congratulated, and their examples should be followed in similar cases.\n45.\tWe realize that the United Nations has had its difficulties and that present world problems are considered from many perspectives. We also realize that human problems are very complicated, that national political and economic problems play their role, and that each individual problem cannot be regarded in complete detachment from the currents of world problems. Notwithstanding these difficulties, however, there is no reason why we should not appreciate more the normal evolution of the world.\n46.\tFortunately, we realize that this great Organization, through the zeal of its eminent Secretary-General and its devoted officials, has gone forward along the path traced for it twelve years ago. This is a cause for hope and an evidence of progress; and we believe that through our devotion and adherence to the principles and spirit of the Charter we shall gradually overcome many other difficulties.\n47.\tOur optimism is based on the consciousness of the peoples of the world that, if we are to have peace, there is no alternative but ultimately to identify our respective policies with the spirit of the Charter. Each and every one of us is convinced that another war would bring nothing but the complete annihilation of all that is good, worth-while and beautiful in life - and perhaps of life itself.\n48.\tWe Afghans have no other ambition that to preserve our freedom and to try to ensure the prosperity of our own people in order that they may live as a modern nation in this world. We are attached to our traditions and our spiritual legacy as well as to our Constitution, which is the spontaneous outgrowth of the nature of our own country. We are trying to preserve them, and we are ready, as we have always been, to defend our freedom and integrity - and not only by words. Fortunately, the stability of our position and the sincerity of our neutrality have been tested and proved in the last fifth years, and especially during the two world wars. To develop and modernize our country we need the support and assistance of more developed countries, and we are grateful to receive such aid.\n49.\tWe greatly appreciate the technical assistance we have received from the United Nations; we appreciate it for its own value, as well as for the opportunity it has given us for closer co-operation with this world Organization.\n50.\tAfghanistan believes in the peaceful settlement of international differences and problems, great or small. We have tried in the past, with success, to settle many of our own problems through direct negotiations, the use of good offices, the advice and technical help of our friends, and other peaceful means of conciliation. We are trying now, and shall try in the future, to settle our other problems by the same means, on the basis of objective, unprejudiced consideration and the principles of right and justice.\n51.\tIn our view, as regards all problems of the world where conflicts arise, the ultimate reference of the unsettled problems should be, if ether conciliatory means of settlement fail, to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice. We have many important problems on our agenda this year which will be debated during the present session. The future of the world and the preservation of international peace depend on them. We hope, like everyone here, that those problems will find a satisfactory and just solution in the spirit of the United Nations Charter. To that end we are prepared to contribute in our modest way to facilitating such a solution.
## 3 138.\tBefore using this opportunity to make a statement on behalf of the Government of Afghanistan, I must say that the intervention of the Afghan delegation in the general debate is not merely for the purpose of following a practice which is almost customary on this occasion.\n139.\tWe represent a small nation which is confronted with great problems of its own, and which is concerned with all international problems. The fulfilment of our aspirations and the solution of our problems depend not only on our own efforts but on international peace and co-operation. Therefore, we find it more essential than anybody else to voice our views in the United Nations, an Organization dedicated to the cause of peace and co-operation among nations. We shall not take the time of the General Assembly except to make a few general remarks about the international problems before the Assembly and to acquaint our colleagues with the principles that govern our policy and the spirit with which we shall approach these problems at a time when we find ourselves most concerned about the prevailing tension in different parts of the world.\n140.\tHaving considered the agenda of this session, and having in mind the prevailing world situation, we know that the present session is one of the most important sessions in the history of the United Nations, not only because we are confronted with problems of great importance and significance, but also because of the undeniable fact that most of these problems are in their most important stage.\n141.\tIt is essential that special consideration be given to the standing problems which have appeared repeatedly on the agenda of the General Assembly. We may face recent difficulties with a sense of consolation, and we may cherish a hope that these problems will be solved when they are dealt With by the United Nations. But in regard to problems which we have not been able to solve for many years, we should admit that we will not be in a position to seek excuses or cherish much hope if they are not approached in a more realistic and constructive manner at this session of the General Assembly. It cannot be denied that the solution of these long-standing problems would prevent new situations from arising and would pave the way for better understanding and more constructive international co-operation in areas where such co-operation has hitherto been hampered by the existing political differences.\n142.\tWhile we say this, we must add that due to the circumstances prevailing in different parts of the world, we cannot slur over the fact that the lack of a better understanding at this session might nullify the efforts made by the United Nations at previous sessions in connexion with certain problems, efforts which in certain cases could even have been considered constructive achievements.\n143.\tTo give expression to our concerns, we are compelled to say that the situation in the Middle East, despite the efforts made at the emergency special session of the General Assembly, is still a source of anxiety and perplexity which cannot be ignored by the General Assembly. We are looking forward to a note of encouragement in the report of the Secretary-General, but we do not think that the resolution [1237 (ES-III)] adopted at the emergency special session is adequate to deal with the real causes of anxiety and tension in this area. The serious problems of this most important part of the world cannot be met successfully unless further effective measures are considered by the United Nations with the co-operation of the Arab States. My delegation stated its views on this issue at the emergency special session. The spirit of understanding demonstrated by the Arab States during that session was a source of great encouragement, not only to my delegation, which had expressed the wish that our friends in the Middle East would demonstrate such a spirit, but also to all Members of the United Nations and to people all over the world.\n144.\tThe development of events in Algeria is most discouraging. The analysis of this situation, from our point of view confronts us with two disappointing facts. The first fact is that there is war in Algeria. The second fact is that the General Assembly resolution, adopted without any opposition, has not been implemented so as at least to create a basis for hope of a peaceful solution of this problem.\n145.\tIt is a matter of regret if an unopposed resolution of the General Assembly does not receive the consideration of Member States. The results are more alarming than ever before.\n146.\tWe sincerely hope that the parties concerned will realize even at this late hour the grave consequences involved in a careless consideration of this problem, which is already an issue of a "hot" war between two peoples who have every chance of being close friends, being bound by bonds which can be considered lasting ties between nations, in an age which is "the age of the fulfilment of the aspirations of peoples and the end of Rule by Force".\n147.\tWe cannot think of any people who would be more capable of understanding the Algerian problem than the great people of France, with whom we have always had most friendly relations, a state of affairs which we have always kept in mind in the consideration of all matters, including the question of Algeria, and which we should always like to preserve.\n148.\tWhile the questions of Cyprus and West Irian remain unresolved, we are receiving alarming news from the Far East. It was a source of encouragement, however, when agreement was reached on holding the ambassadorial talks which have begun in Warsaw. We do hope that a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan problem will result from these direct negotiations. Whatever the outcome may be, the spirit and the quick decision of the parties concerned to negotiate should be appreciated. We hope that the same spirit will come to the assistance of the parties directly concerned with the problems of West Irian and Cyprus.\n149. We still note that the stubborn and unjust policies of certain Powers continue in the face of the struggle of millions of people for their natural and legitimate right to independence and their exercise of the right of self-determination. In cherishing these aspirations, these people are no longer alone, as these are the common aspirations of all freedom-loving people and of all those who realize that the peace and security of the world cannot be achieved unless the fundamental right to national Independence is recognized for all peoples and nations.\n150.\tThese common aspirations have been expressed repeatedly by the people of Asia and Africa and have been supported by the majority of the peace-loving nations of the world Inside and outside the United Nations. We wish to state that the Afghan delegation will follow its traditional policy of support of these peoples and will dedicate all its efforts to the cause of the self-determination of all peoples and nations.\n151.\tWe note that the use of force is still in process. Actions and measures destroying stability and disturbing the balance of power in different areas are persistently prevailing and are being initiated in a careless manner. These are' all matters which should receive the serious consideration of the General Assembly.\n152.\tThe important question of economic, social and cultural development of the less advanced areas of the world is one which should receive the consideration it fully deserves. Millions of people in the world are engaged in the difficult task of improving the economic, social and cultural conditions which, in most cases, were imposed upon them by unjust politics and unpleasant events of the past. Afghanistan is one these countries. Therefore we perhaps are in a position to realize more than anyone else the sufferings of these people, for we have learned much from the bitter experiences of the state of war during the last two centuries, which most happily resulted in the preservation of our independence but most unhappily imposed upon us the present economic and social conditions. While we wish to express our real appreciation of United Nations co-operation in this area, we would urge the Assembly to take more effective measures in this direction.\n153.\tAmong the unfortunate factors which have hindered the achievement of satisfactory results in this field is the regrettable competition among nations in the arms race and the lack of confidence which has been standing in the way of disarmament and, consequently, in the way of the advancement of human progress and the maintenance of peace and security.\n154. The obstacles preventing the peaceful uses of new energies for the purpose of achieving a better life for the people of the world are an Integral part of this great impediment to the fulfilment of the common aspirations of man.\n155.\tNo small nation can make a greater contribution than to give expression to its concern on the question of disarmament, as it is a matter which cannot be solved except by the good intentions and the realization of the responsibilities of the big Powers. Nevertheless, it remains a source of great anxiety for all peoples everywhere. We hope that no effort will be spared to achieve satisfactory progress in this field and that this matter will be examined with concern for the welfare of humanity only and without regard to political differences and considerations of strategic positions.\n156.\tWe believe that an agreement on principles on this issue would contribute greatly to peace and stability in the world and, by lessening international tension, would pave the way for further steps which could be taken in the direction of peace and prosperity,\n157.\tWe should share the anxiety of all the people of the world concerning the destructive harm, known and unknown, resulting from radiation caused by nuclear tests, harm which can effect the health and happiness of mankind. In the light of scientific reports, we would find it almost impossible to understand why all nations would not immediately try to reach an agreement on this question. Since the achievement of these goals depends solely on the establishment of understanding and mutual confidence, the necessity of paying urgent consideration to ways and means of making it possible for nations to live in peace is obvious. Basing our views on the important consideration of the Interrelationship of all these matters, we shall support any measures which will create more amicable relationships out of which peace and prosperity could grow.\n158.\tReferences have been made recently to the possible creation of a United Nations peace force. My Government, having the utmost confidence in this Organization and hoping that the United Nations becomes increasingly effective as an Instrument of peace, believes that this idea requires most careful study, particularly in the prevailing international atmosphere. We feel that we should be most careful in our deliberations on this issue, because any hasty or half-considered measures in this field would involve dangers that might affect the Organization directly.\n159.\tWhile we are not prepared to go into the details of this matter at the present stage, we find it essential to mention that in any case the United Nations should deal with it only at the proper time and after thorough examination of the desirability of establishing such a force. The way for a thorough consideration of this matter can be paved only by greater efforts to be undertaken by the United Nations through the Secretary-General.\n160.\tWe believe, in view of all these serious problems which confront the world, that there is only one place to seek a betterment of the conditions, and that place is the United Nations. It is not for one delegation to decide how great the responsibility of the United Nations is, and we should like to see that fact realized by all of us.\n161.\tIt is our understanding that we are here with a spirit and a determination to practise tolerance, to make it possible for nations to live together in peace with one another as good neighbours and to unite their desire and their strength to ensure human brotherhood. Our purposes are set out in the Charter to which we all adhere.\n162.\tOur gatherings in the past, as we believe, have been useful and effective substitutions for war. Our presence here expresses our willingness to discuss, to negotiate and to compromise with each other. Our duty is to make this greatest international democracy of all time a working reality, for the purpose of securing universal justice and equality. Our prestige and success depend on our respect for fundamental human rights, the dignity of the individual, and that of peoples and of nations. This understanding will be the basis of any policy that the Afghan delegation adopts during this session of the General Assembly; Our Interest in the discussions of international affairs will not be limited to those things which affect us directly.\n163.\tWhile we do not believe that, when discussing the relations between peoples and nations, geographical distances deserve sole consideration and while we realize that these distances are mere fictions carried over from earlier days, we attach great importance to the common cultural heritage, common aspirations and mutual bonds of cordial and neighbourly relations which we share with friendly nations in our own part of the world.\n164.\tWhile we adhere firmly to our own ideology, we do not oppose any other ideology. We believe not only in the United Nations but in a united world within the United Nations, a principle which does not permit us to favour the existence of any arrangement or organization which would divide peoples and nations of the world into two or more opposing camps, or policies which would harm the principle of universality of this Organization.\n165.\tWhile we are not opposed to the unity of nations in small or large peaceful groups, dedicated to making more effective contributions towards world peace and security, we do not favour the existence of any blocs or any military alliances, which have proved or will prove to be a possible source of International tension or lack of confidence between the nations of the world.\n166.\tTo give a true expression to the policy of my Government in this connexion, I should immediately add that we have never criticized and we never shall criticize the policies of any Government, nor shall we question what they consider to be the right path in the direction of their interests, but we do hope that all paths of individual or collective policies will lead towards the only true goal, the interest of mankind as a whole. This we believe is the true spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, which we shall keep in mind during the discussion of all questions which arise before this General Assembly.\n167.\tIt is with great faith and a deep conviction In the Principles and Purposes of the United Nations that we greet the thirteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I say this with full awareness of the criticism made of the activities of this Organization, the doubts in the minds of certain sections of the public in almost every country, and the confusion about the effectiveness of the efforts of the United Nations, particularly in the political field. This confusion has emanated partly from the fact that, while the activities of the United Nations in the economic, social and cultural fields are not well known to the public, they have been overshadowed by the heavy clouds of international tension and constant threats to peace and security, enhanced mostly by those who have power over the media of information and propaganda.\n168.\tWe have stated at previous sessions of the General Assembly, and we should like to state again, that our only ambition is to promote the economic, social and cultural conditions in our country and try to become a useful member of the family of nations. We wish to maintain our friendship with all nations of the world, and to achieve our alms in an atmosphere of co-operation, understanding and peace. We wish the fulfilment of this common aspiration for all nations everywhere.\n169.\tOur approach to all questions will be guided by our impartial and independent judgement of international affairs, and our decisions will be made on the merits of the cases which are presented for our consideration. We are doing this with unalterable determination, in spite of a realization of all the difficulties and complications which the solution of human problems always involves. We are aware of all the difficulties which quite normally would confront any gathering of eighty-one nations, but we feel confident that we can still hope and that we can still avoid disappointment.
## 4 69.\tI speak for a small country, Afghanistan, which enjoys friendly relations with all countries. Our peaceful policy is derived from our deep conviction that peace and friendship between peoples and nations are the only conditions in which we can live and work for a better future.\n70.\tOur friendly relations with those with whom we share the same ideology and way of life is a natural outcome of our aspirations. Our friendly relations with those whose ideology and way of life are different from our own are based on our belief in the principle of peaceful and friendly co-existence among peoples and nations of the world. It should be a matter of regret for all of us that we live in a divided world. In this divided world, however, we are associated with one and only one alliance, and that is the United Nations.\n71.\tOur intervention in the general debate is not merely to follow a customary practice, but it derives from the necessity of giving expression to the unbiased, impartial and independent voice of a small country. Whose experiences of the past, conditions of the present and aspirations for the future are typical of all small and particularly less-developed countries.\n72.\tThe fourteenth session of the General Assembly is convened on an important occasion. Important statements have already been made. In all these speeches, a deep desire for peace has been most strongly emphasized. It is a most hopeful reality that the desire for peace is universal, knowing no ideological or political borders.\n73.\tMr. Belaúnde, the distinguished President of the fourteenth session of the (General Assembly, in his opening statement [795th meeting] expressed the hope that this General Assembly would go down in history as the "Assembly of peace". As a representative of a small country I wish to associate my delegation with the hopes he cherished.\n74.\tRealizing that peace is in the custody of the big Powers, it is good to see that certain efforts are being made for lessening international tension. These efforts are a great source of encouragement to all peoples of the world, particularly those of the small countries. Not many events have been so warmly welcomed as have the direct contacts made by leaders of the big Powers. From this, one can derive the true meaning of the aspirations of the people of the world. We only hope that all those on whose wisdom the future of the world depends will be guided in their thoughts, their approach and their actions by unselfishness and a sense of responsibility, not only in their own interest, but in the interest of mankind as a whole.\n75.\tNo peace, in our opinion, without the full protection of all rights and interests and the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of all peoples and nations of the world is peace. On all occasions this is the greatest and the most natural concern of the small countries, for the expression of which there is no better time or place than the General Assembly of the United Nations.\n76.\tHowever, we must say that we are not happy that certain issues which are not on the agenda of the General Assembly at this session have been brought up in the general debate. This has engendered a fear of the continuation of the cold war at a time which was hoped to be a turning-point towards its termination. We sincerely desire that such attempts will not be followed, and that our deliberations in this session will be positive and Constructive and will influence the international situation in bringing the cold war to an end.\n77.\tNo small country can do more than express its concern over the regrettable international situation. Some representatives have stated, and correctly, that the contribution to the solution of world-wide problems by small countries is necessarily a modest one. However, we think that the voice of small countries in a democratic gathering of nations established on the principle of equality is not less than any other voice.\n78.\tWe admit that there are small Powers and big Powers, small countries and large countries, but we do not believe that there is anything like a small or large nation. All nations are equal in their dignity and in their rights, not only here in the United Nations under its Charter, but everywhere and at all times. Therefore we hope that all small countries will realize more than ever their position, particularly here in the United Nations, and will exercise their right to make this Organization work for the welfare of humanity through their independent judgement of all world affairs.\n79.\tWe are confident that with all the concern demonstrated by the big Powers about the welfare of the small countries, particularly those in under-developed areas, these efforts of the small countries will be most welcome. It is with this hope that we would like to state our views before the General Assembly.\n80.\tWe have carefully studied the introduction to the annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/4132/Add.1] particularly the part dealing with the role of the United Nations. We do not wish to express any disagreement with his interpretation of the role of the United Nations in the face of the developments and activities concerning international problems. We do not disagree, because under the circumstances it is a wise interpretation. But we shall not refrain from saying that we would have wished the circumstances to be different, so that this Organization could play its full and rightful role in the peaceful solution of all international problems.\n81.\tTo be satisfied that a certain activity does not go so far as to abolish the aims of the Charter of the United Nations is not enough. What is required is the strengthening of the United Nations by increasing the confidence of Member States in the organization so that they will consider it the best place for the negotiation of all international problems with a view to reaching agreements which will have the support and consent of all nations.\n82.\tIn an age when no nation remains unaffected by any event in any part of the world, it is wrong to think that international problems could be the concern only of a group of nations and not of a world organization, such as the United Nations, dedicated to their Solution.\n83.\tProcesses exclusive of the United Nations can hardly be considered fully consistent with the aims and purposes of the Charter. It is not only the question of such processes which should be considered, but their results and consequences. These concern the small countries, which, with their deep faith in the United Nations, can place their hopes and their confidence only in this Organization. Therefore, it is not very easy to accept as a general rule that the extraorganizational solution of problems of world-wide interest concerning humanity as a whole can be definitely or completely free from implications which would impair the position of the Organization in principle,\n84. Those who have the practical solution of the problems in their custody are obviously not in a weaker position within the United Nations, particularly if their desire to put themselves in a better position to solve a problem is in complete harmony with the aims of the Charter and the interest of the world as a whole.\n85.\tOne of the most important questions which directly concerns the small countries is the question of a United Nations stand-by force. This question was raised in the general debate during the thirteenth session, and it has been touched upon in this session. We stated [755th meeting] that we had utmost confidence in the United Nations, and expressed the hope that it would become increasingly effective as an instrument of peace. But, we added that the question of a United Nations force required more careful study, particularly in the prevailing international circumstances, and that we should be most cautious in our deliberations on this issue, because any hasty measures in this area would involve dangers that would affect the Organization directly. This point of view of the Afghan Government remains unchanged.\n86.\tMoreover, we stated that the United Nations should deal with this matter only at the most proper time and after a thorough examination of the desirability of the establishment of such a force. In the course of the year, we have been convinced by the prevailing international atmosphere that the proper time has not yet arrived. Therefore we are not in a position to commit ourselves to the approval of this idea at the present stage.\n87.\tIt is encouraging that the way for a fresh start in dealing with the disarmament question seems not to be considered closed. We hope that the General Assembly at its present session will express itself on the best method of this fresh start, paying more attention to the anxieties of all nations.\n88.\tExcept for a hot war which will bring destruction to all, the cold war is obviously the greatest source of anxiety from which the small countries suffer more than anyone else. The continuation of the cold war, therefore, means the continuation of this suffering for us. The arms race does not only affect the economic and social progress of the small countries, but in the field of nuclear competition the small countries, which have almost no means of protection, are more exposed to the dangers which threaten the world as a whole. Therefore the question of disarmament is of much more importance to us in the termination of the cold war and the strengthening of hopes for a lasting peace.\n89.\tThe Afghan delegation welcomes the spirit of the proposals advanced [A/4219] for complete disarmament by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. We think these proposals are basic and comprehensive, and we hope that their serious consideration by the United Nations will pave the way for more fruitful discussions on this long-standing, problem, which has a direct bearing on world peace and security. We hope that all States will judge the problem on its merits only, and will consider these proposals as an encouraging basis for the negotiation of this highly important and vital problem. The Afghan delegation would also wholeheartedly welcome any other initiative that would bring about a complete disarmament as soon as possible, or that would facilitate a general agreement on this most important question in all its aspects.\n90.\tWhile it is gratifying that the nuclear Powers have announced that the ban on the testing of nuclear weapons will be extended, it is regrettable that the complete cessation of nuclear tests has not been agreed upon. We hope that the General Assembly at its present session will emphasize the necessity of agreement on this point without any delay. The idea of stopping the spread of nuclear weapons should receive the strong support of all nations of the world, and should not be conditional upon anything, including a general agreement on disarmament, even in its most ideal form. The humanitarian aspect of the problem should not be overshadowed by the political differences which, however great they may be, are too small when compared with the importance of the preservation of the human race.\n91. We strongly support the appeal of the African nations for the prevention of the intended atomic tests in the Sahara. This question is not only a source of anxiety for the people of Africa, but for the majority of the population of the world, and should be most seriously considered by the United Nations.\n92.\tThe penetration of man into outer space and the use of outer space only for peaceful and scientific purposes should be approached with a universal outlook, which is not possible unless all developments are the sole concern of the United Nations.\n93.\tNo Member of the United Nations, having a deep conviction in’ the right of peoples and nations to independence, can strike a happier note in this General Assembly than to speak of the progress made toward independence in the Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories of Africa. We are looking forward to seeing the new States occupy their rightful place in the community of sovereign nations.\n94.\tThis happiness, however, is a mere flash of light on the horizon of the lives of many peoples, which has been darkened for centuries by the deprivation of peoples and nations of their legitimate right to independence. The real day of happiness bas not yet dawned, and indeed cannot, until all peoples and nations, whose aspirations for independence are suppressed in many ways and forms, achieve their goal, and colonialism is abolished in all its forms, wherever it exists.\n95.\tThe contribution already made by the new Member States in the United Nations leaves no doubt that the independence of the dependent peoples is not only the recognition of the highest aspirations of man for freedom from domination, but also that it benefits the peoples of the world as a whole. The unjust policies of certain countries must inevitably give way to the legitimate rights of the people for self-determination and independence.\n96.\tGratification has been voiced for the solution of the Cyprus problem. We would like to associate ourselves with this expression. The solution of the Cyprus issue is an example of a constructive approach to complicated problems in the United Nations. The efforts made by the parties in this direction should be highly appreciated.\n97.\tWe hope that a satisfactory solution of the West Irian question will follow as soon as possible,\n98.\tIt is most regrettable, however, that the developments in connexion with the solution of the Algerian problem are still most discouraging. To most of us it should be surprising enough that while we hear lofty voices of peace, and hear of the desire to end the cold war, no encouraging concern has been expressed about the Algerian people and the hot war which continues there. The constructive approach of many Members of the United Nations has not received the unanimous support it deserves.\n99.\tWe do understand the difficulties with which ye are confronted on certain problems, but it is regrettable to see that situations of greater importance are sometimes overshadowed, while attention is forcefully drawn to comparatively minor issues. The adoption of such a policy by an individual country in its own interest might be understandable, but is most discouraging when not abolished by an Organization like the United Nations, particularly on a matter of hot war. We hope that in this General Assembly where attempts made to thaw the cold war have been highly praised, more attention will be paid to ending the hot war in Algeria.\n100.\tThe recent statement of policy made in Paris by the President of the French Republic has attracted the attention it deserves all over the world. We are confident that it will also receive the consideration of the Algerian leaders who have been so bravely fighting for the cause of independence of their country. Afghanistan has always supported the right of peoples and nations to self-determination and to independence everywhere., In this case also, we hold the same opinion. But we must add that the desire of the Algerian people for independence is clear, and their determination has been declared by the rightful leaders of Algeria. We do not think that the Solution of the Algerian problem should be based solely on the declaration of intentions by France. Whatever measures to be taken should be dependent on peaceful negotiations between France and the rightful leaders of Algeria, with a view to reaching a complete understanding on the restoration of an honourable peace and the realization of the legitimate rights of the Algerian people to decide their own destiny.\n101.\tIn these considerations the United Nations should fully realize its responsibilities. We' should remind the General Assembly of the many outstanding examples of political arrangements after the Second World War, where the fate of peoples and nations has been at stake. We are particularly alarmed about Such situations when they arise because similar examples exist in our own part of the world.\n102.\tOne of the most dangerous ways of solving such problems is through the partition of countries and their division, or the annexation of territories without the free consent of the people themselves. Such methods have always given rise to difficulties in the future which have damaged peaceful and friendly relations between peoples and nations. I do not think that there is any necessity to enumerate these examples. But we would like to state clearly that in the consideration of the Algerian question this point should not be ignored.\n103.\tNegotiations cannot be fair and just unless they are without restrictions and conditions, and in harmony with the dignity and honour of the parties concerned. It would, be most unrealistic to think that a war could end peacefully by ignoring one of the parties in the dispute. It will be premature to go further into this matter at the present stage, but we would like to state that the people of Algeria, who have struggled so bravely for their independence, will have our full support in the United Nations when this question is discussed.\n104.\tWe have been deeply impressed by the concern shown for the welfare of under-developed countries by all those who are in a position to continue their assistance through international co-operation for the promotion of economic and social conditions in these areas. As a representative of a small country in a less developed area, however, it is our duty to draw the attention of the Members of the General Assembly to the fact that the appreciation of these gratifying statements has not been completely free from certain anxieties.\n105.\tCertain forms of international co-operation, being a direct result of political and military pacts and alliances, have caused serious tensions in these areas. We want to make it clear that we do not wish to criticize any policies of any individual country or group of countries in any respect, but it should not be left unsaid that when other countries are affected by such policies, they are forced to give expression to their anxieties in the interest of peace and the maintenance of friendly relations between peoples and nations. This becomes more important when we see that even some international bodies have also been affected by such policies.\n106.\tThe impact of such policies, influenced by favouritism, has affected the progress of the less developed countries to a great extent, and has already disturbed the balance of positions among the countries of the region. It has damaged the principle of justice and. even equitable distribution of assistance to meet greater and more urgent needs in the case of certain countries. It has diverted the attention of these countries from concentration on the promotion of their economic and social conditions, in the direction of unnecessary measures forced upon them to meet the threats to their security with which they have been confronted.\n107.\tThere is no doubt that the work of the United Nations in the economic and social fields, which is so often obscured by the political aspects of its activities, has taken on a new significance. The realization of the importance of the development of under-developed countries has led to intensified activity. But still the needs of the under-developed countries are enormous while the means at their disposal are so limited.\n108.\tThe United Nations Technical Assistance Programme is rendering great service. The recently established Special Fund is making a good beginning on a new co-operative venture that holds out great promise for the future. However the need of less developed countries for a capital development fund is not yet realized. It is hoped that a capital development fund will be established soon, as this is the missing link in the chain of international financial organizations dedicated to economic and social progress.\n109.\tThe increasing area of under-development is an additional cause for concern. The most needy countries are likely to be most affected by the new tasks the United Nations will have to undertake in new areas, unless additional resources are found. It should be noted that the sources of aid, old and new, seem to ameliorate conditions in countries which have already made great strides toward advancement, while the most needy countries find it difficult and sometimes even impossible to meet the terms of assistance. Thus while some countries forge ahead, others meet increasing problems in gaining assistance.\n110.\tOn his return from a visit to various countries in Asia, the Secretary-General noted that although some improvement had been realized, the economic progress in under-developed countries was painfully slow. We deem it necessary to say that the examples of improvement are not a great source of encouragement, especially in view of the insufficiency of the response to the requirements of the under-developed countries and the lack of a sense of urgency in meeting these needs.\n111.\tThe recent trips of the Secretary-General to many countries in various continents constituted one of the most useful undertakings of the United Nations, leading toward a correct understanding of real situations, particularly in the less developed countries. We hope that the Secretary-General will continue his policy of direct contact with the Member States, and that he will receive the co-operation of Governments on matters which will bring about more fruitful conditions for all. However, as long, as the present difficulties are not met, one can hardly hope that the goals of the organizations set up for these purposes can be achieved.\n112.\tThe sincerity of all those countries whose delegations have expressed their interest in the promotion of conditions in the under-developed areas is appreciated, but more understanding of the points of view which can truly be presented by those who represent these under-developed countries is required.\n113.\tIt is the small under-developed country which suffers most under the prevailing situation. Afghanistan is one of these small countries. Our backward condition, unlike most countries in our part of the world, is not the result of domination by others, but is the outcome of years of war against domination in defence of freedom, which has been preserved at all costs, particularly the cost of development.\n114.\tOur pride in this achievement is not lessened by the economic conditions in which we find ourselves today. We are determined to give the same energies now, if we are left at peace, to our economic and social development as we did to our political independence. It is a part of our determination to accept only the assistance which is truly devoted to the betterment of conditions within our country, free from any other considerations whatsoever. It is for this reason that the United Nations assistance is so desired, and the strengthening of this Organization has become our most sincere desire.\n115.\tThe difficulties which confront the United Nations are great, but the hope of the peoples of the world is surely strong enough to overcome them. We hope that in this General Assembly, in the consideration of the reports that the Assembly will receive in these fields, due attention will be paid to these issues.\n116.\tIn conclusion, Mr. President, I would like to state that it is a great privilege to take this opportunity to associate myself with those representatives who have congratulated you on your election as President of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly, and above all, we wish that the hope you expressed as President of the General Assembly will be fulfilled, and that this Assembly will go down in history as the "Assembly of peace".
## 5 At the outset, Mr. President, allow me to extend to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the important and responsible post of the Presidency of the present session, and to wish you success in achieving the aims and purposes of the Charter, for which the General Assembly has been convened.\n71.\tIt is a source of great pleasure for us that the inauguration of this session has been marked by a most important and historic event, the increase in the membership of the United Nations. I wish once again to extend the sincere welcome of the Afghan people and Government to the representatives of these fourteen nations and, through them, to their peoples and Governments.\n72.\tWith the increased number of Members the Organization is approaching the ideal of universality. We hope that this forum of independent voices of mankind will be completed soon through the attainment of independence by the dependent peoples, and that it will lead to the realization of a united, free world in the true sense. It is our fervent hope that the Organization will thus become a power strong enough to overcome the difficulties confronting mankind, in the interest of humanity, on the basis of justice and equality, and for the preservation of a peace founded upon the legitimate rights of individuals and nations.\n73.\tIn this connexion we believe that the right of the People's Republic of China to its rightful place in the United Nations should be implemented without any further delay. This belief does not emanate only from the fact that China is our neighbour, and that we have diplomatic relations with China. It is based also upon the fact that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the only legitimate government representing the Chinese people. The exclusion of this great nation from the United Nations is in no way in the interest of the Organization, and is in fact a denial of the principle of universality of the United Nations.\n74.\tThe meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations is certainly the most important international event. At this session special interest has been demonstrated by the Member States in the solution of the great problems confronting the Organization, and therefore the occasion is more momentous. The significance of such an occasion calls, before everything else, for an increased sense of responsibility and an unselfish attitude and approach which would be in the interest of mankind; The occasion can bring about a great many constructive and fruitful results, but failure to use such an opportunity for constructive ends could lead to most discouraging consequences.\n75.\tIn the face of the threat-to humanity, the shifting of blame from one side to another will neither shift the responsibility for unfavourable consequences nor save anyone from the destructive results which will be ultimately universal.\n76.\tOur failures in the past, outside the United Nations, should in no way deprive us of cherishing the hope that this Organization, set up for peaceful negotiations, will provide everyone with the means of better understanding, particularly the big Powers, who can better hear the cry of humanity for peace and prosperity. These failures have been rightly deplored, but, welcoming the most important and indeed greatly significant fact that the United Nations is the ultimate repository of world problems, we hope for the peaceful solution of even the most complicated problems.\n77.\tThere are many issues before us — all of them the great concern of the United Nations and all its Members — which will be discussed by the General Assembly in due course. At this stage, however, I shall confine myself to a few most urgent points.\n78.\tI speak strictly for a small, peace-loving country, with a most impartial and independent position in international affairs, having the deepest conviction in the United Nations, the only alliance to which we belong under its Charter, where our record is well known, and our friendship with all cannot be questioned. We are confident, therefore, that our views will be considered in the most friendly spirit in which we express them.\n79.\tThe greatest and most natural concern of the small countries is the prevailing international tension and the continuation of the "cold war". There is no doubt that the lessening of international tension, mostly caused by ideological differences and political interests, is in the custody of the big Powers. In the United Nations, however, that division greatly concerns the small countries which comprise the majority. The responsibility of these countries, therefore, cannot and should not be underestimated, either by themselves or by the big Powers. Not only are these countries desirous of making a positive contribution to the cause of peace, but they are capable of doing so and we hope that they will give to the Assembly the benefit of their independent judgement of world affairs.\n80.\tIn our opinion, the most urgent task before the Assembly, in the present circumstances, is to concentrate on the Ways and means of eliminating the fundamental causes which have created the international problems and on the factors which have delayed their solution, rather than to attempt the solution of the problems directly, without the preparation of a healthy atmosphere which could mean the end of the cold war. There is obviously no other way than to address, on behalf of the General Assembly, an urgent appeal to the big Powers to enter immediately into peaceful negotiations to this end.\n81.\tEach day brings with it further proof that peaceful coexistence among peoples and nations is imperative. The failure to recognize this fact would lead to a complete deterioration of the international situation, with grave and even disastrous consequences. The United Nations is in itself the highest expression that mankind has given to this principle, after suffering from disastrous experiences. Therefore, the failure of the United Nations to implement this principle would be the greatest source of discouragement to all peace-loving peoples of the world.\n82.\tThe only position from which it will be possible to realize the peaceful aspirations of man and the security and prosperity of the world is the position of mutual confidence among all, particularly among those who otherwise could choose the, position of strength. While it is certain that the opportunity provided by this session can be used for greater results, the least that can be expected is that everything should be done to avoid further deterioration of the international situation. The solution of the problem of disarmament depends solely on the confidence of the big Powers in each other and on their good will towards humanity. The importance of the issue to the small countries, however, is in no way diminished by this consideration.\n83.\tLast year when the question came before the General Assembly, we stated that we welcomed the proposals advanced for complete disarmament by the Government of this Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which were referred to as basic and comprehensive. We stated also that we would welcome wholeheartedly any other initiative, regardless of its source, which would lead in the direction of disarmament.\n84.\tThe proposals of the United States do not differ in principle from the course directed to general and complete disarmament. Therefore there is a great margin of agreement on the basic issues. It is encouraging that the leaders of the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have expressed their willingness to resume negotiations. This is greatly appreciated. The achievement of this goal will not only answer the expectations of the smaller countries' in the United Nations but will respond to the aspirations of millions of people who await the fruitful results of this important gathering.\n85.\tWe adhere to our view that, in any measures that may be taken, the importance of the consideration that the goal should remain total disarmament, under effective international control and inspection, should be stressed, and at the same time practical steps, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons, should not be further delayed.\n86.\tThe question of disarmament is essentially and primarily the responsibility of the United Nations. This fact is iso recognized by the big Powers. It can he said with hope that the General Assembly could succeed in taking certain measures which would compensate for the failure of efforts that have been made outside the United Nations.\n87.\tWe adhere also to our view that a world without arms would be a new order in the life of nations. In any new order, the secure position of the small countries themselves is of utmost importance to us. We highly appreciate the references to the effect that as a result of disarmament more assistance would be available to the under-developed areas of the world, but we would like to add immediately that, although our needs are enormous, our primary concern continues to be the maintenance of peace and security, the only condition in which the under-developed countries can hope for the fulfilment of their desire for a better life. We believe that, as long as the domination of one nation by another is not abolished in all its forms, neither the abolition of arms, nor economic assistance on any scale will complete the happiness to which man is entitled by his right to independence and dignity.\n88.\tThis session of the General Assembly, at which we have admitted a great number of independent States, offers us a unique opportunity to concentrate our efforts on the realization of the aspirations of the dependent peoples. The progress made in this field is encouraging but by no means satisfactory. No one can rightly be content as long as there are dependent peoples in this world. The policies of certain countries must inevitably give way to the right of self-determination and independence for these peoples.\n89.\tThe situation in connexion with the problem of Algerians — one of these peoples — is most deplorable. It would be unnatural to speak of ending the cold war, and express no concern over the hot war continuing in Algeria. The deliberate delay in the peaceful solution of this problem, on the part of the French Government, is most alarming. It will be a matter of great regret if certain major issues, like the Algerian issue, are overshadowed by other problems merely because those problems have arisen more recently. We hope that the General Assembly will give high priority, at this session, to the consideration of the Algerian problem in the light of the most discouraging new developments and that it will take appropriate measures to implement Its resolutions, recommendations and hopes for a peaceful solution of the question. We hope that this year, which has been referred to as the year of Africa, will have in it the dawn of the independence of Algeria, without which the African horizon will remain clouded by colonialism.\n90.\tThe Algerians have agreed to a solution based on the right of self-determination, a right which the French had accepted in principle. We maintain high hopes that the legitimate aspirations of all peoples will be realized, and we are happy to see that the triumph of self-determination, without which peace cannot be maintained, is a real source of pride for foe peoples of the United Nations. But this pride cannot be fully enjoyed if it is recognized in certain cases and denied in others,\n91.\tThe most disturbing events in the Republic of the Congo, now a Member State, have been the concern of the United Nations in more than one respect. We supported the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its emergency session [1474 (ES-IV)], with the hope that the assistance of the United Nations, in the light of the experiences gained by the Organization since its involvement with the problems of this young State, would serve the purpose of stability and of law and order in this unhappy country. In any measures that may be taken in this connexion, we would Stress the fact that all the Members of the Organization should give the utmost consideration to the significance of United Nations prestige, which is so directly involved.\n92.\tThe constructive contribution of the independent African States in this matter is undoubtedly of special significance. The countries of Asia have always, in the spirit of solidarity among African-Asian nations, demonstrated their concern over the situations in the African continent and have contributed to the cause of the peoples of Africa. We hope that, before long, the people of the Congo will be able to have the representatives of their rightful Government participating in the United Nations.\n93.\tReferences have been made to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the Middle East, a region to which Afghanistan belongs. The expression by these countries of their desire for friendly relations is a source of satisfaction to us. No country has ever been more ready to respond to the call of friendship and neighbourly relations than Afghanistan. We have followed, and shall follow, this policy as the fundamental basis of our international relations with all countries, particularly with our neighbours. In this connexion, however, I should add that the elimination of differences cannot be achieved except by serious efforts, through peaceful negotiations, for the solution of the problems which have caused friction between the countries of this region.\n94.\tWe wish to maintain good and friendly relations with all our neighbours, and therefore we sincerely respond to the spirit of amity voiced here by the distinguished representative of Iran [870th meeting].\n95.\tWe have studied the annual report of the Secretary-General [A/4390 and Add.1], containing many important ideas, all of which, as I said at the beginning, can be taken up by the General Assembly at the proper stages of its work. There is one point, however, to which I should like to refer now, and that is the question of the development of the under-developed countries. The views of Afghanistan on this matter have been made known in the General Assembly and also in the Economic and Social Council. The responsibility of the United Nations in this connexion, regarding the new areas of under-development, has been rightly recognized. But special consideration as to its effect on other areas of responsibility is required.
## 6 ): It is not to follow a customary practice but rather to express a real feeling that I wish to congratulate you on your election, Mr. President. The unanimous vote of the General Assembly is recognition of your high qualifications and the esteem your person deserves as one in whom such confidence can be placed for the fulfilment of a task which is particularly important in the prevailing circumstances.\n35.\tWe were deeply impressed when on assuming your duties as President of the General Assembly you expressed the feelings of the Members of the United Nations on the tragic and untimely death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. I have already associated myself with the tribute you paid to his memory, but at this particular moment I ask your permission to allow me to convey the heartfelt sorrow and sympathy of His Majesty the King, the Government and the people of Afghanistan to the Members of the General Assembly, the members of the Secretariat and to Mr. Hammarskjold's family and Ms friends.\n36.\tThis message of condolence is also extended to the Swedish Mission to the United Nations and to all those who are related to the devoted members of the United Nations Secretariat who died with the Secretary-General in the line of duty. It is an expression of our deep respect for men who have died serving the cause of peace, the ultimate goal of mankind, for the achievement of which the United Nations is the only existing human institution.\n37.\tThis session of the General Assembly is being held at a critical moment in international affairs. The threat to peace is no longer a fear of war as we have known it in the past. The situation is pregnant with the fear of total destruction. The world is no longer confronted with events which might one day become a source of great anxiety to humanity. We are now faced with a concrete situation in which mankind is living in the shadow of war. This is not an imagined fear, for the possibility of war has been explicitly recognized here by those nations powerful enough to make the possibility a tragic reality.\n38.\tIn such circumstances it is not proper for any responsible individual — and it is even less proper for any assembly of nations — to spend one moment on anything but the most serious efforts to prevent a further deterioration of the situation.\n39.\tMy delegation is particularly disturbed by the attitude demonstrated by the big Powers in their statements during this session: while fully realizing the dangers involved in the present undesirable development of international affairs and while strongly expressing their desire for peace, they have explicitly spoken of the might and power at their disposal. We found that most alarming because the very demonstration of force can well lead to the provocation of its implementation.\n40.\tAdmitting that the weak and the powerless do not have effective means of bringing about tangible results, the small countries which make up the majority of the population of the world and the majority of voices in this Organization cannot be deprived of at least one right that they still possess. That is to initiate a course of consideration and action in the General Assembly at this session. These countries should demand from the powerful countries a pledge to refrain from any action that would create or increase the possibility of the use of force in any circumstances. While one might agree with those who think that such a demand by the weak for such a pledge from the powerful might not serve any practical purpose, one cannot possibly agree that such a demand for such a pledge is not most essential. In our view, that is the first task of this session of the General Assembly.\n41.\tThe second task in the prevailing circumstances should be the realization that while all of us recognize the existence of many important problems with which the United Nations should deal, it is very urgent that the major political problems of the world, on the solution of which depends the possibility of solving other problems, should receive the immediate attention of the General Assembly during this session. There are ninety-one items on the agenda of this session. The fact that these items have been included in the agenda is sufficient recognition of their importance. At the same time, however, every one of us realizes that a constructive solution to most of these issues is not possible without the creation of the kind of atmosphere which can be expected to prevail only if the efforts of the United Nations are concentrated on the major world problems. There are certain items the discussion of which intensifies international tension and the cold war, which is gradually becoming warmer. My delegation would therefore wish that the General Assembly, having recognized the importance of the items by including them in the agenda, would, in dealing with the problems, reach an understanding temporarily to defer a discussion of them until it had dealt with the major problems, within the limits of a careful analysis of the possibilities at its disposal. That, of course, applies only to the controversial political items.\n42.\tIn our view, the major problems confronting the world are the following: the discontinuance of the cold war and the lessening of international tension, and the substitution therefore of peaceful coexistence and international co-operation; the discontinuance of the arms race, and the institution of general and complete disarmament; the discontinuance of war and bloodshed where they exist at present and particularly the war and bloodshed that has resulted from colonial aggression, through negotiations; and the settlement of the situation in Berlin — although this last question is not yet on the agenda of this session. Those are the major problems confronting the world. To them should be added the problem of concentrating our efforts on solving the situation that has arisen as a result of the sudden death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold and the problem of the structure of the United Nations. The representation of China in the United Nations is of course basic to a solution of the latter issue.\n43.\tI have no intention of elaborating at this stage of the general debate on these or other problems that will be discussed during this session — partly because our views on them are known, and basically, because we shall have a chance to express ourselves on them when they come up for discussion.\n44.\tI hope that our basic views on how to approach the present unfortunate situation in international affairs are clear to our colleagues. As a small country, we have no force behind the thoughts we have expressed except our good intentions, derived from our aspirations for peace, and our expectation that the Members of the Assembly, especially the peace- loving small countries, will take note of the seriousness of the situation and seek ways and means which would secure the interests of humanity as a whole. We do not wish to insist that our own way of thinking be generally accepted, but we do insist that if the United Nations is to serve the cause of world peace each Member of it should consider, the interests of the entire world as paramount in the present crisis. Only by such breadth of vision can the United Nations make that constructive contribution to the solution of world problems for which this Assembly has been convened.\n45.\tBefore concluding, I would like to express our general views on one point which should be recognized as the most urgent task of this session, namely the question of how to meet the situation in which this Organization finds itself in the absence of a Secretary- General. Being well aware of the complexity of the matter in the prevailing circumstances and hoping that an agreement will be reached at the end of the current negotiations, it is our considered opinion that it is far from desirable for anyone to insist upon any controversial position on this matter. Unless full agreement is reached, no hurried measures should be allowed to be taken in the name of urgency. While the urgency of the matter should be emphasized, the lasting interest of the United Nations as an effective world organ for international harmony should not be sacrificed as a result of a psychologically disturbing situation which can easily mislead us and can bring about more difficulties. We cannot allow ourselves to fail to search thoroughly the avenues of an agreement satisfactory to all. In our view, it is better not to make a final decision on this matter in the rush imposed upon us by certain difficulties with which we admit we are confronted. An interim arrangement has been suggested. The Afghan delegation favours this view in principle. Any provisional arrangement which would bring about a unanimous understanding will be acceptable to my delegation. In the case of disagreement, we shall take a stand in the face of the compelling circumstances which we should not like to foresee at this stage.\n46.\tThere is, however, an exceptional urgency realized by all of us as to the responsibilities of the\nUnited Nations in connexion with the situation in the Congo. To meet this particular urgency, the Afghan delegation thinks that in the case of a disagreement on the matter of filling the post of the Secretary- General on a temporary basis, with a clear understanding that this temporary arrangement will not affect final positions, it would be more advisable to try to reach an agreement on a provisional arrangement that would enable the United Nations to function effectively in the performance of its responsibilities in the Congo only.\n47.\tThe creation of such an authority, under the direction of the Security Council, should be considered possible, while at the same time the Security Council should be continuously seized of finding a solution, as soon, as possible, in the interest of the Organization, for filling the post of the Secretary-General.\n48.\tThe guiding principle in: our thoughts is a stronger United Nations emerging from the present crisis. This goal cannot be achieved without the tolerance, patience and understanding needed for securing full support of all Members of the United Nations for any decision.\n49.\tIn conclusion, I would like to emphasize that if the United Nations is expected to be able to fulfil ,\\ts primary task for the cause of peace, every individual Member of the Organization should avoid a hostile attitude in the interest of the restless and troubled world. The United Nations, to which we belong and in which we have the deepest conviction, is not meant to invite the cold war into the already shaking Organization, or to send the cold war out to the already shivering world.\n\n \n
## 7 First of all, I wish to extend the hearty congratulations of my Government and the Afghan people to the representatives of Rwanda, Burundi, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, on the occasion of their joining the United Nations. We are confident that the admission of these countries to the United Nations and their participation in the task of the Organization will contribute to the attainment of the ultimate aims of the United Nations.\n2.\tThe increasing membership of the United Nations is of particular significance in the present circumstances. It is significant because it is the most convincing result of the great achievement of this Organization in securing the rights’ of peoples and nations to independence, and their equal right to contribute to the work of building the world in which they live through the direct and legitimate exercise of their will without any influence of alien domination. It is significant because at a time that has been referred to as “a critical period in the life of the Organization” by the Secretary-General, more and more, countries express their deep conviction by joining the Organization, and the Member States express their willingness to strengthen the United Nations by admitting them with a unanimous voice.\n3.\tIn extending our congratulations, we are anxious to express our earnest desire to see among us representatives of the countries which, by their admission to the United Nations, will add stillmore.to the present great, increase in the membership of the Organization. This desire emanates from our deep aspirations for the achievement of the universality of the United Nations. Therefore, while we are anxious to greet Algeria and Uganda in the near future, we also wish that the co-operation of the present Members would create the atmosphere which would make it possible for a number of other countries, desirous of membership in the United Nations, but confronted with certain difficulties which have not yet been solved as a result of the prevailing international situation, to lake their places here.\n4.\tThe question of the representation of China in, the United Nations should receive the full consideration of all Members of this Organization. Afghanistan recognizes the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the only legitimate Government of that, country and hopes that its representatives will occupy their rightful? seats in the United Nations without any further delay.\n5.\tIn the introduction to his annual report (A/5201/ Add.1] the Secretary-General states .that the past year has been a critical period in. the life of the Organization. The reasons for this statement are well known to all of us, but it is a source of confidence and hope that even in this critical period the United Nations has continued its activities, and that they have resulted in certain important achievements, in various fields. In this connexion, I would like to express the great satisfaction of my Government at the solution of a problem longstanding on the agenda of the United Nations, a solution which has resulted in the independence and sovereignty of Algeria, as a great contribution not only in ending a "hot war", but also in establishing the right of a heroic nation. The realistic policy followed in this connexion by France has never been ignored nor left unappreciated by the Afghan Government. The role played by United Nations deliberations in this problem has been historic, and great.\n6.\tThe spirit of understanding in the settlement of the question of West Irian has strengthened all sincere hopes that differences between nations can be eliminated by understanding and by earnestly seeking a peaceful solution to all problems. The initiative taken by the Secretary-General in this matter on behalf of the United Nations and the spirit of co-operation demonstrated by Indonesia and the Netherlands in a serious matter which was pregnant with the dangers of war, are highly appreciated. It is a source of satisfaction that the solution of the problem is based on the principle of full respect for the peoples of West Irian. We sincerely hope that such policies of understanding, co-operation, and adherence to peaceful means and methods will guide all nations in the settlement of their differences.\n7.\tRepresenting Afghanistan, the first point, which I should like to put before the Members of the Organization as one of the most important matters to which the General Assembly should give its full consideration in a spirit of collective co-operation and with a sense of great responsibility, is the question of strengthening the Organization-itself. It is a strong United Nations that comes first as an international instrument in which we can place our hope for the, solution of all major and minor problems confronting the world. The ways and means to achieve this end are many and various, and the most effective of them are difficult and not simple. Therefore it is most necessary that the problems confronting the United Nations itself will see a new approach and a new spirit of co-operation, so that further deterioration of situations may be avoided and an atmosphere of co-operation and harmony secured. This is the only way in which the Organization can become more active and effective. Our expectations in this connexion should have been very great, but it is surely not too much to expect that all of us should do our best to avoid intensification of international tension and furthering of the cold war. This makes it necessary for each one of us to think of the world as a whole, a world in which we can either live in peace together or be destroyed altogether. It is now more than essential that the major problems which affect mankind as a whole should be concentrated upon by the United Nations and dealt with in a more effective and dynamic manner.\n8.\t Looking at the agenda before the General Assembly, there is no item which is not of particular importance, to certain countries, and therefore of great importance to all of us. But, as the General Assembly of the United Nations, we must realize that the problems of life and death to humanity are of greater importance to all of us. The major problems with which the United Nations should concern itself first and foremost, are undoubtedly to secures the right of peoples and nations to independence and the observance and respect of the will of peoples and nations on the basis of self-determination and respect for human dignity.\n9.\tIt is urgent to lessen international tension and create an atmosphere of confidence in which humanity can live in peace and co-operate for universal prosperity of mankind, and to stop the race in those spheres which can bring only one result, and that is the destruction of mankind. It is essential to make it possible for mankind to achieve its greatest dream of all times through general and complete disarmament with effective and trustworthy controls. It is imperative, to fill the gap in the various standards of living of human beings, who are all equally entitled to enjoy the fruits of knowledge and civilization of mankind, by helping each other and devoting the powers of human knowledge and technology to peaceful purposes and only for the welfare and prosperity of man.\n10.\tThe United Nations consists of all those who are responsible for the achievement of these common aims, but there are those who should feel more responsible, due to the obvious logic of the facts dominating the life of mankind in our world. But we should bear in mind that this in no way lessens the responsibility of the other countries or the responsibility of the United Nations as a whole. Therefore it is essential that the United; Nations should spare no effort in fulfilling its own responsibilities as a World Organization.\n11.\tThe United Nations, as a world Organization has succeeded whenever it has earnestly played its role to the extent it has been allowed to contribute, and we are confident that more success would result with more efforts made in this direction.\n12.\tWe were cherishing great hopes that the new approach by the United Nations, in its last session, to the problem of disarmament, with the participation of more countries in the Geneva Conference for the preparation of a draft treaty on general and complete disarmament and a treaty on the cessation of nuclear weapon tests, would bring about concrete achievements. Although the work already carried out in Geneva has resulted in the pursuance of negotiations aimed at such treaties, the results are limited and no real progress has been achieved. The efforts of the new participants for the solution of some basic difficulties and finding a common ground for understanding between the nuclear Powers, although not crowned with success, should be considered a sincere and considerable contribution toward the attainment of the ultimate objectives of the United Nations. It is our hope that the General Assembly, in its present session, will give full consideration to the problem of disarmament and concentrate on the real difficulties. which hindered the complete success of the Geneva negotiations.\n13.\tI am confident that a serious discussion of this matter by the United Nations will prove useful and help future negotiations. In this connexion, I would like to emphasize the role of the non-nuclear Powers in drawing the attention of the nuclear Powers to the responsibilities they bear.\n14.\tThe circumstances which have compelled those who possess nuclear power to continue nuclear testing are undoubtedly deplorable and alarming. The problem of nuclear; disarmament, the cessation of tests in all environments, the destruction of all nuclear weapons, and the confinement of all progressive efforts to peaceful purposes only affect humanity as a whole. Therefore, it is imperative, that the United Nations should give effective expression to the concern of mankind and assist these countries in bringing matters closer to the possibility of agreeing on a treaty banning the testing of nuclear weapons as soon as possible.\n15.\tThe situation in the Congo has been of great concern to the United Nations. We agree with the Secretary-General that progress in the solution of the problem of the Congo is as essential for the good name of the Organization as for the Organization's continued usefulness in similar circumstances that may arise in the future. We have always supported measures for the prestige and the effectiveness of the Organization, and we shall continue this policy. But, in all circumstances, it is our conviction that no settlement: of any problem can be considered lasting, and reliable if it is riot based, before everything else, on the full respect of the will of the peoples, themselves. It is our hope-that, in any future measures, this principle will be given the consideration it deserves. We hope that the co-operation of the United Nations will lead to more constructive efforts by the Secretary-General to achieve conciliation in the Congo, and to assist that country in bringing about conditions of peace in. which the people of the Congo may achieve their national aspirations, determined by the Congolese people themselves.\n16. The financial difficulties confronting, the Organization are becoming increasingly serious. This is obviously of great concern to countries which have enormous and urgent needs with limited resources to promote the economic, social and cultural conditions of their people. Afghanistan is one of these countries. Nevertheless, the Government of Afghanistan has done everything in its power to participate in measures to the point of possibility, in view of, the consideration of our own difficulties. Our participation is undoubtedly of no great material significance, but we hope that, it will serve as a token of our great interest in a stronger United Nations.\n17.\tWe fully agree with the statement of the Secretary-General that: "The emergence in recent years of scores of territories from colonial rule to independence and the clear prospect that the remaining colonial areas will shortly take their rightful places among the family of nations lend urgency to demands upon the international community to provide them with material and technical assistance, if these new nations are to achieve the monumental tasks of making their newly won independence meaningful through as rapid development of their economic and social potential as possible." [A/5201/Add.1, p.3.] In giving our full support to this, I find it necessary to stress once again that, in emphasizing the responsibilities of the United Nations in assisting these areas, the assistance required by the conditions prevailing in other less developed, areas of the world should not be ignored.\n18.\tGreat changes in the political structure of our society have taken place with great speed. We are witnessing the political emancipation of one country after another, but the changes in the structure of the world economy are slow. The primary producing countries are suffering without any protection and they are not able to diversify their national economies in order to raise their standards of living by industrialization. Industrialization is impossible to achieve without the help and assistance of international organizations and the industrially advanced countries. The facts show that the developed countries are progressing with greater speed toward a brighter horizon, while the less developed countries, although struggling very hard, are still suffering from poverty, ill health, undernourishment and lack of education. More help and assistance under bilateral and multilateral arrangements is necessary to help the developing countries in their attempts to reach higher standards of living.\n19.\tI want to emphasize that the launching of the United Nation's Development Decade is an important step which has been taken by this Organization. The Decade calls for the mobilization of all the resources of the Organization, of the specialized agencies, and of the technical co-operative organs.\n20.\tWe support the recommendations made in this respect by the Secretary-General, particularly those recommendations which call for expansion in the flow of capital, and assistance to under-developed countries; an increase of $25 million yearly in the resources of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund, in order to reach a combined level, of $300 million annually for these valuable activities; intensification of work to develop natural resources and, in particular, action to .stabilize the international commodity markets on which the economies of developing countries depend. We hope also that the proposals concerning the creation of a United Nations Capital Development Fund will be approved as soon as possible without further delay.\n21.\tI have one last word, on the importance of international co-operation in world trade. We have important items related to this question on our agenda. Because of its importance, the United Nations has been dealing with this question since its foundation. World trade is an important instrument of co-operation among nations. This co-operation will be strengthened if discriminatory economic and trade policies are not pursued by one or a group of nations against other nations. We, on our part. recognize the importance of international trade, and we have maintained our trade relations in an atmosphere of friendly co-operation with all countries.\n22.\tTo promote better trade, coastal States should co-operate with countries which are without a seacoast, and should not hinder their economic progress by the imposition of obstructions in the . way of their trade relations with other countries. In this respect, all Member nations should respect General Assembly resolution 1028 (XI) which decided; that the need of land-locked States, and States having no access to the sea, for adequate transit facilities, should be recognized in promoting international trade. This resolution further invites all Members of the United Nations to give: "… full recognition to the needs of land-locked Member States, in the matter of transit trade, and, therefore, to accord them adequate facilities in terms of international law and practice in this regard…." We hope that the terms of this resolution, which was adopted unanimously by the Assembly, will be respected by all Members, because now almost one-sixth of the Members of the United Nations are land-locked, and, to promote world trade, this co-operation is indeed important and-necessary.\n23.\tMr. President, before I leave the rostrum. I should like to address to you a final word, and join the previous speakers in expressing to you my congratulations on your election as President of this session.
## 8 Mr. President, having known you for the years you have been representing your country in the United Nations and having known your objective way of thinking and your eagerness to co-operate, I am not simply following a traditional custom by congratulating you, I extend to you the most sincere felicitations of the Afghan delegation and wish to express my personal pleasure at your unanimous election to the presidency of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. This tribute goes not only to your person and the people of Venezuela but also to all peoples of Latin America, whose great contributions to the cause of humanity are appreciated all over the world and upon whom we from the heart of Asia look with great respect and great esteem. I hope that under your leadership this session of the Assembly will answer the expectations of all those who consider it to be one of overriding significance.\n37.\tDuring the period between the last session and this session of the General Assembly, there was a change of government in my country. Therefore, at the outset of my participation in the general debate, I think I should say a word about this change,\n38.\tFirst of all, I would like to state that our traditional policy of non-alignment remains unchanged. This policy is firmly based on friendship with all, non-alignment with any of the military blocs and peaceful coexistence and co-operation with all nations of the world, regardless of any differences in political, economic or social systems. This policy of non-alignment, because of its traditional form, has enabled us to exercise our keen interest in all international situations with impartiality towards all peoples and nations and with bias against none. We believe that in a world where any event in one part affects all parts of the globe, such a realization is most essential and significant, at least for a country like mine.\n39.\tThe historical nature of our non-alignment, predating the divisions and differences prevailing in the world today, has justified us in believing that any doubt as to our sincerity on the part of anyone in the sphere of our international life should be completely unexpected. Our judgement of all international situations remains absolutely independent, based entirely on the principle of impartial analysis of all situations on their merits.\n40.\tThe full understanding of our policy and appreciation of our sincerity by all friendly countries is a great source of satisfaction to us, and the co-operation and assistance received by us from them is gratifying indeed,\n41.\tIn the course of the last year, we have not only continued to maintain our relations of amity and cooperation with the countries of our continent, of Europe, of the Americas and Africa, but I am pleased to state that we have established diplomatic relations and ties of friendship with more countries of Latin America and the newly independent countries of Africa, with whom we share so many common aspirations. In this connexion, the maintenance of good relations with our neighbours has been our foremost, earnest and natural desire, and it has thus been fulfilled.\n42.\tThe Assembly may recall that the Foreign Minister of Iran, in his statement on 23 September 1963 in the general debate [1211th meeting], expressed his happiness that after a year and a half of negotiations, the personal efforts and good offices of His Imperial Majesty the Shahinshah of Iran were instrumental in restoring normal diplomatic relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and he expressed the hope that the future association between Afghanistan and Pakistan would serve as a factor of great value in preserving the stability and peace of the region. This was an expected friendly statement coming from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran, with whom we share the highest sentiments of friendship and neighbourly relations. I would like to give expression to the appreciation of my country for the friendly personal efforts of His Imperial Majesty in this respect, and to state that we are happy indeed that these diplomatic relations are restored, and that as a consequence Afghanistan once again enjoys diplomatic relations with that country in its geographical vicinity.\n43.\tWhile I share the hope of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran that the restoration of diplomatic relations will serve as a factor of great value in preserving the stability and peace of our region, I also hope that it may result in the elimination of the basic political differences between Afghanistan and Pakistan by peaceful means and by mutual understanding between these two countries.\n44.\tThe change of government in Afghanistan, in connexion with our internal administrative, political, economic and social conditions, has its significance only for our own people by being constructive and progressive. I shall not therefore take the time of the Assembly on this matter, but I should mention one point which bears upon the connexion between our political and social reforms for the welfare of our own people and the principles underlying the Charter of the United Nations. This deals with the drafting of a new constitution based on principles of true democracy in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Afghan traditional way of life, derived from the spirit of our people and their deep conviction concerning the spiritually worshipped principles of equality, dignity, freedom of the individual and social justice.\n45.\tAll the speakers who have preceded me in this general debate have referred to the new developments which distinguish the favourable atmosphere inaugurating this session. The Afghan delegation welcomes these developments most heartily. In a world and in circumstances in which no nation, large and powerful or weak and small, can expect to fulfil its national aims except in conditions of peace and co-operation among nations and in which there is no alternative to peaceful coexistence for anyone, a country like Afghanistan is second to none in expressing its hope that this unfavourable atmosphere will be preserved in the interest of mankind as a whole.\n46.\tAs a starting point in the direction of mutual confidence and understanding and the relaxation of international tensions, the realization of the world situation by the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom, which resulted in their agreement on a partial test ban, has rightly proved to be a source of relief for all mankind. The mere fact that so many countries of the world rushed to sign this treaty, without hesitation and with such great enthusiasm, demonstrates how great the need is felt in the world for even the smallest steps in the direction of international understanding, peace and security. One should pause and think of the moment when the responsible Powers would succeed in answering the legitimate expectations of mankind for the elimination of the sources of the fear of destruction by terminating the nuclear arms race in all environments and by the agreement of all nuclear or potential nuclear Powers.\n47.\tThe Secretary-General has stated in his introduction to the annual report, that "the achievement of disarmament continues to be the most important problem of our time" [A/5501/Add.1, sect. II]. With this we fully agree, and we should like to say that while the goal of general and complete disarmament remains as remote as ever, we venture to express the hope that further essential, immediate steps will follow and that the practical political meaning of this favourable start will help in bringing about more favourable and effective measures.\n48.\tWe wish the negotiations between the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom every success. At the same time, we would like to express our deep concern about the circumstances which have made it impossible for certain other Powers, equally responsible for peaceful arrangements to avert the danger of nuclear war and for bringing reliable success to complete, general and universal disarmament in the world, to participate in the negotiations. In this connexion we wish to stress that no effort should be spared by the United Nations, and especially the big Powers, to seek such solutions as would result in universal support for peace by all countries of the world, including France and China. We believe that the existing differences can be overcome by the wisdom and leadership of which all these countries are capable, and particularly by a realistic approach to them by the United Nations. The attention of the General Assembly, therefore, should be directed to a serious consideration of the French point of view in the nuclear field, and the participation of the People's Republic of China in disarmament arrangements and its rightful representation in the United Nations.\n49.\tSince these negotiations primarily involve the big Powers, we strongly urge the Secretary-General of the United Nations to do his best, at the request and on the basis of the feeling of the General Assembly, to impress on them the concern of the smaller countries, Members of the United Nations, with which he is fully acquainted through his constant contact with them. It is hoped that the representatives of the big Powers, realizing the importance of the views of all countries in matters of war and peace, will see to it that the constructive views of other Members of the United Nations —in other worlds, the will and desire of the majority of the people of the world— have an expressive, effective and strong voice in all negotiations and talks which would affect the future of mankind. We hope that the Secretary-General will present the views of the Members of the United Nations in any negotiations where they are not directly participating.\n50.\tWe are fully aware that this suggestion involves at least two important points.\n51.\tIn the first place, the United Nations should not be considered as only a convenient meeting place, as suggested in some quarters, but should play its role as the most effective force in world affairs and, in the opinion of the Afghan delegation, the only one.\n52.\tSecondly, the Secretary-General, to fulfil his duties, should expand his constant contact with the Members of the United Nations and never allow himself to be confined only to the views of certain Members.\n53.\tThe statements made by the President of the United States [1209th meeting] and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting], in connexion with the desire of these two great nuclear Powers to search for further agreement, are a great source of encouragement in themselves. Yesterday, similar encouraging statements were added by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom [1222nd meeting].\n54.\tWhile all of us realize that, with so many problems confronting the world, an effort to reach the moon may seem to be far removed from realism, one cannot ignore the importance of the spirit of a search for peace in any form or by any measures. Here we share the opinion so wisely expressed by James E. Webb in a statement made a few days ago, that "in itself co-operation in a space activity between the great antagonists of the cold war is a thrilling prospect. It is one more step towards co-operation on earth, towards the banishment of the fear of the annihilation of life as we know it.".\n55.\tBy realizing the importance of a step by step approach, therefore, we hope for an atmosphere in which the solution of all central problems will become possible later. Although not a nuclear Power, even potentially, it was with this understanding that Afghanistan signed the test ban treaty, despite the fact that the treaty has no practical effect so far as my country is concerned. However, it was felt that certain universal consequences of the treaty justified our adherence to it. First, the treaty, at least partially, covers the field of nuclear weapons which are destructive even when tested under controlled conditions. Secondly, because of their destructive nature, nuclear weapons cannot remain the concern only of the Powers possessing them, but of all humanity which would suffer equally, and perhaps more, from their effects. Thirdly, we believe that the treaty is a constructive step towards a thaw in the cold war and the lessening of international tension.\n56.\tThe same meaning can be attached to the establishment of the direct line of communication between Moscow and Washington, and we hope that such measures of security will eventually connect all responsible centres on matters of war and peace,\n57.\tWe hope that the climate of agreement will be extended to other practical measures for increasing international security, and that the intention that has been heralded in the preamble to the limited test ban treaty for reaching agreement on a comprehensive treaty covering underground tests will be implemented on a priority basis.\n58.\tThe next important step should be in the direction of the destruction of nuclear weapons. This is the real goal which, if not guaranteed immediately and then achieved speedily, may even increase the sense of insecurity and undermine the partial and step by step measures already taken.\n59.\tThe other thing which is of great importance to the Afghan delegation is the significance of the role which the United Nations can and should play at this stage in major problems of war and peace, instead of devoting itself to minor problems. If the time is really auspicious for joint efforts on all levels, the majority of the Members of the United Nations, composed of smaller countries, should be conscious of their responsibility to devote their efforts and co-operate towards the achievement of these goals. In this connexion, I pledge my delegation to join in all sincere efforts to fulfil the promise inherent in the present situation.\n60.\tWe agree with the Secretary-General, who, in his introduction to the annual report, notes that the "crisis of confidence" faced by the United Nations last year has largely disappeared [A/550l/Add.1, sect. XII], We admire the spirit of optimism which pervades his report, and we wish also to pay him a warm tribute on his admirable achievements since he has been burdened with the great responsibilities of Secretary-General of the United Nations.\n61.\tThe strengthening of the United Nations, at the present stage in international affairs, is of more significance than it has ever been. The achievements of this Organization, and its acceptance of increasing responsibilities, make it more urgent than ever before that no nation should hesitate in giving the Organization its full moral and material support. Afghanistan, within the limits of its ability, will maintain its position of not hesitating to fulfil its obligations. It is our earnest hope that an adequate solution will be found for the financial difficulties with which the organization is confronted, and that full consideration will also be given by the General Assembly to making the Organization more effective by providing for adequate representation of all its Members on its various organs.\n62.\tThe role that the United Nations has played in contributing to the recent relaxation of international tension cannot be denied. The contribution made by the non-aligned countries, as a consequence of the decision of the United Nations as a whole in the most crucial problem, that is to say, general and complete disarmament, should receive the tribute it deserves. The test ban treaty is certainly an outgrowth of the disarmament negotiations carried out under the auspices of the United Nations, and this Assembly should not fail to continue its full support of the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament and to urge more co-operation in this field.\n63.\tThe Foreign Minister of Brazil touched upon this important point in his speech [1208th meeting]. He regretted that the Moscow meeting was held outside the province of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, and we fully agree with him that the question was, as demonstrated later by so many countries, a matter of common interest to all Members of the United Nations, particularly the members of the Disarmament Committee as a representative body of the United Nations.\n64.\tThe proposal made by the Soviet Union [1208th meeting] to convene in the first quarter or the first half of 1964 a conference of the States members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, with the participation of leading statesmen at the highest level, based on the purpose of reinforcing the success resulting from the signing of the test ban treaty and bringing about a radical shift in the disarmament talks, outpacing the arms race with a view to putting an end to it eventually, is therefore not only a useful and effective proposal, but also a desirable one, within the framework of the United Nations. Afghanistan hopes that this proposal will meet with the agreement of all parties concerned, through the support of the General Assembly. In this connexion we repeat our hope that France will also find it possible to participate, and will add its contribution to the work of the Committee.\n65.\tAfghanistan similarly welcomes the desire expressed by the United States and the Soviet Union for an arrangement to keep weapons of mass destruction out of outer space, and the proposal made by the United States [1209th meeting] for joint efforts in the regulation and exploration of space, including possibilities of a joint expedition to the moon, as already mentioned.\n66.\tAs representative of a developing country, I should emphasize the importance of the consideration of economic and social questions by the General Assembly. I hope we are not wrong in expecting that the desire for international co-operation and relaxation of tension will extend its practical effects to these fields. We welcome the recent development and progress encouraged by the United Nations Development Decade and hope that, by the end of this decade, the removal of major obstacles in the way of free trade, normalization of commodity prices and increased investment in the developing countries by the developed countries will be accomplished.\n67.\tAfghanistan has always supported and will continue to support the economic, social and cultural activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies. Afghanistan was, among other countries, a strong supporter of the idea of convening a United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, and a party to the decisions to this effect taken in Cairo and Belgrade. We are happy that arrangements for this conference are now being completed. We hope that the conference will solve the trade problems and abolish the barriers of discrimination between nations, and will deal with all the vital questions of trade between the developed and under-developed countries. Such co-operation will not remain confined to its specific field, but will in turn extend its practical effects in the expansion of international co-operation in all other fields and contribute further to the relaxation of international tension. This co-operation is of particular importance between countries living in the same region and, more particularly, neighbouring countries.\n68.\tWe would welcome the favourable consideration of the creation of a universal international trade organization which might seek solutions for the urgent problems of world trade, and for the supervision of the implementation of the results of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Afghanistan will also consider with interest the idea of working out the fundamental principles of economic and trade agreements and the effectiveness of long-term trade agreements for the stability and development of international exchanges. We shall welcome any declaration of principles of international co-operation whenever such a proposal is submitted for the consideration of the United Nations.\n69.\tIt was encouraging when the President of the United States emphasized that the provision of development assistance by individual nations must go on, but that the United Nations must also play a larger role in helping bring to all men the fruits of modern science and industry in various fields that the President enumerated. Among the many different areas mentioned In his statement, we would welcome most heartily the attention of the General Assembly to a world centre for health communications under the World Health Organization, regional research centres for advancement of medical knowledge and training of scientists and doctors for the developing nations, and particularly a world-wide programme of farm productivity and food distribution.\n70.\tBefore touching on a subject which is of special importance to my country, I would like to express my gratitude to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Paraguay, who in his statement [1212th meeting] acquainted us with his views on the same point. I join him in the appeal he made for the good will of the General Assembly, so that it may in due course consider the possibility of adopting a unanimous recommendation which would include the solution of problems of international trade of States which do not enjoy the privilege of having sea coasts. At this session once again, I wish to draw the attention of the Assembly to a number of United Nations resolutions, which, with the purpose of promoting world trade and international co-operation, supported free access of land-locked countries to the sea.\n71.\tAt its eleventh session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 1028 (XI), which affirmed that the need of land-locked States, and States having no access to the sea for adequate transit facilities, should be recognized for promoting international trade. This resolution further invites all Members of the United Nations: "... to give full recognition to the needs of landlocked Member States in the matter of transit trade and, therefore, to accord them adequate facilities in terms of international law and practice in this regard ..."\n72.\tThe first four articles of the 1958 Convention on the High Seas, which is now in force, recognize this right of free access to the sea, and we hope that the Conference on Trade and Development next year, with regard to solutions for the purpose of free trade among nations, will take into account the right of one sixth of the nations of the world, which happen to be land-locked.\n73.\tThere are many items on our agenda which require the urgent attention of the General Assembly. Most of them are chronic problems before the United Nations, some of which, if unchecked, could destroy the pervading optimism.\n74.\tThe items related to colonialism, the deprivation of peoples and nations of their right to equality, independence and self-determination, or any other form of violation of human rights, deserve the most serious consideration of the General Assembly. I have not touched upon these individual points because the views of the Afghan delegation on these problems have been repeatedly stated and remain unchanged. They will be further detailed as such items come up for discussion before the General Assembly.\n75.\tHowever, I do wish to add at this point that most of these problems directly affect the peoples of Africa and of Asia, and it is the awakening of these peoples themselves which is the most and perhaps the only important factor in the solution of these problems. This awakening has started in a great way, and therefore our hopes are very strong that the aspirations of these people will soon be fulfilled. Their co-operation among themselves, and with other Members of the United Nations, their solidarity and unity for the achievement of their goals, is of the greatest importance indeed.\n76.\tThe first step taken at Bandung for the achievement of these goals has been followed in a most significant manner by another step recently taken in Addis Ababa. The Summit Conference of Independent African States in Addis Ababa is no less a source of joy for us than the Conference of Bandung, and it should be hailed not only by the Asian and African countries, but also by all Members of the United Nations, as another force for solidarity among the Members of the United Nations, which is so important for the achievement of the goals of this Organization. Therefore, we wish to congratulate the nations of Africa and all the Members of the United Nations on this historic achievement.\n77.\tTo conclude, it is our earnest hope that the signs of improvement in the international situation will urge us on to ever greater efforts to achieve lasting peace and security.
## 9 48.\tI should like to begin my statement by saying that one of the founders of the United Nations has departed from a world in which, in so many ways, he played a role achieved by only few men in this century of the greatest achievements and events in the history of mankind. The death of Sir Winston Churchill is a grave event indeed. On this solemn occasion my Government has already offered its deep condolences to the Government of the United Kingdom and its people, with whom Afghanistan maintains a most cordial relationship. On behalf of the delegation of Afghanistan, I wish to convey through you, Mr. President, our most sincere condolences to the delegation of the United Kingdom here in the General Assembly, and to give expression to our profound sorrow, which we share not only with the delegation of the United Kingdom, but also with all Members of the General Assembly.\n49.\tMr. President, I should like to congratulate you most sincerely on your election to the Presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I have known you personally for a long time, and I have full confidence that the nineteenth session of the General Assembly will make a constructive contribution to the achievement of the ultimate ends of the United Nations under your Presidency.\n50.\tIt is also with great and heartfelt pleasure that the Afghan delegation welcomes Malawi, Malta and Zambia as new Members of the United Nations. The attainment of independence by these countries is not only a great victory for their own people but for all Members of the United Nations which have respected their rightful aspirations. Their membership in the Organization has strengthened the United Nations by new constructive forces in pursuit of peace and progress for all mankind.\n51.\tSince we last met in this Assembly and spoke about Afghanistan, I can now tell you of the continuation of satisfactory achievements in my country in the implementation of economic and social plans for the general development of Afghanistan.\n52.\tAt the eighteenth session [1224th meeting], I referred to one point bearing upon our political and social reforms, and I reported that a new' constitution was being drafted based on principles of democracy derived from the spirit of our people and their deep conviction in the venerated principles of equality, human dignity, freedom of the individual and social justice.\n53.\tAt the current session, I am happy to inform you that this Constitution was adopted. The new constitution recognizes the national life of the Afghans according to the requirements of the time and as the right of all human societies. It enshrines justice and equality for all and establishes political, economic and social democracy. It ensures the liberty and welfare of the individual, and aims ultimately at forming a prosperous and progressive society based on the preservation of human dignity. It is based solely on democratic principles. It conforms with the principles and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and the respect for the rights of the human person as enunciated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.\n54.\tIn the international sphere during the period between the last session and this session of the General Assembly, Afghanistan has followed its traditional policy of friendly relations on the basis of peaceful coexistence and co-operation with u nations regardless of differences in political, economic and social systems. We have not only succeeded in maintaining our relations of friendship and co-operation with the countries of our own continent, of Africa and of the Americas, but, to our great satisfaction, we have expanded such relations in all these continents. We have greatly benefited particularly by establishing and strengthening our co-operation in economic and cultural areas.\n55.\tIn achieving these goals we feel grateful to all those friendly countries from whom we have received co-operation and assistance. By this they have shown their full understanding of our problems and our policies, with an appreciation of our sincerity.\n56.\tI also wish to give expression to our appreciation of the co-operation and assistance we have received from the various organs of the United Nations and the specialized agencies. We feel confident that in the light of more knowledge of our needs and problems, and particularly a clear understanding of our co-operation and the hard work we have undertaken by ourselves for the betterment of conditions, this assistance and cooperation will be enhanced.\n57.\tIn this general debate I should like briefly to refer only to the major problems and activities which my delegation thinks the Assembly should be reminded of. One of these is the result of the work of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held last year in Geneva, as one of the most important and promising achievements of the United Nations. Afghanistan has noted the deliberations of this Conference with satisfaction. The Conference had the merit of defining for the first time the tremendous economic and trade problems with which developing countries are confronted and must contend. It was able to consider the global pattern of trade and its relationship with the economic development of the developing countries in a new perspective which once again, and more clearly, emphasizes the fact that the international community cannot live in harmony and peace as long as the prevailing urgent economic problems are not solved by international co-operation and understanding among all nations, regardless of their level of development.\n58.\tAfghanistan particularly notes the work undertaken at the Conference regarding the transit trade of the land-locked countries. We hope that the conference of plenipotentiaries recommended to be convened in 1965 will be held in an atmosphere of more understanding of the difficulties with which these countries are confronted, and that it will adopt a convention which will contribute to the normalization and promotion of trade for the countries which have no access to the sea. Afghanistan believes that such a legal instrument should come into existence, and that essentially it is only by legally binding international agreements suited to the conditions of our time that we can seek a realistic and reliable understanding among nations.\n59.\tWe wish to express our satisfaction that the nineteenth session of the General Assembly, in spite of its having met with unusual difficulties, was able to carry out the measures necessary for the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, with the Trade and Development Board as a permanent organ of this body of the General Assembly. The co-operation of the entire membership of the Organization on this matter, particularly in unusual circumstances, should be noted as a hopeful measure for understanding and co-operation.\n60.\tThe solidarity of the Group of Seventy-seven is of great historic importance as a realization of the significance of international co-operation for creating conditions in which peace can be realized and maintained, but it is in no way less important to note the general political understanding of the entire membership based on the recognition of the principles of mutual benefit in world affairs which, if continued, will result in a peaceful and prosperous life for all.\n61.\tThe urgency of the convening of the session of the Board at the earliest possible time should not be ignored in any circumstances, to enable the new institutions to take practical measures to fulfil the aspirations of the Geneva gathering — which succeeded only in preparing the groundwork.\n62.\tDuring the period between Assembly sessions, Afghanistan also participated in the Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations held in Cairo. This was a conference dealing with matters of peace and progress and therefore in conformity with the desire of all those countries which believe that their efforts for strengthening the United Nations by international cooperation leading to peace, freedom, and equality should not be confined only to their efforts in one place or on one occasion.\n63.\tThe Prime Minister of Afghanistan stated at the Cairo Conference that Afghanistan, as a devoted Member of the United Nations, supports any measures for the strengthening of the Organization within the Organization and elsewhere.\n64.\tThe Cairo Conference was a gathering of the forces of construction seeking a positive answer to the demands of humanity for a peaceful and better life. At this Conference, Afghanistan expressed its appreciation for the progress made in the direction of the elimination of colonialism, but at the same time it stressed that colonialism had not been eliminated in all its forms and manifestations and it condemned the domination of any people by any alien Power in any part of the world.\n65.\tWhile the importance of the limited test ban was emphasized, it was accompanied by our great concern that tests were not banned in all environments and that the destruction of existing nuclear weapons is still an urgent job to be done. The continuation of the nuclear and non-nuclear armaments race as well as the tension between opposing military camps were a further source of concern.\n66.\tThe most important issue of our time, that is to say, the achievement of agreements which would lead to general and complete disarmament under strict international control, is in great need of decisive and immediate steps. Afghanistan would join with those countries which would collectively pursue their interest in bringing about real progress in this field by practical and positive measures.\n67.\tAfghanistan holds the opinion that disarmament can be achieved only if peaceful coexistence provides the world with the confidence required. If suggested, Afghanistan will support the idea of seeking the agreement of all concerned for the purpose of convening an international conference on disarmament.\n68.\tWhile we support the establishment of atom-free zones which, if continually extended, would lead us to an atom-free world, we shall give our support to agreements between all nuclear Powers for a fresh and universal approach to the problem of nuclear test bans in all environments.\n69.\tThe role played by the non-aligned nations was in conformity with Afghanistan's basic international policy of an impartial evaluation of the world situation, based on independent judgement, in the interest only of peace with full realization of our responsibilities as objective members of the international community.\n70.\tIn this connexion I would refer to what was stated by the Prime Minister of Afghanistan: "It is by proving to the world that our mission is one of good will, that our actions are directed by reason, that our determination is our goal, that we can hope for full understanding of our purposes and aims."\n71.\tAfghanistan reaffirmed its belief in the principles of coexistence and asked for a clearer understanding of these principles through their codification and declaration to the world as principles which would include mutual respect for all; support of the right of all nations to choose their own political, economic, and social systems; respect for the undeniable and inherent right of all peoples to self-determination; restraint from any policy of political, military, or economic pressure in any form; and solutions of all disputes by peaceful ,means without using force or the threat of force.\n72.\tWe reaffirmed our belief that most thoughtful consideration was imperative in dealing with disputes between nations, and solutions must be sought only by peaceful negotiations; that these disputes have more significance when they exist between neighbouring countries, but the most despicable are the ones where alien Powers continue attempts to suppress the .right of peoples to self-determination; that alien domination in any form and by anyone anywhere should be equally as unacceptable as is the classic form of Western colonialism, and, therefore, should be equally doomed to condemnation and abolition; that in all cases, and with no exceptions, the will of the people and their right to decide their own destiny should be considered the just method for the establishment of peace and better relations between peoples and nations.\n73.\tAfghanistan stressed the importance of this work in the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, as it has always done in the United Nations, and wishes to do now.\n74.\tThe principle of peaceful settlement of the problems of the divided nations and the differences between countries concerning border disputes needs urgent attention. This was reaffirmed by the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. From the general debate in the United Nations it is clear that other Members of the United Nations share this view. I personally welcome the emphasis put on this point by the distinguished Minister for External Affairs of Pakistan in his statement of general policy the other day [1319th meeting] and also today in his speech exercising the right of reply. We earnestly hope that this principle of the peaceful settlement of border and other disputes between countries will be universally accepted and supported.\n75.\tWhen the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries was in session in Cairo, many messages of good will were sent from all parts of the world, including the ones sent by the Heads of State and Government of countries that did not belong to the non-aligned part of the world. Afghanistan gave a full expression of appreciation to these messages and interpreted them as a good sign of better understanding of the policies of non-alignment. The Prime Minister of Afghanistan called upon the non-aligned nations to interpret them as such and suggested that they "should try to strengthen this understanding by an objective evaluation of the major- world problems ". We emphasize this suggestion here in the General Assembly of the United Nations.\n76.\tWe expressed the hope that these countries, particularly the major Powers, would co-operate with each other on matters of peace, particularly through the United Nations.\n77.\tWe have pledged positive support for the hopes cherished by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, as expressed in his message to the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries. The Prime Minister of Afghanistan stated: "The United Nations is the only place of hope for saving mankind from destruction. This Conference is only a part of the United Nations. The solidarity of the non-aligned nations is already a great contribution to the work of the United Nations. Its unity on matters of peace and war will, in fact, further this contribution. Afghanistan, with other non- aligned nations, pledges itself fully to respect and support the United Nations Charter, once again and for all time."\n78.\tMr. President, as you see, the aspiration of my Government and my people in relation to the United Nations is explicitly one of deep and unshaken conviction, and this session of the General Assembly was meant to be attended by the Afghan delegation with greater expectations, particularly because it was a session preceding the International Co-operation Year.\n79.\tFor our part, we intended to join Members of the Assembly in looking back to the seconds, minutes, and hours of the nineteen years of the life of the Organization and, after so doing, endeavour to join them in paving the way for our entry into the twentieth year with steady and firm steps in the direction of achieving our ultimate goals as held in the aspirations and demands of the peoples of the United Nations. We still cherish this hope.\n80.\tHowever, most unfortunately, the beginning of the session was marked by certain disagreements so that the normal functions of the Assembly were threatened by differences of views on some basic principles. Perhaps this in itself was enough to make us feel deeply concerned over the situation. But when the efforts to overcome the situation were not successful in bringing our anxieties to an end, it became more unfortunate to the extent that the world was given the impression that the urgency of the major international problems may be almost overshadowed by what is referred to as the "financial crisis".\n81.\tEven at this rather late hour when the general debate is coming to an end, no agreement on how to overcome the immediate crisis has been reached. The fact that the crisis is not merely a financial one, simply increases our anxiety, and this factor has to some extent changed, in the minds of many of us, the meaning and the sense of what is recognized as patience and hope for the solution to the problem.\n82.\tHowever, at no time has the Afghan delegation been discouraged. We have watched the developments with great concern, sharing at all times the conviction expressed by the Secretary-General "that it is not beyond the capacity of reasonable men to reach reasonable accommodations, if there is a will to reach them" [1315th meeting, para. 15], and we join him in the appeal he made to the Members of this Organization, as a matter of urgency, to co-operate in devising ways and means to rectify the situation.\n83.\tMr. President, you also have made similar appeals.\n84.\tThe Afghan delegation would like to have the opportunity to be a part of a unanimous, collective, positive response to any constructive measures in the interest of the Organization to enable this session of the General Assembly to function normally and to give the Members of the United Nations an opportunity to take in hand a comprehensive review of the entire matter as soon as possible.\n85.\tIn the consideration of such matters it is not difficult for any one of us to understand that no individual Member can afford a departure from the basic political and legal position it holds, but it should be equally easy to understand that co-operative effort by all Members, with the aim of strengthening the United Nations and of creating an atmosphere in which the future may be harmoniously planned, should not be an impossibility.\n86.\tRightly or wrongly, it has been mentioned frequently during the past weeks that the prestige of a number of countries might be threatened if they were to reconsider their positions. It is difficult to understand how this could be, particularly when the appeals made to them by a majority of the Members of the United Nations have been accompanied by suggestions only of general principles for them and for the rest of the Assembly to consider as a basis for negotiations, in order that an agreement for the normalization of the work of the Assembly may be reached by all Members at this session without any prejudice to any basic political and legal positions.\n87.\tWhat could eliminate the fear of losing a point of position or face more than an appeal by this world Organization, where everyone can state his position and reserve his right, after co-operating to make it possible, to work in a normal atmosphere?\n88.\tEveryone is cognizant of the complexity of the problem; but we also know that it can be solved only with time, in a normal atmosphere, and by a comprehensive review of the total problem. If a confrontation is allowed, it will not be an act of wisdom by an Assembly which acted with wisdom and goodwill successfully on much more complex problems. The complexity is indeed in the political nature of the problem. The solution can be sought only through a political agreement. No procedural attempt will lead to a solution.\n89.\tThe decision of the African-Asian group to request the Secretary-General to try to bring about an agreement by negotiation was a wise one, and, in the opinion of the Afghan delegation, should be the only course to be followed. My delegation thinks that with the well-considered absence of any definite proposal imposed on the Assembly or on some Members of the Assembly, and with the existence of certain concrete practical ideas based on general principles, only as a basis for negotiation, there is a good opportunity for all to reach an agreement. This requires an agreement to put aside the differences in the interest of the Organization and relieve it of the present situation without prejudice to any positions hitherto taken.\n90.\tIn the general debate last year [1224th meeting] the Afghan delegation, in connexion with the annual report of the Secretary-General, stated that the strengthening of the United Nations at that stage in international affairs was of more significance than it had ever been. This year an emphasis on this point seems to be more relevant. We have to keep reminding ourselves of the achievements of the Organization and the increasing responsibilities it has undertaken. It will be an unpleasant reading of history when it determines the real causes of such disagreements, particularly for those of us who would deny their utmost co-operation for solutions to the present problems. In the meantime, none of us who has the opportunity to stand here and speak his mind can afford to leave this rostrum without emphasizing the importance of the fact that an organization should be strong financially, but at the same time realizing that it cannot be an effective organization if it is weak politically.\n91.\tIn this grave situation each one of us can weaken the Organization and only all of us can strengthen it. It is our conviction that the United Nations will emerge stronger from the present crisis, in the same way it has managed through past crises. Even the last-moment statements of inflexible positions should not discourage the Members of this great assembly of nations, individually or collectively. Such discouragement is more dangerous than any delay in reaching agreement. On the contrary, the final explanations of different points of view should be objectively understood, which understanding should serve the purpose of finding a desirable solution. We strongly hope that we shall not be proven wrong.\n92.\tAll of us are acquainted with the items on the provisional agenda of this session, about most of which I have deliberately not made any observations. This omission on the part of my delegation at this stage is only to put more emphasis, by brevity, on the importance of enabling the Assembly to function in an effective way, with the hope that at the end of this general debate we shall have an opportunity to continue our efforts to make a contribution to the work of the Assembly by expressing our views during its consideration of the items on its agenda.
## 10 26. On behalf of the Afghan delegation, I should like to associate myself with the members of the General Assembly in congratulating most sincerely, His Excellency Amintore Fanfani, Foreign Minister of Italy, on his election as President of the twentieth session of the General Assembly. The election of Foreign Minister Fanfani — who is not only a well-known statesman but also a man of knowledge and a scholar of great eminence — to his high office is a tribute to his great country and an expression of the high esteem with which he is personally regarded by all members of the Assembly.\n\n27. Among the tributes paid to him, perhaps the most impressive expressions were those in which the representatives of so many nations spoke of their ancient and present relations with the country he represents. Afghanistan, as a country which enjoys most friendly relations with Italy, naturally associates itself with those nations. We were, therefore, grieved to learn of the accident suffered by our distinguished President and we would like to take this opportunity to convey to him our best wishes and hopes for a speedy recovery.\n\n28. I should also like to pay tribute to His Excellency Alex Quaison-Sackey, the President of the nineteenth session, who fulfilled the heavy responsibilities and duties of that office in a most admirable way during one of the difficult sessions in the history of the Organization. I am sure that his contributions to the work of the United Nations will always be remembered.\n\n29. The representative of Japan has already spoken [1332nd meeting] on behalf of the Asian countries to welcome the admission of the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore to membership in the United Nations. However, I should like to take this opportunity to extend once again our most heartfelt congratulations to the Governments and the peoples of these new Member States. We are confident that they will make a constructive contribution to the work of the United Nations.\n\n30. Since we met last time and I had the privilege of addressing the General Assembly [1323rd meeting], at home my country has been pursuing its objectives of economic, social and cultural development, guided by its firm belief in the lofty principles of democracy as the traditional way of life of its people and as an essential and basic precondition for the preservation of freedom, equality and the dignity of the human person.\n\n31. No change has taken place in the international policy of Afghanistan. We continue to be a non-aligned country whose basic traditional policy is one of friendship and co-operation with all peoples and nations.\n\n32. As the oldest non-aligned State Member of the United Nations, we are most gratified that the sincerity of our impartiality, objectivity and independent judgement in regard to all international situations has continued under all circumstance and thus has strengthened and expanded our relations with our friends on all continents. We are not a party to any form of association, alliance or bloc which would in any way influence us to judge any situation except on its merit. It is in this spirit that I venture to express our views on some of the problems before the General Assembly.\n\n33. The policies of non-alignment have played a significant role in the maintenance of peace and in other fields of international endeavour. That has made us more confident that the co-operation of the non-aligned countries and the appreciation by others of their impartial and unselfish aspirations for the betterment of relations among all peoples and nations will result in the realization of the peaceful objectives which are common to us all.\n\n34. Thinking for a second of an old saying which goes, "No matter how much peace you have at home, you cannot enjoy it in a disturbed neighbourhood". I should say that no other country is more unhappy about the recent events in the subcontinent of India than is Afghanistan. It is only natural for us to be disturbed over the grave situation which still prevails in that region of the world, to which we belong.\n\n35. Under the present circumstances, we do not think that any other problem should be of greater concern to anyone than putting a permanent end to armed confrontation and to bloodshed. The efforts already made in that direction are a great source of satisfaction to us. The wisdom demonstrated by the Governments of India and Pakistan in accepting the cease-fire was in no way surprising to any reasonable and peace-loving mind.\n\n36. We have welcomed these developments with the strong hope that they might lead to a peaceful and permanent solution of a problem which has been one of the most important international preoccupations, not only of the Asian countries but of the world community as a whole. War is the most undesirable way of seeking a solution of any dispute. In the India-Pakistan conflict, it is not only most undesirable but also most unlikely to lead to a solution of the problem.\n\n37. The Government of Afghanistan desires a peaceful solution, not only of this problem, which has already led to war between two neighbouring countries, but also of all problems in the region which are unhappy remnants of the colonial era. Afghanistan will approve of no policy which is not aimed, before all else, at the maintenance of peace and security in a region to which it belongs, a policy in the interest of the peoples, for whom peace is the only condition in which they can fulfil their aspirations for their economic, social and cultural development.\n\n38. The end of colonial rule in that part of the world created not only the problem of Kashmir, but also certain other problems which have affected the relations between the countries of that area in an undesirable manner; for in the absence of such problems those countries could co-operate .with each other in a most friendly atmosphere for the well-being of their peoples.\n\n39. In view of the existence of such problems, neither Afghanistan nor anyone else could agree with the following statement made in the general debate by one speaker on the morning of 28 September 1965 or any statement similar to it made at any time anywhere:\n\n"The creation of Pakistan, where Muslims would be free to develop in accordance with their culture and way of life, was the result of the democratic process of self-determination in which each of the provinces which today form part of Pakistan freely and formally expressed its desire to do so. Kashmir alone of those States, provinces and territories of pre-partitioned India, has been deprived of the right to participate in this process of self-determination." [1339th meeting, para. 131.]\n\n40. As I have said, we cannot agree with that statement, by way of example, I cite the disputed territory of Pakhtunistan, referred to in pre-partitioned India as the Northwest Frontier Province, and the tribal territories, where the fate of a much larger population than that of Kashmir is involved, and where a population which has been continuously demanding its right to self-determination, was also deprived of that same right. Fortunately, this problem is not yet before the United Nations, and we hope that it will be solved by peaceful means and in a spirit of understanding and friendship on the basis of justice and in accordance with the will of the people and their political leaders.\n\n41. Unless we are deliberately pressed in the matter, we shall consider this clarification sufficient to prevent the repetition of such statements, because from the bottom of our hearts we seek nothing but friendship and understanding, and to have a sense of justice prevail.\n\n42. The serious situation in South-East Asia in general, and in Viet-Nam in particular, cannot escape anyone's attention anywhere today. The developments, however, are no doubt of great importance to the Asian countries as the continuance and expansion of the war in Viet-Nam becomes increasingly alarming. Although the question of Viet-Nam does not fall within the scope of the work of the General Assembly at this stage, the mere absence of any other arrangements for peaceful negotiations makes it a concern of all Members of this Organization, Afghanistan has participated, with some other non-aligned countries, in earnest appeals for the restoration of peace in this area. We are convinced that a political solution through negotiations among all parties should not be delayed for any of the reasons given or for any of the excuses sought. We agree with the Secretary-General that military action can neither bring peace nor restore stability.\n\n43. The real causes of conflicts in this area are well known. Therefore, the basic consideration should be concentration on the elimination of these causes. The background of the problem and the experiences of the past should provide the parties directly concerned with a reasonable ground for replacing the hot war by peaceful negotiations. We believe that everything else should depend upon peaceful negotiations, and such negotiations should never be dependent upon any conditions that might hinder them or reduce their effectiveness or, worse still, prevent their taking place.\n\n44. The other matter that we have followed with much concern in the question of Cyprus. Its great importance to us stems from its existence as one of the crucial problems confronting the Middle East and, more particularly, from our most friendly aspirations for Cyprus and Turkey. I should like to emphasize the importance of an urgent, peaceful, democratic and just solution of this problem in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and in conformity with the wishes of all inhabitants of Cyprus. In this connexion, we should like to stress that the Republic of Cyprus is an equal Member of the United Nations and that its independence, its full sovereignty and territorial integrity should be respected in any arrangements designed for the solution of its problems.\n\n45. It is a source of satisfaction that the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus has helped to maintain peace on the island. None the less, it is regrettable that the mediation efforts have not yet succeeded in promoting an agreed settlement. It is our hope that the General Assembly will express itself on the urgency and importance of the renewal of United Nations mediation efforts, with a view to reaching a solution of the problem of Cyprus which would result in the betterment of relations between the parties directly concerned and would safeguard the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.\n\n46. One of the most important items on the agenda of the General Assembly, from both a political and a humanitarian point of view, is the question of the Palestinian refugees. We are gratified that the Special Political Committee has already given priority to the consideration of this problem, While, from the political point of view, a just solution of this question is essential for the elimination of tensions in the Middle East and the maintenance of peace and security in that region, the humanitarian aspect of the situation cannot be underestimated. The United Nations should always keep in mind its political and humanitarian responsibilities to the people of Palestine.\n\n47. We welcome the deep concern expressed by the General Assembly and the prompt and timely action which it took by its resolution [2012 (XX)] on the situation in Rhodesia. Afghanistan has always supported the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples as proclaimed in the Charter and in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.\n\n48. Appreciating the attitude of the United Kingdom Government that a unilateral declaration of independence for Southern Rhodesia would be an act of rebellion and that any measure to give it effect would be an act of treason, we joined the sponsors of the resolution by giving it our support.\n\n49. Before and, in particular, since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Afghanistan has strongly supported and will continue to support all measures that would put an end to the unbearable calamities and intolerable sufferings born of the domination of people. We cannot emphasize at present or in the future more strongly than we have in the past our firm belief in the urgent need for an unconditional liquidation of colonialism. The United Nations has played a great role in this field, and we are particularly appreciative of the work of the Special Committee of Twenty-four charged with measures for the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). It is our hope that these efforts will continue constructively and that the organs entrusted with this task will be given clearer mandates to recommend to the General Assembly peaceful and practical measures which should be taken with a view to putting a complete end to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations without further delay.\n\n50. In this connexion I should like particularly to underline one point once again. By colonialism, we do not mean only one specific form of domination, and by no means only the classic form of Western colonialism. To us, any form of domination of any country, territory, or people by an alien Power is colonialism, wherever it may exist. We have never been convinced that new names should be sought for the new forms of alien domination.\n\n51. In recent times, while the classic form of colonialism is gradually vanishing, it is more important to pay careful attention to the other and perhaps more dangerous forms of domination, including the domination of many territories and peoples in many parts of the world by alien Powers which, themselves, not very long ago, were colonies.\n\n52. In the efforts made recently to find the facts of such situations, we welcomed such initiatives as the on-the-spot examination of these situations by the Committee of Twenty-four. It is our hope that these efforts will be continued in the future and that they will not be confined only to certain aspects of domination of people by people or or to any specific region or continent.\n\n53. In all cases, we have believed and expressed our belief that peace and stability depend solely on the respect for and observance of self-determination, which is no longer a political principle, but a fundamental human right. The sincerity of those who uphold this right can be fully tested only by observing whether they adhere to it in all cases and in all places. It is our firm belief that any double standard in the field of international relations is untenable.\n\n54. Under the constant fear of the annihilation of mankind, we maintain our earnest desire that all specific and general actions be taken to bring about complete, general and universal disarmament.\n\n55. Adherence to the principle of coexistence and the condemnation of all policies advocating the use or threat of force constitute the basis of our thoughts on this subject. Without these, neither the confidence nor the atmosphere required can be created.\n\n56. The lack of success in the negotiations on disarmament is most deplorable. The many years of effort on the part of the United Nations have convinced us that new approaches should be made to this most important aspect of all matters of war and peace.\n\n57. The idea of a world disarmament conference, initiated at the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, was supported by Afghanistan on the basis of the urgent need for such a new approach. It is our hope that this session of the General Assembly will take definite steps in connexion with the convening of such a conference at the earliest appropriate time.\n\n58. These steps, however, require the unanimous support of this Organization, because a divided assembly of nations cannot logically call for a universal world gathering. In such a case, we should have good reason to hope that the world conference will take place in the interest of humanity as a whole, and that it will be a success.\n\n59. This, however, in no way means that the work of this Organization in the field of disarmament should be hindered in any manner. The problem of disarmament should remain, as it has been, one of the most important concerns of this assembly of nations and should be furthered by efforts, universal in scope.\n\n60. One of the most important questions which should receive the special attention of the General Assembly is the question of nuclear tests. It is our hope that the treaty on the partial banning of nuclear tests will be followed, without any delay, by a ban on such tests in all environments by all nuclear Powers, and that priority will be given to questions connected with nuclear and thermonuclear armaments and the prevention of their proliferation.\n\n61. The Assembly should give a clearer and stronger expression at this session to its concern by calling on all nuclear Powers not to ignore their great responsibilities toward humanity any longer. There is nothing more alarming than the spread of nuclear weapons, which should be prevented, in the interest of the preservation of the human race, at the cost of any political sacrifice.\n\n62. We are confronted in this respect with a special situation, but not a difficult one to understand, that has hindered the participation of all nuclear Powers in taking common measures in the nuclear field. To make this participation possible, everything should be done to bring about the balance essential for mutual confidence and create the atmosphere required for the fulfilment of the universal aspirations of mankind, putting an end to the fear of annihilation. One of the most important measures in this respect is the complete destruction of the existing nuclear weapons.\n\n63. Disarmament depends solely on mutual confidence between all nations, particularly the major Powers. A call for disarmament must, therefore, naturally be preceded by a call for efforts to be made toward easing the prevailing tensions. This can only be done, as I have said before, through acceptance of the principle of coexistence and the right of all peoples and nations to economic, social and political self-determination.\n\n64. Peaceful settlement of political disputes is essential for the creation of an atmosphere in which hope for the solution of the problem of disarmament and other problems can be cherished. In this regard, Afghanistan welcomes the item proposed by the delegation of the United Kingdom [A/5964], We welcome, also, the consideration of the item proposed by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (A/5977], which has provided the General Assembly with an opportunity to give full consideration to the essential principle of non-intervention.\n\n65. How to approach these important matters should be our first consideration. A careless approach will result not only in failure, but might add to the difficulties which have hindered common agreements and delayed the termination of the prevailing international tensions.\n\n66. At all previous sessions of the General Assembly, the Afghan delegation has emphasized the importance of the universality of the United Nations. At this session, it is particularly important to do so. While we are gratified by the increase in the membership of the Organization, we regret that we have not been able to see the purpose of universality of the Organization realized in its fullest sense.\n\n67. We still do not find the legitimate Government of China occupying its rightful seat. The withdrawal of Indonesia from the United Nations has added to our regrets. Whatever undesirable circumstances may dictate, it is hoped that this Organization may in the long run achieve the goal of universality. In this connexion, our hopes are nurtured by the fact that, in spite of its withdrawal from the United Nations, Indonesia will continue to co-operate with the United Nations by upholding the principles of international co-operation.\n\n68. Contrary to the ideas of the pessimists, the Organization has been able to prove its usefulness in the maintenance of international peace and security by bringing about a more desirable situation in certain areas of grave conflict. For example, the collective action taken by the Security Council in the India-Pakistan dispute, the courageous intervention of the Secretary-General, and the wisdom demonstrated by the Member States involved in accepting the suggestion of the United Nations, have gratified us, not only because they have led to the prevention of bloodshed, but also because they have strengthened our faith in the effectiveness of the United Nations Organization.\n\n69. Afghanistan has always maintained the policy of opposing the use of force and violence in any international dispute. Whatever the future may bring, this Organization has succeeded in playing a positive and constructive role on many occasions when no other source of peaceful solution to existing international problems was conceivable.\n\n70. In one of the statements made here the hope was expressed that in this critical year we would see a revival of the authority of the United Nations, a renaissance in international endeavour. We share this hope with Lord Caradon, the representative of the United Kingdom.\n\n71. I wish to give the strongest expression I can to our firm faith and confidence in the United Nations Organization. We feel most gratified that at this session of the General Assembly we are relieved of the anxieties with which we were confronted during the nineteenth session. The great wisdom demonstrated by the entire membership in realizing the importance of the United Nations, in the interest of mankind, is a great source of encouragement for all of us who believe that there is no substitute for this world Organization and that this Organization can fulfil the aspirations and hopes of mankind only if it remains effective.\n\n72. I wish to express our gratitude for the spirit of understanding shown by the major Powers, without which the unanimous agreement essential for a solution to our difficulties could not have been reached.\n\n73. In my statement at the nineteenth session [1323rd meeting], I expressed a strong hope — not an easy thing to do in the circumstances then prevailing — that the collective wisdom of the international community would give us no reason to be discouraged and that, on the contrary, it would give cause to hope for the increasing strength and effectiveness of the Organization once it had emerged successfully from its difficulties.\n\n74. The atmosphere in which the twentieth session has started is a hopeful one. The maintenance of this atmosphere should be our first and foremost goal.\n\n75. There is no doubt that the normalization of the work of the Assembly, which we are happy to see achieved, is of the greatest importance, But the elimination of the financial difficulties of the Organization has yet to be accomplished. The unanimous consensus of the entire membership of the United Nations, advocating voluntary contributions by Members and particularly substantial contributions by the highly developed countries, should provide us with strong grounds on which to urge that such contributions be made as soon as possible and without delay. We welcome the most recent appeal made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in this regard.\n\n76. The future of peace-keeping operations of the United Nations is, undoubtedly, of equal importance to all Members of the United Nations, large and small. It is our hope that the Assembly, in its consideration of the report of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, will devote special attention to this problem.\n\n77. As a member of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, Afghanistan stated that before any final recommendations are made, the views of all Members of the United Nations should guide the Committee in the fulfilment of its task, as this is a matter of direct interest to every individual Member of the Organization. It is our hope that the Assembly will co-operate in giving this assistance to the organ that it may decide should undertake the task of the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations in the future, with a view to making final and concrete recommendations to the General Assembly.\n\n78. As we have stated, the key to a resolution of this matter is agreement. Agreement can be reached only by finding a common denominator, recognized and respected by the entire membership, and then using it only in the interest of the Organization as a whole, thus avoiding stubborn adherence to rigid individual positions. Such a common denominator exists. It is the Charter of the United Nations.\n\n79. The difficulties, however, arise from the fact that the Charter is open to interpretation, a fact which is neither new or accidental. Certain provisions of the Charter were deliberately left vague and thereby open to interpretation. In fact, it was purposely decided to omit provisions which would place the final power of interpretation with any definite body. At all times, however, the implicit understanding remained that strict adherence to the Charter meant adherence to such interpretations as would be in the interest of the Organization. Therefore, as we have repeatedly stated, after so many changes in the world and in the Organization only a flexible way of thinking in the interests of the Organization can lead us to an agreement which would serve the basic purpose of strengthening the United Nations.\n\n80. The only point that I would like to emphasize again at this stage is that all of us agree on the desirability of the United Nations having the capacity to undertake peace-keeping operations.\n\n81. We also agree that the Security Council has, in accordance with the Charter, the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. At the same time, no one has denied the responsibilities and certain functions and powers of the General Assembly under the Charter.\n\n82. In the consideration of the primary responsibilities of the Security Council, the foremost obligations of its permanent members can neither be forgotten nor ignored. Moreover, it should be kept in mind that when the Security Council, and particularly its permanent members, were granted the authority of enforcement and a position of privilege, it was considered to be inconceivable that either the Council or any of its members would, in. practice, act contrary to the expressed wishes of the entire membership of the Organization.\n\n83. As we have stated before, the Security Council and the General Assembly should be considered complementary organs in the work of the United Nations. For the harmony referred to in the Charter, between the various organs of the Organization, to exist in fact, it is essential that special attention be paid to bringing about closer relationships between these two vital parts, the General Assembly and the Security Council,\n\n84. It is our clear position that, in conformity with the principle of collective responsibility of all Member States, the rights of the Assembly should be respected on matters of assessments and approval of financial burdens resulting from any peace-keeping operations, and that the voice of all the Members of the United Nations should be heard in the choice of methods to be used for such operations.\n\n85. We, however, are not yet quite convinced that the new requirements considered to be needed in the light of all the changes that have taken place since 1945 can be met. This in no way means that we are denying such changes. But we would like the General Assembly carefully to consider whether basing itself on such changes would really bring about more definite provisions with which the entire membership could agree under the present circumstances.\n\n86. In all circumstances, the economic and social conditions in the developing areas of the world remain realities of paramount importance to us. The work of the United Nations in this field is just as important as, and in no way less significant than, its work in the political arena. Often the activities of the United Nations in the economic and social fields are overshadowed by its political activities. This is unfortunate because the success or failure of the United Nations must not be judged, primarily, on its political achievements. Worthy of equal consideration is its success or failure in the promotion of effective international co-operation in the economic, social, cultural and humanitarian fields.\n\n87. Despite numerous efforts and repeated attempts to change the regrettable conditions in the developing countries through international co-operation, the fact remains that in many respects the situation has worsened.\n\n88. The first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was a milestone in the efforts made by the United Nations towards defining the tremendous economic and trade problems confronting the developing countries. At the end of the Geneva meeting all of us noted the results of the Conference with satisfaction, but the implementation of its resolutions fell too short of the high expectations cherished by the developing countries.\n\n89. One of the concrete results of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was the convening of the conference of plenipotentiaries for the adoption of a Convention on Transit Trade of Land- Locked Countries. As the Assembly is aware, this Conference adopted a Convention. Although this Convention is not entirely satisfactory in view of the legitimate aspirations of the land-locked countries, we consider it as a preliminary step towards achieving these goals, inasmuch as it might contribute to the normalization of international trade for the countries which have no access to the sea.\n\n90. The unrestricted right of land-locked countries is undeniable. Therefore, the transit problems of these countries should be kept under constant review by this Organization, particularly the organs of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, with a view to meeting the needs of the land-locked countries.\n\n91. Afghanistan appreciates the great value of bilateral arrangements and agreements in the field of economic development and international co-operation. We are most grateful to the friendly countries that have assisted us with our economic development through unselfish policies of international co-operation which have made such assistance acceptable to us in the face of our strictly independent policies.\n\n92. In addition, the necessity for efforts to be made towards multilateral co-operation cannot be ignored. The United Nations has done an admirable job in this respect, but unfortunately the implementation of its resolutions has not received the attention it deserves.\n\n93. As a developing country and as a member of the specialized agencies, we feel moved to make a statement of gratitude for the work of each of these agencies in their respective fields in helping us.\n\n94. In the field of human rights, the United Nations has been assigned a significant task and an important responsibility. Although considerable efforts have already been undertaken by the United Nations in promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms, we believe that these have not been adequate. We are convinced that the expansion and intensification of work in this 'area is necessary, and it is in this connexion that I welcome the consideration of the proposal of the Government of Costa Rica for the establishment of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights [A/5963], Afghanistan will consider this proposal most favourably.\n\n95. In this connexion, it is for the United Nations as a whole to respond with a positive and united voice to the statement made by Ambassador Goldberg when he said: "In our concern for the rights and freedoms of nations, we must not neglect the rights and freedoms of individuals," [1334th meeting, para. 101.]\n\n96. I cannot leave this rostrum without expressing a note of gratification on behalf of my delegation in connexion with the recent visit of His Holiness Pope Paul VI to this Organization. We were very much impressed by the sincerity of his message. We assure him, among other upholders and advocates of peace, of our love for and dedication to peace on the basis of our own spiritual convictions. His statement that the people of the earth should turn towards the United Nations as the only place of hope and that this Organization is the source of the education of mankind in the ways of peace will always be remembered by us. It was a special privilege to have joined him in his prayers for the welfare of mankind.
## 11 150. I should like to convey our felicitations to the President of the General Assembly at its twenty-first session on his election to the Chair. I should like to express what a pleasure it is for me to sit under his chairmanship. I say that for two reasons: first, because I am confident that, under his wise guidance and in the light of the experience which he possesses in the working of this Organization, our deliberations will be most fruitful; second, due to our long and close personal association over a number of years, and in view of my personal knowledge of his qualifications as an eminent scholar, an able statesman and diplomat, and a great poet, I take particular pride and pleasure in being associated with him in this session. I wish him every success in his high office.\n\n151. As the President has done so eloquently already in his statement, I should like to convey to all delegations our gratitude and the gratitude of our country, Afghanistan, for the confidence which the entire Assembly has placed in the President and for the token of esteem which they have bestowed upon him.\n\n152. I should like to take this opportunity also to express our profound appreciation to Mr. Amintore Fanfani of Italy for the distinction with which he carried out his responsible functions as the President of the General Assembly at its twentieth session.\n\n153. May I take this opportunity, at the outset, to welcome the new Member of the United Nations, the State of Guyana. The Government and people of Afghanistan view with great admiration such auspicious occasions of admission of young, vigorous and progressive newly independent States — States which have thrown off the last remnants and shackles of colonialism and gained their rightful place among the free nations of the world. We are confident that the membership of the State of Guyana will further contribute towards the noble aims and objectives of this Organization.\n\n154. The return of Indonesia to the United Nations will be remembered as one of the most significant achievements of the twenty-first session of the General Assembly. In welcoming Indonesia to the United Nations, we are confident that the presence of that great and peace-loving country will contribute to the strengthening of this Organization and to the cause of peace.\n\n155. For the past five years U Thant, our distinguished Secretary-General, has carried out his duties and responsibilities with great distinction and effectiveness. He has dedicated his time and energy to the services of humankind. He has rendered his services to the United Nations with zeal and Integrity and served the cause of peace and well-being of peoples of the world. We have confidence in him and we all appreciate what he has done for us. Members of the United Nations may have discord and diversities but they all are united in their confidence in the person of the Secretary-General, We earnestly hope that he may reconsider his decision and permit his tenure of office to be extended. It will be a serious loss to the United Nations if he gives effect to his decision not to continue, We sincerely hope that the circumstances which caused the Secretary-General to come to that decision will be so ameliorated as to make it possible for him to remain with us for another term.\n\n156. We are living today in a constantly changing world, and so each year, each month and even each day brings evidence of fresh events which affect anew the minds of statesmen and responsible personalities all over the world, and consequently engaged their attention in a search for ways and means to cope with them. The events of the period since this Assembly met last year do not strike notes of harmony and optimism, and consequently promise no favourable political situation in the world and, in particular, in Asia.\n\n157. In this age of unprecedented technological development, the human interrelations due to fast-moving means of conveyance, travel and communication, have acquired a new trend and perspective. Peoples and nations of different parts of the world are no longer apart from each other in their thoughts and aspirations. Today, unlike in the past, a nation may not be able to live alone and determine its course of action separately. A change in a particular region on our planet may affect, to a great extent, the trend of thought and action in other parts of the world. Hence, in due recognition of that universal interdependence, we in Afghanistan believe more than ever that human societies are in need of better understanding and closer co-operation with each other. We believe that unrest and lack of stability in any part of the world constitute a great danger to the peace and security of the nations at large.\n\n158. Afghanistan, during the past year, has continued further with its progressive social, economic and cultural development in order to vitalize the Afghan society and enrich the life of the people in its material, social and cultural dimensions. In the process of development of the country a certain amount of groundwork had been laid and work towards the establishment of the economic infrastructure is well under way.\n\n159. I am pleased to report that the primary objective of the social and cultural reform programme of the new Government of Afghanistan, as was announced recently, is to promote a free, progressive and prosperous society in which respect for human dignity, the rule of law, equality, social co-operation, and a balanced development in all walks of life will prevail.\n\n160. In its foreign relations, Afghanistan has continued to follow, without change, its traditional positive non-alignment, taking into consideration the principles contained in the declarations of the Bandung, Belgrade and Cairo Conferences, maintaining and expanding its friendly relations and co-operation with all the nations of the world, irrespective of their social systems or economic and political philosophies, and promoting sincere good-neighbourliness with all its neighbours.\n\n161. That policy, a natural outgrowth of the people's judgement, is based upon mutual respect, mutual understanding and confidence. Furthermore, as has perhaps been mentioned many times and as I should like to reiterate and emphasize once again, adherence to this Organization's Charter, respect for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, support of the right to self-determination, abolition of colonialism in all its forms, support of the principle of coexistence, general, complete and universal disarmament, and the promotion of international co-operation constitute the basis of Afghanistan's policy. That policy honours the cherished aspirations of the Afghan people and is consonant with the task of national development. We firmly believe that, in the light of present-day world affairs, that policy will enable us on the one hand to serve with intelligence the cause of world peace and, on the other, to carry out our enormous task of social and economic development; for we believe that the social and economic development of nations will be best accomplished and their aspirations fully realized when there prevails a state of peace and tranquillity among nations and a spirit of co-operation among the peoples of the world.\n\n162. The Government of Afghanistan has always held the conviction that disputes, of whatever origin, should be settled at the conference table. For experience has shown that wars and armed confrontation cannot and will not settle any existing differences.\n\n163. It was a source of great satisfaction to Afghanistan when the peace efforts of the United Nations and the invaluable intermediatory efforts of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics played an effective role in promoting a cease-fire and, subsequently, the meeting of the leaders of the two nations — two great Asian countries — involved in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. We are pleased to see harmony and concord again prevailing in the relations between Indonesia and Malaysia, two neighbouring countries. That, I am certain, will contribute greatly to the maintenance of peace in Asia and the world.\n\n164. We hope that the United Nations and its Member States will, for the purpose of safeguarding world peace and security. demonstrate constantly their determination to fulfil their responsibilities, no matter how intractable the problems involved.\n\n165. The chronic conflict in Viet-Nam and the serious deterioration of the situation there is a cause of concern to all and is widely considered as a factor of serious danger to Asia and the world. The conflict in that part of the world has brought untold suffering to men and women on both sides. Afghanistan has on many occasions expressed its grave concern, for we believe that this situation creates an ever-growing threat not only to peace in Asia but to world peace as well. Afghanistan believes that the Geneva Agreements of 1954 could form a reasonable basis for a peaceful settlement of the present conflict in Viet-Nam.\n\n166. It is the hope of the Afghan delegation that all those directly concerned will earnestly search for ways and means to create a climate in which the problem of Viet-Nam may be brought from the battlefield to the conference table and the people of Viet-Nam will be guaranteed the possibility of determining their future and their political destiny, of their own free will and without any interference from outside. We are confident that in that way the lives of a great number of young men and women on both sides will be spared and the people of Viet-Nam will regain their peace and prosperity and will enjoy a socially healthier life.\n\n167. Twenty-one years ago, a group of nations — fifty- one of them — assembled together and contemplated the foundation of a United Nations. They drew up a Charter whereby peace and justice might prevail all over the world and war may be banished once and for all.\n\n168. During the ensuing period of time, in which man has attained unprecedented achievements in science and technology, he has, alas, been unable to attain a parallel growth in moral and spiritual values. The scientific advance of recent years has placed before him the means to create for himself a better, healthier and fuller life. However, man has been and still is unable to rise above himself and to discover his weaknesses, failures and shortcomings. The fear by man of man and his suspicions about his fellow human beings have never been conquered.\n\n169. As time passed, in an atmosphere of fear and suspicion, man began to fortify himself in order to maintain peace on earth. Nations, therefore, directed their thoughts and actions not so much towards fostering peace and prosperity as towards strengthening and fortifying themselves for a possible future of war and confrontation. Even today, in spite of the fact that the General Assembly has since its very inception given its most earnest consideration to the problem of disarmament, the deteriorating situation in the world has caused an intensification of the arms race. General and complete disarmament constitutes one of the important items on the General Assembly's agenda. As we have said on many occasions, the Government and people of Afghanistan fully support, for the above- mentioned reasons, the principle of general and complete disarmament. For it is in general and complete disarmament that lies the hope of mankind for lasting peace and security. It is indeed a cause for concern to find that the meetings of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee have not produced the desired result and that the positions of the parties on the main issues remain unchanged.\n\n170. The Afghan delegation earnestly hopes that the world disarmament conferences — an idea initiated at the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Cairo and endorsed by the General Assembly, by its resolution 2030 (XX) — will be given due consideration during the present session.\n\n171. The Government of Afghanistan view with deep concern the continuance of nuclear tests. We were gratified when the partial test-ban Treaty was concluded. We hope that that Treaty will receive universal adherence and will be followed by a ban covering all environments. We believe that efforts should be exerted to continue to seek solutions to the questions connected with nuclear and thermonuclear armaments and the prevention of the wider dissemination of such weapons.\n\n172. It is common knowledge that the arms race endangers, and indeed imperils, sincere understanding and widens the gap between nations. Armaments and wars will not settle problems but, rather, will create international misunderstanding and consequently add to the misery and misfortune of the human race. Conversely, peace and tranquillity will bring economic abundance and a higher standard of life.\n\n173. Afghanistan welcomes the processes and means whereby peace will prevail. For it is only under such conditions that we can fulfil our national aims and aspirations. Moreover, It is only under such conditions that humanity will be saved from annihilation and total destruction.\n\n174. As I mentioned above, the admission of the State of Guyana was a source of great joy for all of us. First, because we welcome a vigorous, young and independent State among us which will contribute enormously to the cause of the United Nations. Secondly, because the admission of the new Member State takes the Organization another step forward towards the attainment of the principles of universality which we believe can usefully add to the authority and influence of the United Nations. We are still far from attaining a state of universality in our Organization, for still the voice of nearly a quarter of the population of the world is not heard, Today, more than ever before, in view of recent developments in the field of atomic weapons in mainland China and its inherent relation to general and complete disarmament, and the impact and repercussions of mainland China's absence from the international conferences held for the purposes of maintaining peace and security all over the world, make the presence of the Chinese People's Republic in theUnited Nations imperative.\n\n175. We therefore view with regret the absence of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations. We are confident that the presence of that country can contribute enormously to the work of this Organization.\n\n176. With due regard to the painstaking deliberations and the enormous and earnest labour of the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations, little progress has been made in the direction of finding a way out of this impasse.\n\n177. It is hoped that this session will consider this all-important item with fresh and vigorous determination. To maintain peace and security in the world is the main objective of the United Nations. Let us not lose our noble aims and objectives in a political mist covered within a financial and constitutional halo. For, as the Secretary-General mentioned in the introduction to his annual report.\n\n"The present situation, certainly, has most serious implications for the United Nations and for its effectiveness as an instrument for peace in the world." [A/6301/Add.1, p. 5.]\n\n178. Every one of us in this Assembly, I am certain, desires that the United Nations should have a peacekeeping operation. It is up to this body to re-examine the situation and to endeavour to find and to offer new directives either to the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations or, if you will, to an altered and reconstructed body, or any other method which will be deemed advisable In the present circumstances by the entire membership.\n\n179. But whatever the decision may be, the General Assembly should beau in mind that peace-keeping operations of the- United Nations have played and will continue to play an important role in the process of creating an atmosphere of calm, as the Secretary-General put it,\n"in which alone efforts to resolve the issues giving\nrice to the conflict map he hopefully pursued "[ ibid.].\n\n180. We are cognizant of the fact that political freedom. without economic abundance, better living conditions and spiritual attainments will not fulfil the basic requirements of national security and national freedom. Therefore, in the course of resolving accumulated political problems for the purpose of enhancing international solidarity and friendship as a means for world order, we hope that economic problems will, in like measure, receive the proper attention of the United Nations.\n\n181. It is a well-known fact that economic growth, living standards and financial progress are so closely and directly associated with the social set-up of communities that improvement in one area will result in progress in another. Therefore, in order to avoid social conflict, it is imperative to ensure a balance between the economic and social development of the people. Herein lies, to my mind, one of the important factors in the process of evolution of a developed and balanced society.\n\n182. The preamble of the United Nations Charter speaks of promoting "social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom". It was for the fulfilment of this objective and high purpose that the General Assembly designated the current decade the United Nations Development Decade, As has been mentioned many times, we are already in the second half of this memorable decade, and yet the pace of economic development of the developing countries Is painfully slow. The struggle of the under-developed countries in order to advance and bridge the gap between the developing and developed nations is, of course, tedious and hard.\n\n183. The establishment by the General Assembly on 30 December 1964 [resolution 1995 (XIX)] of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was a new and fruitful development. Through this important measure, the United Nations intended to accelerate the economic development of developing countries. These countries, which are struggling hard for their economic amelioration, placed high hopes and attached great importance to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.\n\n184. This, as you all know, was established as a permanent machinery for co-operation In trade and development and was intended to solve some of the most urgent problems faced by the developing countries. However, there exists a widespread concern over the lack of more rapid progress in the implementation of the recommendations adopted in Geneva. The Afghan delegation earnestly hopes that more fruitful results may be obtained from the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development which will be convened next year. As far as the work of the Conference is concerned, we favour those measures that help to create facilities for trade exchange among the developed and developing nations and that would help promote free trade and consequently a higher standard of life for the peoples of those nations,\n\n185. Human rights has been one of the bade and important aspects of United Nations programmes. As you all know, efforts are being exerted to extend the international protection of basic individual liberties by means of new methods and institutions. Though the effectiveness of recommendations on human rights is affected by the reactions of the Governments at which recommendations are directed, nevertheless, it is heartening to note that the political organs of the United Nations rarely refrain from discussing any human rights issue which is put on the agenda. We welcome further measures to promote and intensify efforts in the area of human rights. In this context we highly esteem and appreciate the proposal [resolution 1961 (XV III)] that the General Assembly should designate the year 1968 as the International Year for Human Rights. The establishment of the office of High Commissioner for Human Rights [resolution 2062 (XX)] is an indication that more attention will be paid to measures of implementation. Afghanistan attaches great importance to and looks favourably on both the appointment and its implications.\n\n186. The views of our Secretary-General, U Thant, on the mechanism of maintaining and securing peace are worthy of esteem and admiration and should be given serious thought and consideration by this Assembly. In the introduction to his annual report he advises:\n"It is not enough, in my opinion, for the United Nations to deal where it can, and as the case arises, with each specific problem that threatens world peace, The causes of tension in the world have to be attacked at all of their many roots." [A/6301/ Add.1, p. 14.]\n\n187. The Afghan delegation agrees with the view that the activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies in the fields of economic and social development and human rights, implemented diligently and properly, can play an effective role in the reduction of the causes of tension, and In this way will serve effectively the cause of peace and tranquillity in the world.\n\n188. The efforts of the United Nations to promote peace and prosperity through economic and social progress are worthy of esteem and appreciation. Afghanistan is actively moving forward, helped by the co-operation of friendly nations and assisted by the United Nations and its specialized agencies and we are grateful for this.\n\n189. We are alive to the Impressive achievements of United Nations organs and agencies that are working to improve the international economy and the lot of man. They endeavour, through science and technology, to improve the standards of life and to create a better social and spiritual atmosphere. Nevertheless, as the Secretary-General described In the introduction to his report:\n\n"... the stark fact which emerges intact from all the studies, reports and discussions devoted to the subject in the course of 1966 is that international aid is stagnating while the capacity of developed countries to provide such aid .,. has become greater." [Ibid., p. 6.]\n\n190. The economic picture of the past five years painfully indicates the continuing inadequacy of growth in the developing world. The per capita gross domestic product of developed nations is more than twelve times that of developing States. This indicates an even greater divergence than existed at the beginning of the United Nations Development Decade.\n\n191. We hope that these stark facts regarding the economic stagnation in the developing countries will not lead us into despair and inactivity; on the contrary, they should stimulate and prompt our Governments and the United Nations toward more intensified efforts to meet this challenge, remove the poverty and misery from amongst ourselves, and make this world of ours a better place in which to live.\n\n192. Aside from the tensions and unrest which are due to poverty and less developed economies, there are instabilities, differences, diversities and grave tensions which are the direct outcome of colonialism and the outcry of the subject peoples. There is no doubt that, in recent years, the number of territories under colonial rule has decreased; nevertheless, the process has by no means been completed. As I have asserted earlier, Afghanistan is opposed to colonialism in all its forms and shades. We are gravely concerned, therefore, at the slow rate of progress in the application of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.\n\n193. It is indeed alarming that in spite of the United Nations resolutions and international peaceful but firm efforts, the white minority refuses to relinquish its control over Angola, Mozambique and Southern Rhodesia. It resists the efforts of the Organization to establish self-government and majority rule in these territories or to .supervise the advancement of the inhabitants of South West Africa.\n\n194. The decision of the International Court of Justice regarding the case of South West Africa, presented to it by Ethiopia and Liberia, was indeed regrettable and alarming. After nearly twenty years of discussion on the South Wept African problem in the United Nations, no progress has been made. South Africa has not taken a single step to implement the resolutions of the General Assembly, and has refused to co-operate with the United Nations. The United Nations has a special responsibility in the matter, and it is essential that it should find rapid means of ending the Mandate and of helping the people of the Territory to attain independence and freedom. It is with these considerations that Afghanistan has co*’ sponsored a draft resolution [A/L.483 and Add.1] which was introduced so brilliantly by the representative of Ghana and several other colleagues. We earnestly hope that the General Assembly will give this draft due consideration and will approve it with an overwhelming majority, so that people who are living under a colonial system in any form may determine their destiny for themselves.\n\n195. The problem of the Palestine refugees, which constitutes a cause of grave concern and distress, should be considered conscientiously and urgently. The Afghan delegation has, in the past, consistently brought the matter to the attention of the General Assembly. The solution of this problem would not only enhance an atmosphere of calm and peace in this region of the world, but it would also alleviate the untold sufferings and miseries of the Arab refugees, who were deprived of their land and property through no fault of their own. The Afghan delegation earnestly hopes that, honouring the principles of human rights and fundamental, freedoms, the case of the Palestine refugees will be given its just and proper consideration.\n\n196. I hope that in the course of the fulfilment; of our responsibilities and service to the cause of the United Nations and the world, we shall all move forward in the direction of creating a climate that will bring about prosperity to the human race and a lasting peace and tranquillity to the world.
## 12 43. This Assembly is not a philosophical forum where we ask why baffling events occur or what reality is, but an institution made up of human beings who ought to pay attention to realities.\n\n44. Our difficulties descend upon us as a torrent of confusion. We meet a universal puzzlement on all continents irrespective of beliefs, ideologies or alliances — an overwhelming confusion on national and international levels. Some old illusions may have perished but most of them persist. The lost beliefs have not been replaced by any new faith.\n\n45. Something almost new has entered international affairs. Many past fears are now ugly realities, while no hopes have developed into anticipated beauty. These ugly realities are the deviations from law and morality, and they are world-wide. Every moment is fraught with imperilling uncertainties. Never before has man’s daily life been attended by so much fear. Man has never stood so frustrated by what threatens him. History has shown that no condition is more trying.\n\n46. In this baffling position we are compelled to react in one way. We must withstand the winds of confusion and strive to overcome the difficulties tending to disrupt civility and morality. The only place to do this is in the United Nations. No one, so far, has been able to suggest a more effective alternative. What circumstances dictate now is a “new departure” in ways of thinking, policies and positions away from the old inconclusive ones.\n\n47. Some statesmen and certain sectors of the world press have called the twenty-third session of the General Assembly a “gloom-ridden” gathering. They tell us of the frustration surrounding diplomats. But we know that such dissatisfaction is nothing compared to the despair all people throughout the world will feel if we allow this Assembly to be influenced by such an atmosphere.\n\n48. The leadership in these circumstances has been entrusted to our President. Fortunately, the Presidency of the Assembly has gone to a representative of a continent where nations, while deeply attuned, are not participants in any of the disastrous involvements we see on every other continent. We hope that understanding of this significance will aid in the full co-operation of the membership with him so that he may successfully lead this Assembly. We further hope that he will be led personally by the spirit of the great people of Latin America in the fulfilment of his responsibilities.\n\n49. As I extend our congratulations to the President on his election, I should like to express, on behalf of the delegation of Afghanistan, our appreciation of the accomplishments of His Excellency Mr. Manescu, President of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session, and pay a warm tribute to him for the statesmanship and wisdom with which he demonstrated the qualities of his leadership.\n\n50. We wish to convey, through the President, our heartfelt congratulations to Swaziland on its admission to the United Nations as a sovereign Member of this Organization. We wish the people of this new State prosperity and success in the contribution they will make in the international sphere.\n\n51. At each session of the General Assembly, one concern is more pressing than others. At this session it seems to be the breaking of the so-called détente and the renewal of the cold war. This, however, is no surprise to us. At the beginning of the last session I said:\n\n“In many areas and on many levels the psychology of force has swept the minds of men and nations, and where once the virtues of peace were extolled today the efficacy of force is openly flaunted and even exalted.\n\n"...\n\n“... The cold war, we are told, is dead, but apparently its death has been somewhat exaggerated. To be sure, the cold war in the form of a nuclear confrontation and aggressive alliances, has greatly thawed, and this marks important progress.\n\nBut now we see a resurgence of rivalry in the more indirect forms of interventionism and in all manner of anti-Chartersophistry. We may appropriately ask: Has the cold war gone underground? Has it shifted from the big bombs to the small nations?\n\n“If this is so, then the world faces a new type of power struggle, this one without even the moral justification of an ideological crusade”. [1560th meeting, paras. 18 and 31-32]\n\nTherefore, let us not speak about new doubts, new concerns or new sources of trouble.\n\n52. If we allow deviation from law and order to go unpunished in one place, we should not be surprised when it happens with impunity elsewhere. Only the simple-minded would cry out separately for the same thing. Henceforth we must think in terms of future consequences.\n\n53. Next to the rising international tensions and difficulties of war and instability, the greatest source of concern is the trend toward degrading this Organization, most recently described as a “trend of growing disenchantment with the United Nations". We must pause here and ponder whether it is the faults or foibles of this Organization which are being criticized or if the remarks cut in a different direction and open up reasons which have not yet been presented visibly.\n\n54. There are a few examples for us to follow in this search. Each of us in his association with the United Nations has sensed that countries which have planned to carry out their policies in the hope of securing in their own self-interest that which they thought would be of concern to mankind are the ones which have foreseen the reaction to these selfish ploys and then expressed some sort of “disenchantment” with this Organization. Likewise, whenever these countries have considered the United Nations useful in obtaining their desired purposes their attitude has been different.\n\n55. Most of the so-called “disenchantment” with the Organization — and this may well be an indication of its internal strength—has come when some Powers have wrongly thought that they could take the United Nations for granted. This problem, therefore, should be seriously pondered, particularly by the small nations — as it is mainly their problem.\n\n56. The smaller countries of the world, which comprise the majority, must register their dissatisfaction with the more-than-mythical zones of vital interest of the big Powers even if they are, unable to change the trend in the delimitation of those areas. The uncertainty and insecurity that this has caused and causes among small countries is very great, because it is clear that its true meaning is the subjugation of the powerless by the powerful. Even a beginner in the study of history can tell us that all the dangerous situations mankind has endured have emanated from the actions of those who have been more powerful.\n\n57. We should give particular thought to the responsibilities of the great Powers in the relationship of coexistence, for it is in their hands that the ultimate fate of the world rests. Surely the Governments of these Powers owe mankind a duty wider than their obligations to their own countries’ immediate interests.\n\n58. The need for coexistence should be acknowledged as a fact of survival, for today not even great Powers can act independently of others — for the greater the power the more complex and widespread must be the meshing and interlocking of interests in every sphere and in every area of the globe. \n\n59. Surely coexistence must contain a sense of justice as much as a sense of enlightened self-interest. Our awareness that justice should be the prerogative of the weak nation as much as of the strong nation is a relatively recent phenomenon and still requires careful nurturing.\n\n60. It is important that the principle of equality of nations should be implemented and that the right of self-determination be respected as a universal right of all nations not only for achieving and maintaining their political independence, but also for attaining their free development.\n\n61. In this International Year for Human Rights, we are pledged to pay special attention to human rights. We had an opportunity to speak our mind earlier this year in Teheran, and I personally had the honour to be there. I stated at that Conference that: “Any example of discord or of hatred between man and man can be traced to one cause: a violation of the right of one by the other.” At the International Conference on Human Rights, held in Teheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968, we were not divided exactly into the “haves” and the “have-nots", as we are in other international gatherings. For in full realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms we are all “have-nots". We are all victims of deprivation.\n\n62. Among so many blunders the most difficult to avoid, although it might sound totally startling, is the gross mistake we make when we forget that no single society exists where all individuals enjoy what they are entitled to enjoy. I emphasize: not a single society. The challenge is no longer to discover the intention of man or to define and declare his determination. His action in the direction of a new life in a new world must be assured.\n\n63. Humanitarian work should not be subordinated to national reluctance to implement internationally acknowledged principles. We should call on all countries to strengthen the United Nations in this common humanitarian task in the interest of mankind.\n\n64. Constitutions, declarations, conventions and covenants have been written. We should stop forgetting the fact that all these instruments are meant to lead nations to act; to wake up men and women to their duties; to weave up man’s intentions and aspirations into vigorous actions. Possibly because of this, and despite more than twenty years of toil, much work remains for us to do in widening the protection of human rights. We must remember that the United Nations has not succeeded even in adopting the measures which its own bodies had originally contemplated. Many a strong proposal has emerged years later as an old, weakened shadow of principles. Scant attention has been paid to the suggestions and recommendations of the non-governmental organizations and of devoted individuals. National tribunals have paid little heed to or, in some cases, ignored even the limited decisions of international institutions.\n\n65. What is more important, therefore, is the implementation of the principles through full ratification of the instruments of human rights already adopted. And this is the minimum.\n\n66. Allow me to repeat what I stated at the third plenary meeting of the Teheran Conference:\n\n“... Suppose all countries in the world were to become politically free. Let us even conjure up a world in which all countries become not only free, but economically developed. In that world let us suppose that international co-operation were to reach a peak, and all wars, cold and hot, were to cease. But suppose that in that highly developed world the rights of the individual were not protected? What kind of world would this be? What would peace and wealth mean to the individual? It would be a world of prosperity perhaps, but without dignity, a world in which a man would remain a slave under the\nfalse flag of freedom and independence. And it would be a very fragile peace indeed.”\n\n67. The developing countries of the world expected that, with the initiation of the United Nations Development Decade, a new era of constructive co-operation would begin between the highly industrialized countries and those which, owing to historical reasons and geographical factors, are actually in the early stages of their economic growth. But, regrettably, in the present decade the high hopes placed in a global strategy of convergent measures have not been realized. \n\n68. The disappointing results of the second Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held in New Delhi in February and March 1968, emphasized the shortcomings of the existing system of international economic co-operation. Much to our dismay, that second Session, which was convened to implement into practical measures the aims of the first Session and was expected to become one of the highlights of the present decade, could not make a notable contribution in bridging the gap. The unwillingness to cope resolutely with the needs of the developing countries and the urgent problems of trade and development facing them was responsible for the limited achievements of that international gathering. The Conference in New Delhi could not embark on profitable negotiations and was soon handicapped by confronting interests. This confrontation, which was certainly contrary to the purposes of UNCTAD, harmed the less-developed countries, while the affluent society seemed determined to hold to its privileged position. As long as the developed countries do not adopt a fundamental, new approach to the problems of development, the economic situation of the developing countries will continue to fall apart.\n\n69. In order to correct the present state of affairs, it is imperative that the rich countries should change their traditional attitude. The new international trade and economic structure must be based on justice and a better understanding among nations.\n\n70. The Secretary-General has warned us of the staggering effects it will have on the future of our world if something is not done about malnutrition—and this is only one example. As one writer records:\n\n“The most serious crime of our time was brought to light by the World Health Organization at the beginning of this year. This organization has recognized that today there are 300 million children whose brains are in danger of not reaching their full development due to the lack of ... essential nourishment.” \n\nThat one example should be sufficient.\n\n71. Recently, Mr. Paul Hoffman spoke of “a rising tide of common sense" for the promotion of one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations Charter, namely, “promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger freedoms”. But, evidently, inequality in all respects continues to increase. I do not wish to go into the details of this sphere of our work; I should like only to say that we should not forget what Pope Paul VI rightly stated, that "development is the new name for peace”.\n\n72. In the first months of the current year a positive and important step was taken on the road to disarmament by the conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and its endorsement by the General Assembly. The Government of my country, in signing the Treaty, wanted to reaffirm its firm belief in the spirit and principle of this Treaty. However, in accepting it, the Government of Afghanistan did not intend to overlook the Treaty’s imperfections. We, with a majority of non-nuclear-weapon States, agreed that it was necessary to find ways and means of improving the present non-proliferation Treaty in order to render it universally acceptable.\n\n73. Naturally, and rightly, the emphasis in disarmament talks should be put on eliminating nuclear armaments. But, while no one can deny the untold destruction which would result from the use of nuclear weapons, we must not forget that conventional weapons are enough to bring about unbearable suffering.\n\n74. The arms race and the flow of arms is most alarming to us, as a small country. It is disturbing the balance of power in regions throughout the world and necessitates expenditures far beyond the means of all Governments. Resources stolen from high-priority economic and social needs are allocated to arms and to strengthening disproportionately municipal and police departments.\n\n75. Our policies on all colonial issues, the standing problems of Africa and elsewhere, are well known and unchanged. They are firmly based on the aspirations of the peoples of that great continent, which have always had our support and sympathy. We firmly stand by them for the fulfilment of their legitimate demands and aspirations.\n\n76. In Europe, we profoundly deplore what has happened in the East. Our regret naturally comes from our policy of friendship, based on principles of coexistence regardless of differences in political and economic systems, with all socialist countries. Our relationship has always been marked by constant co-operation and friendliness.\n\n77. We listened carefully and with full understanding to the appeal made by the representative of Czechoslovakia in his statement of 4 October [1682nd meeting] to this Assembly. We share his hope that, through understanding, the situation will be normalized, with full respect for the aspirations of the people of Czechoslovakia, who have demonstrated the highest level of political wisdom — love for peace and dignity during the most trying moments which could occur in the life of any nation. We hope the peaceful efforts for the withdrawal of foreign troops will meet with success as soon as possible.\n\n78. The situation in Europe and the great necessity for détente and peaceful coexistence in that continent are of great concern to us—not only because it is of world-wide importance but also because of the very close bonds of friendship we have with the European countries, Western and Eastern.\n\n79. In the Middle East, the basic dilemma persists. At no time have we thought a political solution impossible. We have constantly endorsed that path. The cornerstone of settlement is, first, the withdrawal of the occupation forces from all Arab territories and then acceptance of the principle that all States have the right to be free from the threat of belligerency.\n\n80. We attach the ultimate importance to the inadmissibility of occupation or acquisition, of territory by conquest. One could challenge anyone here or elsewhere to come to this rostrum and speak for its admissibility. I am sure that not a single country here or elsewhere could meet such a challenge. Nevertheless, this condition has been tolerated in the Middle East. This is the most deplorable example of what one could call the extreme degree to which the virtues of tolerance and patience could be tried in our time.\n\n81. In this connexion, we support the resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council. The possibility of settlement has remained remote only because those resolutions have not been implemented. We further support the efforts of Mr. Jarring and their continuation with a sense of urgency — I repeat, with a sense of urgency — and hope that the goals of the United Nations resolutions will be achieved through the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General.\n\n82. Unlike many other questions, the Middle East question has been the direct responsibility of the United Nations. Israel, unlike many other countries, is the creation of this Organization. The rejection of the resolutions of the United Nations in such cases could be considered a rejection of one’s own raison d’être. We have been given the impression that the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on behalf of the United Nations will not be a complete failure. We hope it is true. We do not have the impression, however, that the situation will not grow worse. It is clear that another catastrophic war will follow if the business of a finished war remains unfinished.\n\n83. We must not forget or abandon the refugees and similar victims of the war and we must, through the workings of the United Nations, bring our helpful attention to their rights and needs.\n\n84. We deplore the situation in Viet-Nam, as we would any hot war. No situation has so continuously impaired international relations as has this tragic and pointless war. For twenty centuries the Viet-Namese people have been deprived of the opportunity of deciding their own fate, having been subjected to the interfering domination of Asian, European and American Powers. In this twentieth century, it should be demanded that the pestilence of 2,000 years be ended and the people of Viet-Nam be enabled to decide their own fate and determine their own future.\n\n85. When the first direct contacts were made in Paris, all who believe in the solution of problems through negotiation were greatly relieved. As long as these negotiations continue, we shall not allow ourselves to be discouraged. In the meantime, no effort should be spared to ensure the success of the Paris talks.\n\n86. Before the possibility of such talks was known we favoured all suggestions which might lead to direct contacts between the parties concerned, including the suggestion of the Secretary-General to halt the bombing of the North. We continue to favour such suggestions, if they will bring the restoration of peace on the basis of the Geneva Agreements. Let me add, with all humility and with full awareness of the complexities involved, that if the opportunity is once more lost, if lack of understanding results in the failure of the Paris talks, then the result will be more bloodshed and untold misery for the Viet-Namese people, consequently greater discord even on the restoration of such contacts and therefore increased tension in the world and a prolonged hot war. If we are in earnest in our desire to seize every available opportunity, we should take a further step with a new attitude while the preliminary talks are still going on.\n\n87. I have taken it upon myself to speak on this issue and in the way that I will, with full awareness of all the complexities and the difficulties, as I said, and fully aware of how loosely the word “naive” has been used when somebody has come with a sincere proposal. Therefore, there should not be any mistake about that.\n\n88. For reasons known to all of us, the United Nations, in the present circumstances, cannot exercise any authority in connexion with the war in Viet-Nam. However, if it is possible to deny the competence or disregard the recommendations of the Organization for any reason, in any situation, no one can deny the moral authority of the United Nations. Though it is true that no organization can take effective steps on a matter not on its agenda, particularly if all parties concerned are not members of that organization, it is equally true that a major problem of a hot war cannot be ignored by any individual nation or by any assembly of nations.\n\n89. Though not on the agenda, the question of Viet-Nam has been mentioned in every statement made from this rostrum. On the strength of the moral authority of this assembly of nations — I repeat, of this assembly of nations; not this Assembly of the United Nations, but of this assembly of nations — an appeal can be directed to all those directly involved in the war to think of arranging a cease-fire and to escalate the scope of the negotiations.\n\n90. On certain occasions a temporary cease-fire has been possible in the case of Viet-Nam. I repeat again: with full awareness of the practical difficulties and the complexities arising from the rigid positions, where a limited cease-fire is possible it should not be impossible to hope for an unlimited cease-fire while at least some form of talks are going on. It is not necessary that such an appeal should have the form of a resolution of the Assembly. And it is not difficult for this Assembly to find the appropriate form.\n\n91. It is our hope that this suggestion will be considered in the diplomatic contacts at this session without any prejudice to any positions hitherto taken by the parties concerned or any suggestions made by Governments or statesmen anywhere, to be taken into consideration only as an expression of the conscience of the world to stop further bloodshed while negotiations are going on.\n\n92. There are other serious situations of international concern affecting the people of the Asian continent. Some of them are old, some new; aside from the ones discussed before this United Nations, others have not yet been brought here. All of these are capable of causing immense disruption of stability and peace, so that the badly needed co-operation in international affairs in the area is severely hampered. The welfare of hundreds of millions of Asian people is involved in these insufferable tensions. We are deeply concerned about all of them and hope that a peaceful settlement of the disputes will be found in an amicable solution to the problems causing them.\n\n93. On our own borders, the tensions between the people of Pakhtunistan and the Government of Pakistan have given birth to an alarming situation fraught with a dangerous future for the peace and security of that region. The fate of a population and territory which far exceeds that of Kashmir in both respects is involved in this dispute.\n\n94. The people of Pakhtunistan were the only community oppressed by the British in that region of the world who fought for independence with all their tenacity of life against colonialism. Yet, ironically, they were the only people deprived of the right of self-determination there. Afghanistan firmly supports the demands of the people of Pakhtunistan. Regretfully, our efforts to persuade Pakistan to seek a peaceful settlement and a negotiated solution to the Pakhtunistan problem have failed.\n\n95. We shall try to continue to hope that the Government of Pakistan will realize the gravity of this situation and deal with it in accordance with the accepted international standards for regulating such disputes, on the basis of the undeniable right of peoples and nations to self-determination — I repeat, the right of self-determination.\n\n96. I am at the end of my statement. If I have not made reference to the many other meaningful items on the agenda of this session, it in no way indicates a lack of interest in those items. It is our expectation that we will have the opportunity to speak on these matters at a future time when they are again before us. But I should like to conclude by saying that in all discussions we continue to seek and to offer full co-operation with all the Members of this Assembly.\n
## 13 1. Madam President, it is\nwith great pleasure that I congratulate you on your election\nto the highest United Nations office, the Presidency of the\nGeneral Assembly. You are the second woman, and your\ncountry, Liberia, the third African State, to be so honoured. \nThe choice is not only a tribute to your personal\nqualities and your contribution to the work of the\nOrganization; it is also a recognition of the emergence of\nthe great continent of Africa in the community of\nnations — and, I venture to think, a symbol of its determination \nto finalize its epic of liberation from centuries of colonialism.\n\n2. We are grateful to the temporary President and to the\nrepresentative of Peru for giving us all the opportunity of\npaying tribute to the memory of the former President of\nthe Assembly, the late Emilio Arenales [see 1753rd meeting].\n\n3. The delegation of Afghanistan has always participated\nin the general debate as a unique forum where high-level\nrepresentatives of now more than 100 States annually\nconvene in the unending search for a better understanding\namong nations. In that alone, if in nothing else, the United\nNations has made a tremendous contribution to world peace.\n\n4. But now, in our twenty-fourth session, the debate is\ntaking a new turn. You, Madam President, and others who\nhave followed you, have set a keynote for a session of\nself-criticism, for deep soul-searching into the extent of our\naccomplishments and the dimensions of our influence. Our\nsmall minute of meditation is expanding into weeks of\ndebate on this theme and this is good. It is completely in\nharmony with the series of self-appraisal dominating our\nvarious organs, committees and commissions, on the eve of\nthe twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United\nNations, which will take place next year. It could be a hope\nthat this invaluable forum will move away from monotonous \nreaffirmations of frozen positions to an institution of\ncreative and constructive ideas or, preferably, reconstructive \npolicies, that the cancer of this stale confrontation \nwill yield to the spirit of compromise and consensus.\n\n5. At this point, however, it seems to my delegation that\nwe must arrive at a clear understanding of what this\ncriticism is all about. Is it the purgative of genuine\nself-criticism, a scrutinizing examination of our policies\nwith respect to the world Organization? Or is it, as we\nseem to detect, a general onslaught on the United Nations,\nits noble aims, its unfolding ideology, its substantial\ninventory of fundamental principles which it tenaciously\nupholds against abuse and violation of its Charter, its\ntireless quest for that peace which has been the goal of all\nmankind throughout the centuries?\n\n6. Let us make sure that what was intended to de a call for\na constructive critique in the interest of an improved\nOrganization is not turned into a campaign of rancid\ncynicism, into a dyspepsia of studied disrespect, into an\norgy of pessimism. I think we all recognize that campaign\nof ridicule as the familiar device of those whose misguided\npolicies find themselves in conflict with the Charter, with\nthe resolutions of the General Assembly and with the\ndecisions of the Security Council. There is such a campaign\nand it sometimes takes on a more subtle view: those who\nundermine its authority while tearfully deploring its alleged\nimpotence damn the Organization with faint praise. Others,\nsometimes with good intentions, designate themselves\n“defence counsel” in justification of the life of the world\nOrganization.\n\n7. As far as the delegation of Afghanistan is concerned, we\nshall not stand on this. rostrum in any posture of apologia\nfor the second great experiment in modern times to save\nmankind from the great plunge it has taken towards\nextinction in. the cataclysms of two global confrontations.\n\n8. Today, in the era of final weapons, we note that the\nthird plunge will bring about the total eclipse of man on\nthis planet; and we note that if we have so far avoided this\ngreat tragedy the credit is largely due to the United\nNations, where words of warning and words of reason\nsomehow broke through the thick fog of blind fear that\ngripped the world following the explosion of the first\natomic bomb. Therefore, my delegation, in unashamed\nreversal of Shakespeare’s famous line, “I come to bury\nCaesar, not to praise him”, must say that we come to praise\nthe United Nations, not to bury it. For us the function of\nour criticism must be the betterment of the Organization\nand the first prerequisite for making an institution better is\nto see its essential good.\n\n9. Against this background we cannot close our eyes to\nthe fact that recently the. United Nations has sustained a\nconsiderable loss of prestige in the eyes of world public\nopinion. We cannot ignore the obvious diminution of\nconfidence in many parts of the world in the effectiveness\nof the Organization. It is reflected in the petitions, in the\norgans of popular expression and in the mass media. It has\nslowly corroded some of the most vital projects of the\nOrganization; it is largely responsible for the mediocre\nresults of the First United Nations Development Decade.\nPublic indifference has created an atmosphere favourable to\nGovernments that defy the Organization with impunity.\n\n10. In our frenzied preoccupation with projects and with\nresolutions, we may be prone to forget that we do not\ndispose of the power of legislation or the arm of enforcement. \nOur decisions are, as is tirelessly pointed out,\nrecommendations whose enforcement potential lies entirely\nin the moral weight they carry with popular support, and\nthe degree of general faith in the efficacy of the United\nNations. Lacking that support, we have a faith without\nfollowers — a creed without disciples — in short, a United\nNations as remote as the moon, and far less exciting.\n\n11. This poses a serious problem for our future work. We\nare engaged in very important long-range projects, with\nitems ranging from the sea-bed to outer space, from the\nclassroom to national plans, from human rights to the rights\nand duties of States. But most important of all is the global\nstrategy of the Second United Nations Development\nDecade, involving the destinies of two-thirds to three-quarters \nof the world’s population in the underprivileged\nnations; and we are seeking to go even beyond that, into\nlonger perspectives, on the basis of the twenty-fifth\nanniversary. Yet at this stage of our work, when we shall\nneed the full thrust of popular opinion to lift us into a\nviable orbit of accomplishments, we find that support at its\nlowest ebb. Is it not the most perverse of paradoxes that\nthe most consummate programme for man enjoys so little\nof his enthusiasm and his confidence? How has this come about?\n\n12. It is the view of my delegation that either we find the\nanswer to this problem or we shall move blithely ahead\nwith more plans and more resolutions, in tiresome restatements \nof the repetitious resolutions of previous years.\n\n13. One popular explanation is that we are going through\na period of reversion to nationalism: that people, turtle-like, \nhave put out their necks, looked at the big, wide\nworld, and then have drawn back into their nationalistic\nshells, with a kind of ostrich blindness to pre-world\nisolationism. But while true to a degree, that theory does\nnot square with the world we see around us. Never was\nthere so little of the old symptoms of nationalism, the spirit\nof chauvinism and flag-waving; never was there so much\npreoccupation of peoples with peoples, never so much of\nthe world-view of things. The youth who at the turn of the\ncentury demonstrated for flag and country today riots for\nthe principles of universal peace and social justice.\n\n14. No, this is definitely not a world of turtles and\nostriches, but the world of man — man caught in the spokes\nof forward-moving forces — man on the move, but certainly\nnot in a reversion to the past. From all we hear and see\nabout us it is man in a conversion to the future. In this\norbit he is neither a nationalist nor an internationalist.\nPerhaps he is basically the eternal explorer, seeking a sense\nof direction out of his dilemma; and if he has lost his\ncontact with the United Nations, the supreme radar of that\ndirection, it is because he is propelled by forces with a\nspeed which gives our past the illusion of standing still.\n\n15. It has also been said that we have lost the man of\ntoday because we have lost contact with reality, that we\nhave adopted phantom resolutions whose words vanish like\nghosts with the first ray of morn, that we have adopted\ndecisions without regard to the voice of minority opposition, \nor to the prospects of their being implemented.\n\n16. It is true, of course, that many resolutions remain\nunimplemented. But to blame the laws because they are not\nobserved puts the problem upside down. The concept that\nthe consensus of the majority must yield to the will of the\nminority poses a new kind of veto — a voluntary subordination, \na tribute to power, without the responsibility of the\nveto under the Charter. Resolutions that are by-passed and\ndefied are not necessarily adopted in vain; they carry with\nthem a stubborn moral content of their own, with a\npenetrating force that begets implementation by somebody\nalong the corridors of time. It is not the resolutions that\nalienate people from our influence, but our failure to\nimplement them, to make them come to life, to give them\nthe flesh of reality; it is our supine surrender to those who\nignore them that has created the confidence gap regarding\nour Organization. If we fail to close this gap between\ndecisions and action we shall certainly not close that other\ngap between the rich and the poor nations.\n\n17. It would appear that in recent years this Organization\nwith its record membership, its vast agenda, born not out of\na misguided spasm for resolutions, but under the pressure\nof a changing world, moving too fast for the “haves” and\ntoo slowly for the “have nots“, has generally become\ndivided into two schools of thought. Those who enjoy the\nmonopoly of power — economic and military, psychologically \nand logically — constitute a phalanx of gradualism.\nThe others make up the camp of the “forward-march”.\nGovernment policies in the United Nations appear to be\nshaping up along the lines of this division.\n\n18. But for the hundreds of millions of impoverished in\nLatin America, in racist-bound Africa, in war-ridden Asia,\nand even for many people in the wealthier nations, the pace\nof gradualism appears to be no longer acceptable. Impatience \nis the pulse-beat of the day, and the so-called\nrevolution of rising expectations has moved far beyond\nmere expectations to urgent demands, yes, sometimes even\nreached for the impossible; and is the impossible so remote\nwhen hundreds of millions have seen with their own eyes\nthe landing of men on the moon—and soon, we are told, on\nMars or Venus?\n\n19. For the past two years we have witnessed an enormous\nacceleration of the world revolution rotating into the\nfuture. We have seen the rise of youth as a new political\nforce, with its own new rhythm of accomplishments,\nclamouring for action where previous generations have\nmarked time. Everywhere new and old societies are seething\ncauldrons of threatening violence in more insistent demands\nfor social justice.\n\n20. This may well be a warning to us that if we do not\nenforce the decisions of our own making somebody else\nwill — and it will not. be with the peaceful transition we\nenvisage. If we stand still, as so many of our frozen\nresolutions testify, it is obvious that the world does not.\nNot only the people on the streets, but also the scientists in\ntheir laboratories have stepped up their tempo in the\nelaboration and production of new weapons, so that the\nsnail-pace progress made in disarmament is wiped out by\nthe new weapons, just as in developing economies inches of\nprogress are erased by the population explosion.\n\n21. Thus if we establish a true ratio between gradual\nprogress and the big leap of current events, we shall see that\ngradualism means standing still, and standing still means, in\nfact moving backwards.\n\n22. We hear many views on what the United Nations\nmight be, a forum, a mere diplomatic mart or the builder of\nnations and their future well-being. But I think that we can\nall agree that the one thing the United Nations, of all\ninstitutions in the world, can never be, is what is \ncontemptuously called in our new world “The Establishment”.\nThe United Nations can never be the “Old Generation”. Its\nCharter functions, based upon principles of a new and\nbetter world, give it a force and built-in leadership of the\nnew world which no Government, however benign or\nliberal, can rival. I am afraid that the United Nations is\ndoomed to the role of either “Perpetual Youth” or\n“Gradual Eclipse”.\n\n23. This poses a problem for an organization whose centre\nof power at its founding was the older generations. Youth\nwas then largely in military uniform. Since then what we\ncall public opinion has undergone mental and psychological\nchanges. I am not sure that we have established a line of\ncontact with these new forces. In the area of human\nthinking also, science and technology have made valuable\nstrides. Therefore it may well be that the new psychological\nforces could become one more item on the agenda of our\nAdvisory Committee on the Application of Science and\nTechnology to Development, recalling the famous UNESCO\ndictum that wars and peace begin in the minds of men. In\nthe meantime we may safely assume that our “peoples gap”\nproblem is chiefly the problem of non-implemented resolutions. \nWhile in our vast agenda we are about to add over\none hundred more resolutions to the archives of the past, it\nmight be useful to establish a small group or committee on\nthe presidential level to concern itself with the problems\nand possibilities of increased implementation. Such a group\nmight approximate the “wise men” formula utilized in\nother international circles.\n\n24. We are gravely concerned with certain retrogressive\ntendencies in world political developments in the past year,\nwhich not only by-pass the Charter but promulgate policies\nin direct contravention of the most basic principles of our\nOrganization.\n\n25. In recent months we have heard the enunciation of the\nright to the military conquest of territory and to the right\nof annexation of foreign lands. We have even heard a big\nPower, a permanent member of the Security Council, a\nmajor custodian of the Charter and a praetorian guardian of\nthe peace, accord that right to a belligerent nation,\ngenerously at the expense of the territory of other Member\nStates — a right which, incidentally, this big Power has\nrepeatedly renounced for itself.\n\n26. There is no need for me to discuss the juridical aspect\nof conquest by force of arms; the truth here is self-evident.\nAll I wish to say on behalf of my delegation is that if this\nthrowback to the dark ages is permitted an inch of\ncompromise, then we shall plunge the world back into the\ndays of Genghis Khan whose footprints are still on the soil\nof my country; then no nation represented in this hall will\nbe safe from the ancient greed of the wars of conquest. This\nAssembly should administer an unmistakable and decisive\nrebuff to such policies.\n\n27. The past year has also seen new and more extensive\nviolations of human rights in the colonies, in occupied\nlands, in war-ridden lands and other lands. It is here that\nthe United Nations, in its failure to go beyond the\nenunciation of general principles, has sustained an immeasurable \nloss of prestige. Accordingly, my delegation will\nsupport the creation of a United Nations High Commissioner \nfor Human Rights as a first step in the future\ndevelopment of an international enforcement structure.\n\n28. We are also concerned over the rise of a new type of\nwar. As in the case of war for territorial conquest, we\nthought that religious wars — the most dangerous, the most\nfanatical and the most intransigent of all wars — were a part\nof a long buried past never to return. But now it appears\nthat we are about to suffer a serious relapse into history.\nClaims to the Old City of Jerusalem have been made on a\nbasis of biblical law and quasi-religious narratives. On 3 July\n1969 I appeared before the Security Council [1485th\nmeeting] on behalf of my Government, along with representatives \nof other delegations, in the Council’s deliberations \non the occupation of Jerusalem. I raised the warning\nthat the claims made to Jerusalem on so-called religious\ngrounds, apart from any other aspects of the issue,\ndangerously opened up the flood gates for a reversion to\nreligious war. I stated that if such a war took place, Israel\nwould be responsible.\n\n29. On 20 August 1969 the world heard with dismay and\ngrief of the burning of the sacred Al Aqsa Mosque, one of\nthe holiest of shrines to the Islamic peoples in all lands and\na historic landmark to all religions and all faiths. This tragic\noccurrence ignited the hearts of Islamic peoples everywhere.\n\n30. My point here is to draw some lesson from this\nunhappy development for the future peace and security of\nthe world. Religious claims are one category of war into\nwhich the United Nations must not allow itself to be\ndragged as an arbiter — and for a very sound reason. Even in\npolitical and ideological tensions the world Organization\nhas its. obvious limitations and, within them, has achieved\nmuch in the prevention of conflict and in halting its spread.\nIt has been able to exercise a restraining influence over\nGovernments. But wars involving the most precious convictions \nof man run beyond the control of governments and\nbecome the crusades of peoples on the highest level of\nreckless emotions; and this kind of war may not be\namenable to the usual United Nations restraints. The\nUnited Nations must nip in the bud any attempt to revive\nthis kind of war by eliminating its causes.\n\n31. We are always concerned about the concepts of\nsecurity. In this area the winds of war, like hurricanes, shift\ntheir direction. The centre of gravity of war now appears to\nhave shifted from Europe to Asia, but with different problems.\n\n32. In Europe the conflict was one involving power and\nhegemony, and at times colonization. In Asia the causes\nand roots of the conflict are more economic than political.\nOurs is primarily the problem of under-development in the\nlands where people are hungry and poor and restlessly\nstriving for a slight improvement in their meagre livelihood.\nIn this situation there is little margin for an extravagant\ndivision into military blocs, even for purposes of security,\nand their inevitable arsenal of armaments. Here, the\nstrategic approach constitutes absolutely the wrong basis\nfor the economic development which the countries of the\nregion so desperately need.\n\n33. Here, where seemingly, the fate of war and peace is to\nbe decided in the future, and is already being fought out in\nwhat was once called the Indo-China sector, where tensions\nsimmer between Pakistan and India, between China and the\nSoviet Union, between China and India, between Pakistan\nand Pakhtunistan, it is essential to ponder the political\nstructure most conducive to the economic and social\ndevelopment of an entire hemisphere.\n\n34. In such a structure we consider that foreign intervention \nis fraught with the greatest danger of setting off a new\npower struggle. Here, unlike in Europe, the ruling principle\nof peace must begin with the principle of self-determination\nof peoples as the major point of orientation. On the basis of\nthese axioms — accepted as United Nations truths — perhaps\nthe entire continent may embark on a constructive era of\neconomic rehabilitation and development only on the\nbroad base of an all-Asian formulation as the alternative to\nthe rivalry of blocs and rival groupings.\n\n35. In this pattern we may be able to implement what our\nSecretary-General, U Thant, calls a disarmament decade.\nRightly and financially it is inseparable from the decade of\neconomic development; the two are as complementary as\nthe right arm is to the left. In the same way the two are\ninseparable from continental collective systems which,\nunlike strategic blocs, have no need for excessive armaments. \nWe hope that Member States may begin to think in\nterms of this triptych for a new concept of inter-relationship \nbetween economic development, disarmament and security.\n\n36. However, it must be emphasized that as long as the\npolitical crises and wars and disputes continue to plague\nrelations between nations in any region or continent, to\nspeak of peace and progress or collective understanding for\nany purpose, in any form, will remain far from realistic.\n\n37. Speaking for my country, I am happy to state that our\nown relations are friendly with our neighbours, with all\ncountries on our continent, and indeed on all other\ncontinents. It is with great regret that I have to mention\none excepticn.\n\n38. At the last session of the General Assembly I spoke of\nthe serious situations of international concern affecting the\npeople of the Asian continent [1690th meeting]. I expressed \nthe hope that a peaceful settlement of the disputes\nwould be found in an amicable solution of the problems\ncausing them. We are still deeply concerned about those\nsituations in which Afghanistan is not directly involved; but\nwe are directly involved in the high tension between the\npeople of Pakhtunistan and the Government of Pakistan,\nfraught as it is with danger for the future peace and security\nof that region.\n\n39. The cause of the people of Pakhtunistan is a legitimate\nand just cause based on the right of peoples to self-\ndetermination and the fulfilment of the aspirations of\npeoples to determine their own fate and future. This is a\ncause that, as Members know, Afghanistan has supported\nfor all peoples everywhere, and naturally we cannot do less\nfor a territory that was a part of our country, usurped by a\ncolonial Power, and a people that is our own people.\n\n40. Pakhtunistan is not a small problem. It involves the\nlegitimate aspirations of more than 7 million people. It is\nthe largest territory in Asia demanding the right of\nself-determination. it is a serious and explosive problem,\nfraught with the possibility of grave consequences. Since\nthis problem is not yet before the United Nations, I shall\nonce again express the hope that the new Government of\nPakistan, fully aware of the aspirations of these people and\nhaving realized the gravity of the situation, will not add to\nour disappointment as in the past by refusing to deal with it\nin accordance with the accepted international standards\nregulating such disputes, on the basis of the undeniable\nright of peoples to self-determination.\n\n41. This Assembly session offers us an opportunity of\nfacing new problems, the new forces, the new trends in our\nswiftly evolving world. They are many and complex. They\ninclude ourselves. They must be our profound preoccupation \nas a prelude to the next session, when we shall embark\non a programme of celebrating our great anniversary and\nlandmark. Basically, it all comes to a renaissance of the\ngreat faith the founding nations enunciated in San\nFrancisco. We must restore faith in our people, faith in\nourselves and a rededication to the Charter which has\nalready done so much to alter the concepts and perspectives\nof modern man. We must close this gap between ourselves\nand this new man. We must regain our partnership with him\nin the great epic of our times: the renaissance of the human race.
## 14 82.\tMr. President, at the outset, I wish to congratulate you whole-heartedly, on your election as President of the General Assembly, the most esteemed and highest international post. Our congratulations do not stem from the usual courtesy extended on such occasions; they emanate from the cordial and friendly relations that have existed and do exist between the people of Afghanistan and the people of Indonesia. But it is not only that. We are convinced that your ability and personal experience in international affairs give us solid ground to hope that this session of the General Assembly, under your guidance, will lead us to the achievement of the great task we have set before us.\n83.\tI should like to extend my delegation's sincere appreciation to Ambassador Edvard Hambro for the excellent manner in which he guided the affairs of the Assembly during his tenure as President.\n84.\tMr. President, with your permission, I should like to join the voices of those who have expressed their appreciation of the services of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, U Thant, who has undertaken and carried out the tremendous responsibilities of his high office with patience, wisdom and consideration, and above all, with a great sense of impartiality and objectivity.\n85.\tThe Government I represent has recently assumed office. It is therefore necessary for me to state our profound desire and determination to continue, as in the past, to uphold our firm belief in the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.\n86.\tAfghanistan is the oldest non-aligned Member of the United Nations. I should like to state that we shall continue our positive and active policy of non-alignment within and\noutside the United Nations, based on our free judgment of all international situations on the basis of their merits. This has been one of the prime reasons for our fundamental interest and participation in all gatherings of the non- aligned countries. We believe that the policy of non-alignment and the principles adopted by the different Conferences of the non-aligned nations of the world, particularly those principles embodied in the Declaration on Peace, Independence, Development, Co-operation and Democratization of Internal Relations adopted by the last Conference of the non-aligned nations in Lusaka, have made a significant contribution to the noble cause of world peace and international security.\n87.\tIn the world of today all people are neighbors. Therefore, the greatest need for us all is to adhere to the spirit of neighborliness, goodwill, peaceful coexistence and mutual respect, regardless of differences in ideologies and social, political and economic systems, chosen freely by each one of us.\n88.\tIn the world of today it is no longer thinkable that one system could eliminate another system without the total annihilation of all. To believe that it is possible not to coexist with each other peacefully is an illusion close to madness. We can have only one common goal: the achievement of peace and progress. This one common goal is necessary not only for achieving peace but also for preventing a disturbance of the balances, which can destroy peace,\n89.\tEurope seems to be directing itself towards some kind of understanding. We welcome this trend, if it will open the horizon of peace for all mankind, because it is the interest of mankind in general, rather than the interest of the West or the East, to which all of us attach crucial importance.\n90.\tThe continent of Africa, whose people have always proved to be peaceful inhabitants of the world, and the Latin American continent, whose people, except in defense of their independence, have never waged wars, are faced with diverse problems. It is essential that the United Nations should, to the extent it can, take measures to save those continents from the calamities from which other continents Asia and Europe-have suffered. This calls for only positive steps. Of course, the people of those continents are better aware of their problems and of how to deal with them, and their representatives will speak on the subject during the general debate. I myself coming from the Asian continent, would ask you, Mr. President, to allow me to speak of the situations prevailing in the continent of Asia, situations which are, in fact, world problems.\n91.\tThe question of the Middle East is not a local problem. It is an international problem and, therefore, one of international concern. It is very unfortunate that, despite their full awareness of the gravity of the problem, some nations have paid scant attention not only to the situation in the Middle East itself, but also, although Members of the United Nations, to United Nations resolutions and have exerted little effort to implement their own decisions.\nDespite the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, little effort has been made to make the usurper realize that, in our time, territories cannot remain occupied by right of conquest. We see with great distress that portions of the lands of three Member States of the United Nations Egypt, Syria and Jordan are still kept under occupation, and more than that, that this situation has been tolerated. While we deplore the refusal of Israel to comply with the simplest dictates of international law and justice, I think the deep appreciation of the world Organization is due to the political patience of the Arab States, particularly of the Government of Egypt, which has almost exhausted all possibilities of co-operation for the implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations and for the success of the efforts made on its behalf to bring durable peace to the Middle East.\n92.\tAfghanistan's concern is not limited only to the consequences of aggression against the Arabs and the continuation of injustices on the part of the Israelis towards certain Arab States. We are basically concerned with the consequences of aggression itself, by any nation against any other nation in the world.\n93.\tAfghanistan, in the course of its own history, has experienced the oppression of aggressors and has suffered the injury of occupation of its territory by force; it is well aware of what it means to have parts of its land annexed. I think I am not the only representative who can recall such experiences related to his own country.\n94.\tWe call upon all Member States, therefore, to consider the question of aggression and the "right" of any country to occupy another country's territory by conquest. We are not thinking only about the Arabs when we ask the question: how can any country occupied by military force be expected not to resort to war to liberate its people and its territory? I should like to ask this august Assembly whether there is any large or small country among us that would not defend its homeland against occupation?\n95.\tTherefore, any nation that might be unwilling to understand and defend the established rights of the Arabs against the aggressive policy of occupation and annexation is forfeiting its own right of defense against such policies and actions.\n96.\tOn the other hand, however, there is the attitude of certain big Powers that have not succeeded in implementing the measures they have approved. We can, therefore, demand from this august Assembly not only the implementation of what the Security Council has approved in the case of the Middle East, but what is more, the reaffirmation of the principles of international law in accordance with which acquisition by force is inadmissible.\n97.\tMy Government asks the world Organization, and expects from it, urgent and effective measures to find a solution based on justice and the full restoration of the rights of the Arab people.\n98.\tIt is indeed fitting to pause here for a moment to remind ourselves of a nation whose fate and territory were, in the present century, subjected in a most overt manner to ruthless aggression. The peaceful people of Palestine were\ndriven from their homes and land while the world helplessly watched this injustice being done. Until now, all efforts to restore their rights have failed. Even those minimum rights which were recognized by the United Nations resolutions were not restored to them. We ask this great Assembly, which not only represents the peoples of the world but which should also reflect the international conscience, to exercise all the power at its command so that the rights of the people of Palestine will be fully restored and recovered from those who usurped them against the principles of law, justice and humanity.\n99.\tThe problem of Jerusalem is of great concern not only to the Moslems, Christians and Jews of the world, but to all those who genuinely believe in the preservation of the cultures of mankind and the assurance of respect for all holy shrines and historical monuments. We condemn all measures which, in total disregard of international rules of morality and law and United Nations resolutions, are taken with a view to distorting the Arab, Moslem and Christian character of the Holy City. We cannot allow any change in the character of the city of Jerusalem. The city should be kept intact until control of it is restored to its lawful inhabitants.\n100.\tAllow me to turn to another Asian question: the question of Viet-Nam. Though not formally on the agenda of the United Nations, this question is nevertheless on the conscience of all mankind. A hot war has been in progress and the United Nations as an Organization of peace has been given no role but that of a helpless spectator. We are aware of the fact that the consequences of such developments are part of the primary responsibilities of big Powers. Meanwhile, for many different reasons it is not possible for small countries to remain unconcerned. Afghanistan, as an Asian country and a member of the international community, wishes to draw the attention of the world to the urgent need for the cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam.\n101.\tThe miseries of Asia do not end here. There are certain recent developments which are of concern not only to the Asians, but a' o to the rest of the world. There has been a civil war in Pakistan. Civil war for any country is painfully destructive. Afghanistan is particularly distressed when it sees that this civil war is happening to a nation with which we have brotherly relations and for which we have deep sympathy, a sympathy we retain despite the political differences we have with the Government of Pakistan over the question of Pakistan. if the tense situation between Pakistan and India is not returned to normal, the whole continent of Asia will suffer as a result of existing circumstances.\n102.\tFor averting the dangers of the present situation we have to place our hopes in the wisdom of Pakistan and India, which wisdom should make it possible to resolve the plight of the refugees in a spirit of co-operation between the two countries and with international co-operation based on humanitarian principles. It is our ardent wish that conditions will soon be created to enable the Pakistani refugees to return to their country in full confidence of their safety.\n103.\tAt this session we expect the United Nations to terminate a long-standing and well-known injustice or\nwith respect to the legitimate right of the People's Republic of China to representation in the United Nations and all its organs. The fallacy of that injustice has been proved by the fact that all sectors of world public opinion now appreciate the realities.\n104.\tAfghanistan, as a neighbor of China, was one of the first countries to recognize the patent reality of the representation of the whole China by the Government of the People's Republic of China; it has supported and will always support the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate Government of all China in all international organizations.\n105.\tAfghanistan, in the continent of Asia, was the first country to stand up against colonialism, defending ant- safeguarding its own independence. It is quite natural, therefore, that our congratulations to the new Members of the United Nations should be most sincere and heartfelt. We are confident that the representatives of Bhutan, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman will convey the sincere sentiments of the people and Government of Afghanistan to their peoples and Governments.\n106.\tThe experience of Afghanistan in bloody conflicts with colonialists has been extremely bitter. The fact that some countries have achieved their independence without bloodshed is a source of pleasure for us, knowing that all this has taken place through the efforts of the United Nations and realizing that, without the existence of the United Nations, this would not have been possible. We owe our gratitude to the United Nations. But still there remains one painful fact that we cannot ignore: that is that all peoples and nations struggling for independence have not yet achieved their goal. Afghanistan, therefore, would demand more effective efforts by the United Nations in this field.\n107.\tAfghanistan has been a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and both there and in the General Assembly has always defended the rights of the dependent peoples to self-determination and independence. We have always supported the struggle of the majority of the people of Southern Rhodesia, and the peoples of Namibia, Angola, Mozambique and other territories still under Portuguese domination. In the same manner, we have and will support the cause of independence in all other Non-Self-Governing Territories.\n108.\tBecause of-our staunch and continuous support for the right of peoples to self-determination, it is quite natural that we should be concerned about the political aspirations of the people of Pakhtunistan, whether Pakhtunistanis or Baluchis, who, from the historical and ethnical viewpoint were not and can never be a part of the Indian subcontinent and whose territory was severed from their fatherland, Afghanistan, by the naked and brutal military force of a colonial Power. The land now referred to as Pakhtunistan was annexed to the new State of Pakistan in the subcontinent of India without recognition of the right of its people to self-determination, and in spite of the fact that no legal basis existed or exists for such a transfer.\n109.\tThe question of Pakhtunistan is one of special importance to us. The pursuance of this historic cause, the securing of the exercise of the right of those people to self-determination, is a right and an historical obligation of Afghanistan, Since Afghanistan has always hoped that this problem would be peacefully resolved, we have not brought it officially before the United Nations. At this stage I shall therefore go no further into the details of the matter, but I should like to be allowed to emphasize the seriousness of this problem, which is one of the remnants of colonialism.\n110.\tUndoubtedly, the greatest and most important aim of mankind is international peace and security. But real peace and security cannot be attained without securing a relative balance in the field of development. The inequality between the rich and the poor nations, commonly referred to as the "gap", should be filled, as there is no distance between development and peace, which are synonymous in our times.\n111.\tAmong the developing countries there are more unfortunate countries. I therefore deem it necessary to draw the attention of the Assembly to the special case of the land-locked, developing and least developed countries.\n112.\tThe problems of the land-locked and the least developed countries have been the subject of different studies by various organs of the United Nations. The International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)] has recognized the necessity of adopting special measures in their favor. We believe that the time has come to pass from generalities to specifics and to evolve comprehensive and concrete, but separate, action- programs in favor of each of the two above-mentioned groups of countries. These action-programs should be accompanied by a clear expression of the political will necessary for their implementation.\n113.\tAs discussions and deliberations in the recent session of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor Beyond tf i Limits of National Jurisdiction revealed, land-locked developing countries have the right of free access to the sea-bed area, as well as the right of participation in its exploration and exploitation. Their geographical position and degree of economic development entitle them to special treatment. We expect the rights of these countries and their special needs to be taken into full consideration by the Sea-Bed Committee and the future conference on the law of the sea.\n114.\tWhile appreciating the assistance rendered by the developed countries to the developing world, we see that there are bitter facts prevailing in this respect which hamper the pace of progress of those striving for the betterment of their living conditions. This is not the time or place for going into the details of this matter, but it can be predicted, from past economic trends and the implications of the present inflation in Western developed countries, that during the Second United Nations Development Decade the developing countries will be paying out even, more than what they may expect to receive. It is obviously too late to seek any remedy for the past, but it is imperative to keep the past in mind in planning for the future. If this gap is not bridged, the developing countries will be confronted with staggering difficulties. \n115.\tIn the course of history, economic and social inequalities within different societies have led to the disruption of peace within the societies. The present inequalities among nations, if not remedied, will inevitably jeopardize world peace and security. With the development of modem technology and destructive armaments, only one conclusion can be anticipated: namely, that the majority of the people of the world will first become poorer, and then be destroyed. For this reason, a serious consideration of the question of disarmament and of the allocation of the resources so released to the development of the developing countries must be no longer regarded as a dream but recognized as a fundamental purpose of the United Nations.\n116.\tWhat is important to a country like Afghanistan is the fact that a major part of the resources of the developing countries is also spent on armaments. Such expenses are imposed by world circumstances even on non-aligned countries, which do not belong to any military bloc and which have declared their non-alignment solely for the purpose of promoting world peace, international security, and their own development ;.rd progress.\n117.\tHowever, it is clear and also understandable that we cannot expect that disarmament will be achieved outright or that the resources will be released for economic development when most needed. But realism and reason lead us to expect that the developed countries will join in positive and effective efforts in the direction of general and complete disarmament by agreeing not to make more arms. The total expenditure on armaments during one year amounts to $215,000 million. Even the allocation of a portion of that sum to economic development would be a positive and effective contribution to international development,\n118.\tIn speaking of disarmament, may I take this opportunity to welcome the idea of convening a world disarmament conference? We believe that the time is ripe for such an approach to the question of disarmament and security, which undeniably requires a global solution. Needless to say, the participation of the People's Republic of China and other countries whose representatives are not present at the disarmament talks would be extremely important in such a conference.\n119.\tAlthough the pace of progress in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks is very slow, the impression of mutual confidence given by the super-Powers is heartening. It is our hope that that confidence will spread to all countries of the world and give the world a genuine sense of assurance.\n120.\tIt must be known that no understanding or agreement which does not reflect the interests of all nations, even if it is an understanding and agreement between all major Powers, can contribute to the promotion and protection of world peace and international security. It is for this reason that Afghanistan, as a non-aligned and developing country convinced that it can meet the needs of its people only under conditions of peace and security, demands that the rights of the developing countries in the political and economic world of the future be respected and recognized.\n121.\tThe protection and promotion of human rights is a special responsibility of the United Nations. The past years\nhave witnessed serious and more extensive violations of human rights in different parts of the world, as a result of the reluctance on the part of Member States to implement internationally recognized principles, declarations, conventions and covenants. We hope that this session of the Assembly will consider and recommend effective measures in this field.\n122.\tMy delegation, from the very inception of the idea, has supported the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights as a first step towards the future development of an international enforcement structure. We believe that the High Commissioner, in carrying out his functions, should give special attention to violations of human rights arising from racial discrimination and from colonial and alien domination.\n123.\tAfghanistan was one of the first two authors of the very first proposal to recognize self-determination as an inalienable right of peoples and nations A This right, and its implementation in the interest of all people under alien domination, remain the corner-stone of all fundamental rights and freedoms as enshrined in article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [resolution 2200 (XXI), annex].\n124.\tBeing quite aware of the achievement of independence by a great number of countries and the ever- increasing membership of the United Nations, we must not forget that millions of people still live under alien domination. This is a great threat to peace and stability in many areas of the world,\n125.\tNow that the classic form of colonialism is gradually vanishing, it is more important to pay special attention to other, and perhaps more dangerous, forms of domination, including the domination of many Territories and peoples in many parts of the world by alien Powers-especially by those which themselves, not very long ago, were colonies.\n126.\tBoth before and since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], Afghanistan strongly supported United Nations efforts to put an end to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations an undertaking which we entered into in your own great country, Mr. President.\n127.\tNext comes the intolerable and inhuman question of racial discrimination. Our stand on this is more than well known. We have never failed to condemn apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination as flagrant violations of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Therefore, we once more proclaim our support for the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia.\n128.\tAfghanistan welcomes the observance of the year 1971 as the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. The Government of Afghanistan sincerely hopes that this International Year will prove to be an important step in the realization of its\n4\tSee Official Records of the General Assembly, Fifth Session, Annexes, agenda item 63, document A/C.3/L.88.\npurpose to achieve substantial progress in the elimination of all forms of racism and racial discrimination, including policies of apartheid.\n129.\tMr. President, Afghanistan wishes to see this session go down in history, as you have suggested, as the "Assembly of universality" [1934th meeting]. We further hope that this session will contribute to the suppression of the spirit of divisionism which has so much damaged the United Nations and the world. It is our hope that a united and universal attack will be launched against divisionism inside and outside the United Nations. Only then will mankind be confident enough to look forward hopefully to seeing a world united in order to achieve its common goals of peace and prosperity.
## 15 Mr. President, on behalf of the Afghan delegation, I should like to extend to you our warmest congratulations on your election as President of the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly. We are confident that the present session will, under your able leadership, witness significant steps toward finding solutions to many of the problems confronting human society.\n2. We should also like to express our sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Adam Malik, for his able handling of the presidency of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. My colleagues and I also wish to express our gratitude to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for the energy and perception with which, since his election to the post of Secretary-General, he has embarked upon the manifold\nduties and heavy responsibilities of this highly esteemed office. \n3. In the changing world of today, with problems increasing\nboth in number and in dimension, human society in general-and the small countries in particular are placing special hope in the United Nations. We all see with regret that many parties to many of the problems facing the world\ntoday try their best to avoid bringing to the machinery of this Organization, its organs and specialized agencies questions in which their vital interests are involved. If this process is allowed to go on unchecked in the direction in\nwhich it has been heading in recent years, it will inevitably lead to this result: either the United Nations will become a burdensome bureaucracy, or the world will be misled into a dangerous condition of self-deception, or both.\n4. In the not-too-distant past, the world discovered too late that this course of events could only lead us to catastrophic consequences. It is still early enough to re-examine our experience with the United Nations and to\nfind ways effectively to carry out the basic principles embodied in its Charter. It is on this basis that the delegation of Afghanistan wishes to emphasize the necessity for a genuine, deep and practical discussion of item 24 of the agenda.\n5.\tIn this, I address myself not only to the great Powers but also to the entire membership of this Organization. It is the responsibility of all of us to make the Charter, and this Organization, an effective instrument to create better political, economic and social conditions in the world in which we all live and must live together.\n6.\tWe shall present our view on that subject when the question comes before the General Assembly for debate, so we shall not go into detail about it here. However, I do want to say that, as a small nation, we should like to see the United Nations reflect the true conscience of the world whenever the idea of naked power, and of economic and political dominance, attempts to obscure the need for a balanced approach to international politics.\n7.\tThis Organization should not in any way be prohibited from serving as a free forum of the community of nations and as an instrument for arriving, by means of constructive dialogs, at just and viable solutions to the many problems facing the world. In this spirit, my delegation would like to voice its full appreciation of the remarks made by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his report to this Assembly on the work of the Organization [A18701J Add.l]. We hope that the detente of the great Powers will encompass the finding of means to strengthen the United Nations, rather than by-passing this Organization and taking the world back to the methods of the era before its birth.\n8.\tIn this context, it would be relevant to refer to one tragedy the shadow of which continues to hang over the conscience of all of us who have assembled here. From this rostrum we have spoken a number of times about the fate of the people of Viet-Nam. It is high time that the community of nations as a whole seriously addressed itself to this continuing threat to international peace and security. Afghanistan has always supported a solution of the question of Viet-Nam-and of all Indochina based on the decisive role of the will of the peoples of the area themselves in determining their own destiny without any foreign intervention. We shall continue to render our support to the struggling people of the Indochinese peninsula on the basis of these principles, which can be considered the sole criteria for the solution of their problems.\n9.\tWe shall have the opportunity of commenting on the individual items composing the agenda of this session of the General Assembly as they arise. Being conscious of the necessity to economize the very valuable time of this \naugust Assembly, I shall only summarize very briefly at this time the views of the Afghan delegation, and of my Government, on some of the major developments of the period between the last session of the General Assembly and the present one.\n10.\tThe first of these developments is, fortunately, a positive one. The increasing recognition of and adherence to the philosophy of non-alignment, and its role in world politics, is a source of particular satisfaction to Afghanistan. In the past year alone, many events and even the attitudes of some of the great Powers have indicated this trend. The recent Conference of the Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Georgetown, Guyana in August, has made a significant contribution to the further development of the concepts of peaceful coexistence and to the application of independent judgment to international events solely on the basis of their merit. The non-aligned countries of the world are looking forward to the summit meeting to be held next year in Algeria and are confident that it will make a positive contribution both to the noble cause of international peace and security and to the development of better relations among the different members of the world community.\n11.\tThe question of international peace and security naturally leads to that of world disarmament. We would like to join in the earnest appeal of all the peace-loving nations for a rapid and complete end to the dangerous race in armaments, If we do not achieve the goal of total disarmament for which our generation and the ones preceding us have so earnestly longed, the planet on which we live will be an inherently unsafe dwelling place not only for us and for our children but for their children as well.\n12.\tWith regard to the problem of terrorism, we would like to bring to the attention of this Assembly the following essential observations. To disturb the safety of innocent people anywhere in the world cannot be tolerated under any circumstances. However, in the light of this same basic norm of human conduct, no one should be allowed to deceive the world into believing that equally innocent people, deprived of their land and communal entity, shall have no right to fight for the recovery of their usurped homes. It is the urgent responsibility of this Organization and particularly of the major Powers of the world to use all the means at their disposal for finding and applying a solution to the problem of Palestine. Among all the matters of war and peace, none is more dangerous nor demands our attention more than the situation in the Middle East a situation created by the occupation of Arab territories by Israel and by its blunt refusal to withdraw its forces from those territories. With a shaky and precarious history of cease-fires, no progress has been made towards a satisfactory settlement in that troubled area.\n13.\tOver 20 years of usurpation of the Palestinian people's rights and the continued trampling of their ancestral land by an alien conqueror should not lead the international community to forget that there exists a distinct entity called Palestine and a distinct people called the Palestinians, whose destiny is indistinguishably linked with the soil on which they have been living since time immemorial. It is our ardent hope that the General Assembly at its present session, by taking adequate measures in this regard, will contribute to the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian Arabs. The immediate and complete withdrawal of all Israeli forces from all territories of the three Arab countries namely, Egypt, Syria, and Jordan-is another essential prerequisite for the establishment of a durable peace in the Middle East. To deal with the problem in any other way would be, to paraphrase a Persian poem, "Wiping the tears from our faces without assuaging the anguish from which we weep".\n14.\tMy Government welcomed the spirit that prevailed in the conference of the leaders of Pakistan and India at Simla. It is truly within the spirit of the Charter of this Organization that, at last, in the troubled IndoPakistani subcontinent dialog is beginning to replace the use of arms or the threat of such use. It would be a significant contribution to the victory of the principle of pacific settlement of international disputes to see peace reigning at last over the countries of the subcontinent, and to see Pakistan, Bangladesh and India co-operating in the different spheres of life for the benefit of all the peoples of all three countries.\n15.\tThe noble efforts deployed by the United Nations Committee on decolonization have all the support of the people and the Government of Afghanistan. I would like to reiterate once again our sympathy with, and our backing for, all nations and peoples still struggling for the recognition of their right to self-determination. The abolition of all forms and manifestations of colonialism and imperialism and of racial discrimination and apartheid is a basic objective of the Charter; and all of us present here are bound by our pledges to its provisions and purposes to extend whatever support is at our disposal to the achievement of these goals.\n16.\tFor Afghanistan itself, colonialism has left a very unfortunate heritage. It is our hope that the question of Pakhtunistan will be solved on the basis of the right of self-determination for the Pakhtun and Baluchi inhabitants of that land. It is the national and international duty of the people and the Government of Afghanistan to pursue, by all peaceful means at their disposal, the just and noble cause of the people of Pakhtunistan. This problem, in essence, emanated from a very typical colonial injustice.\n17.\tThe right of the people of Pakhtunistan freely to choose their own destiny was denied them when the classical form of Western colonialism ended in the Indian subcontinent through its partition a quarter century ago. The land of Pakhtunistan, in spite of not being part of the subcontinent, was added to one of the two new States without its inhabitants having been accorded an opportunity to exercise freely their right to self-determination. The peaceful settlement of this matter is one of the major aims of Afghanistan's foreign policy; but since the question has not been formally put before the General Assembly, it is not our intention to go into further discussion of the problem at this time.\n18.\tThe economic development of the under-developed peoples of the world, which unfortunately constitute the majority of the inhabitants of our globe, ii essential not only to the question of international peace and security but also to the well-being-present and future of human society as a whole and to the deceit self-respect of us all. The outcome of the third Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] t held at Santiago in April and May, was a source of genuine disturbance to the small and poor nations of the world, If the menacing gap between the rich and the poor countries continues to widen further, it will soon be very difficult to consider the inhabitants of the world as one human society in the true sense of the word. We hope that this problem will be given sufficient time and consideration during the deliberations of the present session of the General Assembly so that the flame of hope for the future of the developing countries can remain alight.\n19.\tAt this juncture one point deserves special mention. As we all know, it is specifically stated in the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)J that special measures in favor of the least developed countries should be adopted so as to enable those countries to benefit fully and equitably from the general measures contained in the Strategy. In the view of my Government, the general division of the world into developed and developing countries ii a simplistic view which is no longer valid. The developing world is divided into two groups, developing and least developed. That fact has already been recognized by the International Development Strategy, as well as in numerous resolutions of the various bodies of the United Nations system. Some of the least developed countries are land-locked and are thus doubly handicapped.\n20.\tAs I stated earlier, the gap between the developed and the developing countries and between the latter and the least developed among them is fast widening. The identification of the least developed countries is a dramatic phenomenon in the painstakingly slow process of searching for solutions to the socio-economic problems of the countries of the world. The concept of the developing countries as a single group having more similarities than differences proved to be inaccurate. The criteria established for the identification of those .countries demonstrate that they are countries with extremely vulnerable subsistence economies. Two years of continued and severe drought in the case of my country, for example, not only disrupted the precarious economic balance but also plunged the country into unprecedented socio-economic chaos.\n21.\tWe agree, as we have often repeated in various international documents that the primary responsibility for the economic development of the developing countries rests upon those countries themselves. But there is another fact, which applies in no case more than it does to the least developed countries: the efforts of those countries for development cannot succeed without urgent, comprehensive and sustained international assistance and co-operation. That fact has been recognized by the developed as well as other developing countries in numerous documents, the most recent of them UNCTAD resolution 62 (III), which contains specific commitments and measures. It is high time to ascertain to what extent these promises are going to be kept.\n22.\tEfforts during the past several years by a number of countries resulted in the unanimous adoption of resolution 63 (III) at Santiago last spring. That resolution, while not satisfying entirely the needs and claims of the developing land-locked countries, could nevertheless be regarded as a major step in the right direction. As stipulated in numerous studies and resolutions of various United Nations bodies, land-locked developing countries need, first, to adapt their economies to their special geographic situation, and secondly, to sure the free and unrestricted transit of their trade to the sea and to third countries, and vice versa. Those two needs should be satisfied simultaneously and not consecutively. Resolution 63 (III) provides guide-lines for special measures to be taken in both these fields. While the first measures, which are the responsibility of developed countries and international organizations, are of a rather long-term nature, the second set of measures, which are the responsibility of transit countries and international organizations, deserve immediate attention. Such measures as the preparation of a transport strategy and the study of administrative and customs procedures in transit countries could not be carried out without sincere and complete co-operation by the transit countries.\n23.\tWe hope that the UNCTAD secretariat, as well as responsible bodies in various international organizations, will take swift and effective measures to implement those decisions of the third session of UNCTAD. We further hope that all countries concerned will adopt a constructive attitude towards these questions and extend their full co-operation to the other parties concerned. The Government of Afghanistan, in co-operation with other land-locked countries, will closely follow developments in this field and is ready to offer its full co-operation and assistance for the implementation of the provisions of UNCTAD resolution 63 (III).\n24.\tWe attach substantial importance to the development of the law of the sea along the lines leading to the possibility of access for all the nations of the world to the riches of the sea-bed beyond the limits of the national jurisdiction of individual nations. Special attention must be paid to the status and the needs of the land-locked countries. That is true not only with regard to the riches of the sea-bed but also with regard to freedom of transit and other facilities that are desperately needed for the economic growth of those land-locked countries.\n25.\tAfghanistan in the last three years has had to cope with the catastrophic consequences of a very severe drought. Many Members of the United Nations have generously, and in compliance with the resolution of sympathy adopted by the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly [resolution 2757(XXVI)], extended help and sympathy to our people in their moment of distress. I consider it my duty to express, on behalf of the people and the Government of Afghanistan, our sincere gratitude and appreciation to all those countries which have so kindly extended their aid. I would like especially to thank the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, U Thant, for his message to the various specialized agencies of the United Nations concerned with this problem, and those agencies for the timely help they have rendered in the face of this natural catastrophe.\n26.\tIn conclusion, I express the hope that this twenty- seventh session of the General Assembly will mark a significant step forward in the deliberations and activities of the United Nations all through the year.
## 16 1.\tIt is a great pleasure for me to congratulate you. Sir, in the name of the delegation of Afghanistan, on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We are extremely happy to see that this year the work of the General Assembly will be directed by an eminent son of Latin America, a continent whose people have always stood steadfastly at the forefront of the struggle for freedom and emancipation. Their long history has always demonstrated their determination to associate themselves with all progressive forces for building a world free of discrimination and injustice. Added to these qualities of Latin America, your personal qualifications and your vast experience and knowledge confirm us in our belief that under your guidance this session of the General Assembly will fulfil its great responsibilities.\n2.\tI should like also to extend the sincere felicitations of the delegation of Afghanistan to Mr. Trepczynski of Poland, who skilfully guided the work of the General Assembly during its past session.\n3.\tIt is with great pleasure that we welcome the admission of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic and greet them in the family of nations. We have traditional friendly ties and relations with the great German people. The history of our relationship is one of close co-operation in the economic and cultural spheres. We are confident that their joining the United Nations contributes to the strengthening of this Organization and peace and security in the world. They have already set an example in the field of international relations by their policy of peace and conciliation. In fact their admission will enhance this spirit in the world Organization.\n4.\tI wish also to extend the congratulations of the Afghan delegation to the delegation of the Bahamas on its admission to membership in the United Nations. The admission of the Bahamas exemplifies a triumph of the will of people in the process of self-determination, a cause which Afghanistan has consistently supported in all parts of the world.\n5.\tMy Government welcomes the independence of Guinea- Bissau and declares that it has been recognized by Afghanistan. The sacrifices endured by the people of Guinea-Bissau in their protracted fight against colonialism have not been in vain. It is a source of gratification for us to witness today the great victory achieved by the liberation movements in Guinea-Bissau in establishing their independence and in freeing their country from alien domination. We wish the people of Guinea-Bissau success and prosperity.\n6.\tOn 17 July 1973, a great fundamental, institutional change took place in Afghanistan. The monarchy was abolished and a republic was proclaimed. The objectives of the newly created republic, supported by the genuine aspirations and democratic traditions of the Afghan people, are to promote the material and spiritual development of its people and to create a new society founded on justice and equality for all citizens without any discrimination, to allow all Afghans to participate fully and responsibly in the affairs of their country, and to curb the forces that have hitherto hampered the realization of these aspirations. The Republic aims at establishing a trustworthy security within the country that would permit sound and positive economic, social and cultural reforms, and pave the way for political, economic and cultural advancement. This requires the mobilization of all available resources and energy in all fields in the interest of the people.\n7.\tTherefore, the new order has the full and sincere support of the majority of the people. As soon as a new constitution is promulgated, one that will reflect the true aspirations of the people and will extend democratic rights and liberties for the progress and evolution of society, elections will be held in accordance with its provisions, based on the principles of democracy.\n8.\tTo overcome economic backwardness, the Government is determined to take new measures as rapidly as possible to bring about basic changes, to create a national economy through effective planning based on modern science and technology and founded on the principle of full sovereignty over its natural resources. Great importance is attached to the encouragement of national industries, handicrafts and arts and to their protection against competitive foreign products.\n9.\tSince ours is mainly an agricultural country, the new regime, as a major step in its programme to bring about fundamental progress, will institute land reforms in the interests of the majority of the people.\n10.\tIn the social field, the situation is in no way compatible with contemporary conditions in the world. Therefore, new programmes for social reform are contemplated, particularly for improving working conditions and the standard of living. A progressive and democratic labour law will be sought to secure the protection of the individual and social rights of industrial and agricultural workers. New and effective steps will be taken for creating equal opportunities for Afghan women in all spheres of life: economic, social, political and cultural.\n11.\tThe founder of the Republic, Mohammad Daoud, in his statement of 23 August 1973, said:\n"It is evident that economic and social progress are closely linked with fundamental reforms and the establishment of a true democracy. . . . Therefore, Afghanistan, keeping in view the changes in the world, should have a progressive domestic policy."\n12.\tIn the international sphere, Afghanistan will remain a peaceful country and will consistently follow the policy of peaceful coexistence with countries pursuing different social systems, and will firmly continue its policy of non-alignment and non-participation in any blocs or military pacts. It will maintain its adherence to and respect for the Charter of the United Nations. It will seek the strengthening of amicable relations with all peace-loving countries in the economic, technical and cultural fields.\n13.\tThe new Government attaches the utmost importance to maintaining and creating relations based on the principles of justice, mutual respect and neighbourliness with countries with which we share the same region. The good neighbourly ties of friendship with our neighbour to the north, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, are unfaltering. We have friendly and sincere relations with our other neighbour; the People's Republic of China. We have always had neighbourly relations with Iran. I sincerely reciprocate the friendly remarks of the Foreign Minister of Iran in his statement in connexion with the relations between our two countries. With regard to our relations with Pakistan, I must say that, regrettably, our political differences regarding the issue of Pakhtunistan and the restoration and respect of the inalienable rights of our Pakhtun and Baluchi brothers, remain unsolved.\n14.\tThe question of Pakhtunistan, which has emanated from a refusal of Pakistan to recognize the legitimate demands of over 7 million people separated by the military force of a colonial Power from their fatherland. Afghanistan, is a national issue. We shall seriously endeavour to find a peaceful and just solution of this problem. A just solution is one that would conform to the best interests of Afghanistan and Pakistan in bringing peace and progress to the entire region. We believe that any solution should be sought on the basis of the will of the people and on international justice.\n15.\tWe have strong traditional .bonds of friendship with India and Bangladesh. We are desirous of strengthening further these bonds in the interest of mutual co-operation and permanent peace in the region.\n16.\tIn the wider sphere of international relations, the Republic of Afghanistan will adhere to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and will continue its unfailing support of its aims and objectives.\n17.\tWe shall pursue our policy of political, economic and cultural co-operation with the third world. We are most desirous of following our policy of mutual respect and friendliness with all nations of the world, big or small, near or far, east or west, without discrimination against anyone.\n18.\tThe situation in the Middle East is a great source of concern to Afghanistan. The most strategic region of the world is still in a state of war. The resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly remain unheeded. All peace efforts to head off a conflict have virtually come to a standstill. The creeping paralysis of the mandatory resolutions of the Security Council — and not only with respect to the Middle East, but also concerning vital decisions taken on Rhodesia, the Portuguese colonies and the situation in South Africa — is eating away at the very foundations of the United Nations as the custodian of both the rule of law and the goal of peace. Peace efforts, particularly those made by the non-aligned nations, have been vetoed and the prestige of the United Nations is threatened even as a symbol of international morality.\n19.\tThe occupation of the Arab territories by Israel and the toleration of the acquisition of land by force does not imply the toleration of injustice to the Arabs alone, but threatens the very security of all small countries in all regions of the world. It is inconceivable to expect any peace in' the Middle East unless the Israeli forces are withdrawn from the occupied Arab territories.\n20.\tIt is true that nothing really effective in peace-keeping can be achieved without, the unanimity of the big Powers. But it is most difficult to understand the position of some big Powers that demur from implementing and enforcing the very decisions for which they have voted. The resolution on the Middle East unanimously adopted on 22 November 1967 [Security Council resolution 242 (1967)] is a classic case of this ambivalence.\n21.\tOur position on the question of the Middle East and our full support of the Arab cause and the aspirations of the people of Palestine for the restoration of their undeniable rights has been made clear on all occasions and in all international gatherings.\n22.\tAt the last summit conference of non-aligned nations, we called for the strongest measures to be taken in connexion with the implementation of the Security Council resolution, including the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinian people as a basic prerequisite for the establishment of a lasting peace in the area. We emphasized the necessity of the individual and collective measures to be taken against Israel, not only by the non-aligned nations but by all Member States of the United Nations, in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Here, in this Assembly, we emphasize once again that the unanimous recommendations of the non-aligned nations should be endorsed by all Member States.\n23.\tThere is no need for us to explain at length the policy pursued by my Government with regard to the elimination of colonialism and the securing of the right of peoples everywhere to self-determination and independence. This policy is well known. We shall always remain at the vanguard of the struggle against alien domination and colonialism.\n24.\tColonialism comprises all forms of alien domination, and not only that which is referred to as Western colonialism. The classical form of Western colonialism is perhaps gradually drawing to an end, but, regrettably, the domination of certain peoples and territories, quite often by countries which themselves have suffered from colonial occupation, continues. This state of affairs creates tensions and causes concern and anxiety. The imperialistic designs of Western Powers during the heyday of their colonial advance created artificial frontiers without regard to the rights of the peoples.\n25.\tThese legacies of the colonial era persist in some regions, impeding the development of a better understanding among nations. Vestiges of Western colonialism should be terminated without the tensions that would hamper friendly relations among countries and peoples.\n26.\tThe apparent failure of the United Nations to implement its own resolutions concerning the elimination of the colonial administration of Portugal and to put an end to the inhuman and repressive policies of apartheid in South Africa, as well as to the illegal racist minority regime of Southern Rhodesia, can be construed only as a disturbing example of non-co-operation by certain countries with the United Nations, countries that are Members of this Organization.\n27.\tMy delegation reiterates its support for the right of the people of Angola and Mozambique, as we did in the case of Guinea-Bissau, to sell-determination and independence, and shares the view that the continuation of the policies of apartheid by the Government of South Africa and its extension to Namibia has now reached a point which can no longer be tolerated by the international community. We fully support the aspirations of the liberation movements in the defence and restoration of their undeniable rights.\n28.\tA basic characteristic of the present international situation is a relaxation of power politics in some areas and persisting crises and manifestations of power politics in others. While we welcome the positive tendencies manifested in relations between certain big Powers, we cannot at all dismiss lightly the concern of the small countries of the world. Evidently there seems to be an inclination towards bypassing the United Nations, in which the small nations form the majority of the membership and represent the interests of the majority of the people of the world. From our point of view, detente, like peace, is indivisible.\n29.\tWe were very impressed by the statement of Mr. Walter Scheel, the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, in which he said that "universality also means universality of obligations" [2119th meeting, para. 154] and that "detente, is not meant to be exclusive..." [ibid., para. 157]. It is evident that peace will remain precarious without the full participation of all countries in all matters of world peace and security.\n30.\tWe have arrived at the right time to expect and urge the international community to direct its efforts towards complete disarmament. We welcome the success of the various stages of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. We wish to see the machinery of the United Nations' fully used in all matters of disarmament and to see this session of the General Assembly make a decision as to the date and venue of the World Disarmament Conference. We hope that the present session of the General Assembly will prohibit nuclear tests in all environments and pay special attention to the question of nuclear disarmament.\n31.\tBut we are no less concerned about the stockpiling of conventional arms and the flow of such arms to other regions. There is no doubt that the security of smaller — particularly non-aligned — countries is threatened by conventional armaments. In our region the balance of power is already seriously threatened by important stockpiles of conventional weapons that can be acquired only by countries with privileged geographical or political positions, by countries which belong to a military alliance, or by countries which have acquired financial strength.\n32.\tI had that situation in mind when I stated at the summit Conference of non-aligned countries in Algiers that the recent acquisition of enormous quantities of sophisticated conventional armaments is a matter of grave concern to us. The political declaration of the summit Conference of non-aligned nations noted this with concern. It noted: "that the flow of conventional arms to non-nuclear States, which is a threat to the security of non-aligned countries and which gives rise to tension in some regions, is continuing" [A/9330, p. 17]. And then the summit Conference demanded that an end be put to the flow of such armaments.\n33.\tReferring to one of the items that has been proposed for discussion at this session, I should like to say that the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the item proposed by the Foreign Minister of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics during his statement in the general debate [2126th meeting, para. 131]. The item I am \nreferring to is entitled: "Reduction of the military budgets of States permanent members of the Security Council by 10 per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries" [item 102]. We note with satisfaction the timeliness of the Soviet Union's initiative and hope that it will be supported by all peace- loving and progressive countries and that meaningful measures will be taken in this regard by the General Assembly.\n34.\tRegarding the economic situation, we shall take the opportunity to deal with most of the questions related to it when they come before the Second Committee. Here I shall mention only that the failure of the first United Nations Development Decade and the unsatisfactory application of the recommendations adopted at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], together with the disappointing results of the years that have elapsed since the coming into force of the Second United Nations Development Decade, means that the International Development Strategy [resolution 2626 (XXV)] cannot be viewed without profound anxiety. We note with regret that the attitude of some of the developed countries has not in any way been conducive to an international economic order in compliance with the target set for the International Development Strategy. The burden of heavy external debts on the economies of developing countries is increasing while the flow of external assistance is decreasing in proportion to the growing needs of the developing countries. Meanwhile, the arms race, as I mentioned before, continues to absorb large sums of capital.\n35.\tWe support the very important decisions unanimously made in Algiers, with special emphasis on the essentiality of giving more consideration to the group of countries referred to as the least developed. The Conference of non-aligned nations adopted a resolution with respect to special measures in favour of these countries [see A/9330, p. 81]. In that resolution the Conference recommended that international economic action should be given top priority and that top priority should be given also to the urgent implementation of the programmes adopted by UNCTAD at its third session and by other international organizations, especially in the area of trade, and that efforts should be exerted towards formulating and implementing new measures in all fields. It also requested the speedy implementation of the various resolutions and decisions adopted by the United Nations and its related agencies, as well as the continued review of the implementation of the measures.\n36.\tAnother resolution was adopted which I would like particularly to mention, with respect to the special-measures related to the particular needs of land-locked developing countries [see A/9330, p. 77]. In that resolution it was recommended that a set of special provisions should be urgently considered and implemented in order to ensure the right of land-locked developing countries to free access to and from the sea, and to provide the international assistance necessary to remedy their special situations.\n37.\tIt is our hope that the subject of these resolutions will be given urgent attention and consideration at this session.\n38.\tIn conclusion, Mr. President, the Afghan delegation places itself at your disposal and at the disposal of all members of the Assembly for co-operation in the work ahead. We look forward to the realization of our wish for a successful twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly under your guidance.
## 17 Mr. President, permit me to convey to you the sincere congratulations of the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan on your election to the presidency of this twenty- ninth session of the General Assembly. It is a fitting tribute to your qualities as a statesman who has rendered distinguished service not only to your own country but also to the international community. Your election is also a well-deserved honor for your country, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, with which our country enjoys the most cordial relations, and which has shown consistent support for the cause of the Movement of Non-aligned Countries and for the principles and aims of the Charter of the United Nations. We are confident that under your guidance this session of the General Assembly will be directed with distinction. We assure you of our full co-operation.\n46.\tI also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to express my delegation's deep gratitude to Mr. Leo-poldo Benites for the skillful and objective manner in which he guided the proceedings of both the twenty-eighth and the sixth special sessions. We wish to pay a warm tribute to him for the statesmanship and wisdom which he demonstrated.\n47.\tI should like to extend to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, our deep appreciation of his untiring efforts to explore the possibilities for solutions to current crises.\n48.\tOn behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan, I take this opportunity to welcome into our midst the new Members, namely, the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Guinea-Bissau and Grenada. The emergence of these independent countries and their entry into the United Nations, which we hail, is a direct outcome of the continued struggle waged by oppressed people, backed by the support of this world body . We wish these new Members a successful future and look forward to constructive collaboration with them in the Organization. We are confident that their contribution will enrich our efforts towards world peace and progress.\n49.\tIt is a particular pleasure for my delegation to see our neighbor in the region, the People's Re-public of Bangladesh, take its rightful place in this international body. The people of Afghanistan have strong ties of cordial friendship and brotherhood with the heroic people of Bangladesh. The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation reflects the long-expected recognition of the inherent rights of its people and the realities prevailing in the region.\n50.\tMy Government wishes to express its sympathy with the Government of Honduras, whose people have suffered so recently in the wake of the natural disaster which has struck that country. We laud efforts by the international community to aid the victims of the hurricane.\n51.\tThe cardinal duty of this world Organization is the maintenance of international peace and security. Twenty-nine years have elapsed since the end of the Second World War. Thus far, another global war has been avoided, although on a number of occasions calamity has been checked only at the last hour. None the less, fear of the outbreak of violence and world conflagration should be shared by us all as long as the basic requirements for lasting peace and security throughout the world have not been achieved. Moreover, the inalienable rights of peoples to independence and self-determination, to freedom from alien domination, foreign occupation and exploitation have not been fully realized. Therefore, international peace and security remain only an ideal towards which this Organization shall continue to strive in vain.\n52.\tWe had hoped that in the 1970s a new era of realization would dawn, but we have observed that, when the possibility of peace enters in one region, conflict erupts in another.\n53.\tIn the Middle East, despite some success achieved in the disengagement of the Egyptian, Syrian and Israeli troops, lasting peace has yet to be attained. We believe that objective of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be reached only with the total withdrawal of Israel from Arab territories, the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, and the return of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty. The Arab cause has the support of all those who adhere to the principles of human rights and the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. The international community bears a grave responsibility to undo the wrongs done in the 1947 partition of Palestine. With regard to that unfortunate event, we all shoulder the same responsibility. We earnestly hope that diplomatic efforts, due to recommence in the near future, will produce solutions leading to a lasting peace in the Middle East. However, the restoration of the lawful rights of the Palestinian people, in any circumstances, is a prerequisite for the establishment of a just and durable peace in the Middle East.\n54.\tThe lawful and legitimate struggle of the courageous Palestinian people to regain their usurped homeland constitutes an integral part of the world-wide effort, by all peoples, against alien domination. The Afghan delegation has fully endorsed the inclusion of a new item in our agenda, "The question of Palestine" [item 108], and we thus whole-heartedly support the view that the representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) should participate fully in the deliberations on this item in the plenary Assembly.\n55.\tAs a consequence of the military intervention of the former military regime of Greece in the internal affairs of Cyprus, we have seen the eruption of a major crisis in the area. The independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus have been imperiled. The Government of the Republic of Afghanistan hopes that the problem of Cyprus will be resolved with due respect for the rights of the Turkish community and the preservation of the sovereignty of Cyprus. The Afghan delegation expresses the hope that, as a result of negotiations, a just and permanent solution, based on Security Council resolution 353 (1974), will be found.\n56.\tThe gradual improvement that has been taking place in relations between some big Powers has maintained its momentum. We welcome the process of detente which we hope will lead to the reduction of tension. However, this spirit of understanding and co-operation should not be limited merely to relations between the major Powers. We believe that the success of detente requires the participation of all States, big or small, in order to ensure their equal interests.\n57.\tThe foreign policy of Afghanistan is founded on our traditional policy of non-alignment, non-participation in military blocs, peaceful coexistence with mutual respect and, further, promotion of friendly relations with all countries regardless of different economic and social systems. Within our region, the good neighborly relations which we enjoy with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics are unshakable. The atmosphere of cordial and warm relations has led to fruitful economic ties for our mutual benefit. We share a fraternal relationship with the Government of Iran. The friendly relations between the two countries have recently been further strengthened as a result of bilateral contacts which we are confident will lead to benefits for both countries and will serve the cause of regional peace and security.\n58.\tOur relations with our other great neighbor, the People's Republic of China, are, as far as we are concerned, to continue in a normal and very friendly manner.\n59.\tAfghanistan's relations with India have always been very cordial and friendly and we will continue to maintain and expand the co-operation which has marked, our long-standing friendly relations.\n60.\tWith reference to the statement delivered on 27 September 1974 [2247th meeting] by Mr. Aziz Ahmed, the Minister of State for Defense and Foreign Affairs of Pakistan, regarding the strained relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan, it should be said that although he referred to the unsatisfactory relations between our two countries, he refrained from stating the reason for this. I am sure that in the minds of all the representatives gathered here, the question arises as to what it the real cause for the tense and strained relations. I should like to take this opportunity merely to clarify for the members of the General Assembly the factual cause of the problem and also the search for a possible solution for this, the only political difference existing between the two countries.\n61.\tDuring the course of the past century, the colonial Power not only gradually occupied the subcontinent of India, but also, on various pretexts such as creating secure boundaries for its colonial territories, began to occupy our land. At various periods, the colonial Power separated portions of our land and people from the fatherland. It was this issue which, for almost a century, kept relations between Afghanistan and the British Indian Government strained. Today, it is the same issue -an unfortunate remnant of the colonial era -which has so regrettably strained relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan, both of which, I believe, are desirous of having friendly relations.\n62.\tAfter this brief explanation, the members of this Assembly will understand that, with the termination of the colonial rule on the Indian subcontinent, Afghanistan had the right to reclaim its usurped land. But Afghanistan refrained from doing so because, following the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations and the recognition of the principle that peoples under colonial rule have the right to exercise freely their lawful and legitimate rights, Afghanistan thought it better that the problem be solved by peaceful means and in accordance with the will of the Pakhtun and Baluchi people. Therefore, since the creation of Pakistan, Afghanistan has always endeavored, and will continue to endeavor, to resolve this single political difference in a just and honorable manner through negotiations, peaceful understanding, and mutual goodwill, according to the wishes of the national leaders of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples.\n63.\tAfghanistan strongly believes that the use of force, the oppression and imprisonment of those who demand their human rights will , produce only pessimism and disaffection and will lead to further resistance. Furthermore, this course of action will adversely affect the maintenance of peace and stability in our region, which we so earnestly desire.\n64.\tWhile I confirm the reference made by Mr. Aziz Ahmed in which he stated that his Government wished "the best possible relationship with Afghanistan", as we have already expressed our readiness for negotiations on numerous occasions, I would like once again to state now that we are sincerely desirous, without any condition, anywhere and at any time, to negotiate in order to find a peaceful solution to the only political dispute which exists between Afghanistan and Pakistan and to enhance the atmosphere of mutual trust and confidence.\n65.\tI am certain that the representatives assembled here will share our view and agree with this proposal by Afghanistan, which reflects our real desire for peace and for a solution of this issue according to the principles established by the Charter of the United Nations.\n66.\tIf we really desire peace, co-operation, understanding and living together, let us leave aside resentment and pride. As responsible human beings, we should have the courage to acknowledge and assess issues and events with foresight, and bear in mind that our actions will be judged by history and by future generations. In facing and solving problems, we need foresight and courage. In our present world, where we live in a close, interrelated community, we must face the grave issues before us responsibly and realistically. Realism is essential to success in the search for the necessary solutions.\n67.\tIn the field of disarmament, the policy of the Republic of Afghanistan is well known. We have supported and will continue to support any measure aimed at the achievement of general and complete disarmament. We have supported the ban on nuclear tests in all environments. According to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex 1, all nuclear-power States are obliged to carry out the necessary consultations in order to reach agreement on the halting of all tests in all environments.\n68.\tThough this item, as a matter of priority, has been under consideration by the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament, no final agreement, unfortunately, has been reached to date. We believe that as a collateral measure of disarmament, an agreement should be reached extending the present nuclear test ban to all environments.\n69.\tDisarmament has been the subject of much debate within and without the United Nations. How-ever, the race for nuclear and conventional arms has not abated but has expanded to the point where it is a clear danger to world peace and security. Progress in the field of disarmament has been modest, while expenditures for arms are ever rising.\n70.\tSuccess in the field of disarmament depends on the political will of the members of the international community and in particular on the big Powers. Therefore, it is necessary that the United Nations be involved in all endeavors aiming at the achievement of general and complete disarmament. For these reasons, the Government of Afghanistan, as that of a non- aligned country, has, both at the non-aligned conferences which initiated this idea and in the United Nations, always supported the convening of a world disarmament conference. We are confident that with adequate preparation such a conference would serve the very useful purposes of reviewing the growth of the arms race and the moves towards disarmament.\nIn a conference of this nature, the participation of all nuclear Powers is an inevitable prerequisite.\n71.\tThis year, the Government of Iran has proposed [A19693 and Add.I and 2] a new item entitled "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East". We welcome this timely initiative of the Government of Iran and believe that the proposal will further strengthen peace and security in the area, and that its acceptance and implementation will be a positive step towards nuclear disarmament. We earnestly hope that the General Assembly's debate on various aspects of this item will lead to the adoption of adequate measures for its speedy implementation.\n72.\tRegarding the elimination of colonialism and alien domination in all their forms and manifestations, the policy of the Government of Afghanistan remains as before. Although the United Nations has achieved significant success in this field over the past 29 years, vestiges of colonialism and alien domination nevertheless persist in certain parts of the world, where they present an immense barrier to the right of self-determination and impede development and progress.\n73.\tAs may be observed, in Southern Rhodesia the situation has deteriorated over the past year, mainly because of the intensely repressive measures taken by the illegal racist minority regime of Ian Smith against the indigenous people of Zimbabwe. The situation has been aggravated by the violation by some States, particularly South Africa, of the mandatory sanctions imposed by the Security Council. In view of the prevailing situation in Southern Rhodesia, my delegation fully supports the idea of widening the scope of the sanctions.\n74.\tIn the case of Namibia, South Africa has continued its flagrant defiance of the United Nations decisions and has violated its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations with respect to the Territory. South Africa has increasingly resorted to violence, torture and intimidation of the people of Namibia in order to advance its inhuman policies of "bantustanization" and apartheid.\n75.\tMy delegation appreciates the measures adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia in the discharge of its mandate from the General Assembly. We hope that all Members of the United Nations will find it possible to co-operate fully with the Council as the de jure authority for Namibia and to comply with its decisions.\n76.\tThe Afghan delegation welcomes the statement by the distinguished Foreign Minister of Portugal in the general debate, in which he reaffirmed the policy of his Government in favor of decolonization. It is indeed a source of satisfaction to us that the new leadership in Portugal has acknowledged the inalienable rights of the people of the Portuguese colonies to self-determination and independence. We are encouraged by the agreement reached between FRELIMO and Portugal providing for the granting of independence to Mozambique in 1975. We earnestly hope that similar agreement is reached in the near future with regard to Angola, so that the people of that country, too, can attain their long-cherished and legitimate aspirations.\n77.\tAs a land-locked country, Afghanistan attaches great importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The conclusion of a just and comprehensive legal order of the sea which can ensure the rights and interests of all States, whether coastal or land-locked, developed or developing, large or small, is an urgent international necessity.\n78.\tA future convention on the law of the sea must ensure the right of free access to and from the sea for the land-locked countries and be based on the firmly established and legally binding principles of international law. The right of free transit for land-locked countries and their participation in the exploration and exploitation of both the living and non-living resources of the sea beyond the internationally agreed limits of the territorial seas of States must be reaffirmed and ensured.\n79.\tThe inadequacies of the world economic order and the existing economic machinery to deal with the problems of development in the developing countries and the need for the achievement of an even and balanced development for the members of the inter-national community were amply revealed and dis-cussed for the first time at the sixth special session of the General Assembly, convened for the study of the problems of raw materials and development. The value of the special session lies in the dialog it initiated based on understanding and consideration for the priorities of all countries at various levels of development. The session underscored the fact that the interests and the welfare of the developed and the developing countries can no longer be isolated from each other. Its decisions constituted a turning-point in the international economic relations of countries with differing levels of economic progress. We trust that they will lead to an era of interdependence, justice, progress and peace.\n80.\tAs all the members of this Assembly realize, Afghanistan is a land-locked developing country as well as one of the least developed among the developing countries. The problems and the urgent needs of such countries were comprehensively covered in the course of the special session. As a result, those countries were included among the countries most seriously affected by the international economic crisis. The implementation of urgent measures to mitigate their needs and problems were envisaged in the resolution adopted by the Assembly at the sixth special session [resolution 3202 (S-Vl)].\n81.\tTo our regret, the measures contained in the decisions of the Assembly at that session have not been implemented by the members of the international community thus far. The Special Program established by resolution 3202 (S-VI), envisaging emergency measures to ameliorate the urgent problems of landlocked, least developed and other countries most seriously affected by the recent economic crisis, has not been effectively carried out. This failure is largely due to the lack of interest and understanding on the part of the developed countries, despite the decisions taken at the special session. My delegation does, however, wish to express its appreciation to the developed countries as well as to the potential contributors among the developing countries which have offered to extend assistance for the implementation of the resolution.\n82.\tSince the implementation of the decisions taken at the special session and other economic items of special interest to us will be discussed thoroughly in the Second Committee of the General Assembly, my delegation feels it sufficient to express its views in broad terms at this stage.\n83.\tIn conclusion, the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan pledges its full co-operation with you, Mr. President, and with our fellow Members of the United Nations to exert every effort to bring about a new era of common action aimed at investigating all channels in order to improve the political, economic and social situation and conditions of people every-where. We are confident that, with the display and exercise of the necessary goodwill, this session will be marked by success.
## 18 114.\t Mr. President, it is a pleasure for the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan to see you as the elected President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. We are certain that under your able and wise guidance the proceedings of this session will be conducted in a successful manner.\n115.\tAllow me, on behalf of the delegation of Afghanistan, to express our most sincere appreciation to our distinguished outgoing President, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, for the remarkable and successful manner in which he guided our deliberations during the twenty- ninth session and for the patience, fortitude and wisdom he displayed in conducting the proceedings of the recent seventh special session of the Assembly.\n116.\tDuring this session, we will be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the United\nNations, On this occasion, we should not only assess and evaluate the past, but also plan with foresight for the future. It is the time to seek and dispel doubts which impede the effectiveness of the United Nations and to restore the hopes and trust of the world's people in the future of this Organization. The United Nations is indispensable in our view. Of course, it is not perfect and can be further improved and made more effective through a strict adherence to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.\n117.\tThe period of time from the inception of the United Nations to the present has been characterized by an increased recognition of the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination, the need to terminate colonialism and alien domination, and the equality of States, as well as by the translation of this recognition into reality.\n118.\tThe realization of the right of peoples to self- determination has not been an easy task. The United Nations has played a major role in the historic process of decolonization. At this session, the membership of the Organization consists of 141 sovereign States as compared to the initial 51.\n119.\tThe people and Government of Afghanistan welcome and congratulate the Republic of Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and the Republic of Cape Verde on gaining membership in the United Nations as the result of their long and arduous struggle against colonialism and the attainment of their undeniable right to self-determination. We look forward to co-operating with them in this Organization.\n120.\tThe Afghan Government regrets that the two Viet Nams were not among those listed in the roster of new Members in this world Organization. In the view of my Government, they are fully qualified for membership in this Organization and we earnestly hope that the Security Council will reconsider its previous decision and, consequently, pave the way for their membership in the world body. My delegation supports the recent decision taken by the General Assembly [resolution 3366 (XXX)] in that respect.\n121.\tAfghanistan is indeed happy to see the lawful representatives of Cambodia occupying their rightful place in this Organization.\n122.\tThe foreign policy of Afghanistan is based on the principles of non-alignment, free judgment of international issues, positive and active neutrality, and peaceful coexistence among all peace-loving nations of the world.\n123.\tAs I mentioned at the Conference of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Lima in August, Afghanistan has persistently supported the non-aligned movement. Our support of this movement is not new. Afghanistan, as stated by President Daoud during the first Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, has maintained this policy since before the First World War.\n124.\tIn our view, at the present time more than ever before it is necessary for the non-aligned countries to respect and adhere to the principles and values laid down by the founders of that movement. We should not allow the movement to lose the increasing dynamism and influence which it has had in bringing about peace, security and the evolution of the era of confrontation to one of dialog, understanding and detente in international relations. In pursuit of this policy, Afghanistan has been a faithful supporter of the United Nations and has always striven, on the basis of the lofty aims and purposes of the United Nations, to strengthen international peace and security.\n125.\tWe earnestly believe that in an atmosphere of peace, security and tranquility, nations can achieve their national aspirations and the well-being of their peoples. It should be mentioned that, after the establishment of the revolutionary regime in Afghanistan, our foreign policy has happily taken a much more active course. On the basis of such a policy and personal contacts between the leaders of Afghanistan and other friendly nations, we have been able to understand more clearly each other's positions and views on various issues of mutual interest. As a result, we are convinced that we can make a contribution and play a more positive role in international affairs.\n126.\tDespite our continuous efforts the only country with which, regrettably, we have not been able to establish friendly relations, is Pakistan. As has continually been brought to the attention of world public opinion and this Organization, the only impediment to friendly relations between our two countries is the settlement and realization of the legitimate and human rights of our Pashtun and Baluchi brothers.\n127.\tIn conformity with our firm conviction that all international political problems can be solved by peaceful means, we have always endeavored to resolve the only existing political difference I repeat, "the only existing political difference'' with Pakistan, in accordance with the aspirations and wishes of our Pashtun and Baluchi brothers and their national leaders, through peaceful negotiations.\n128.\tI wish to say to our Pakistani brothers that only with courage and an open mind can the desired atmosphere and conditions be created to resolve this sole political difference between friends and brothers. The present situation should not be allowed to destroy the prevailing rapprochement which had created hope for a solution of this issue, or to disturb peace and tranquility in our region. Political courage and goodwill will further our efforts for an honorable and just solution of this important problem. I avail myself of this opportunity to repeat a paragraph from my statement delivered last year in the General Assembly with regard to this issue:\n"If we really desire peace, co-operation, understanding and living together, let us leave aside resentment and pride. As responsible human beings, we should have the courage to acknowledge and assess issues and events with foresight, and bear in mind that our actions will be judged by history and by future generations. In facing and solving problems, we need foresight and courage. In our present world, where we live in a close, interrelated community, we must face the grave issues before us responsibly and realistically. Realism is essential to success in the search for the necessary solutions,\nToo We "welcome the spirit of detente a recent animation of which has been the holding of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We have been of the view that detente should not be limited to certain geographical areas, but should encompass all areas of geographical proximity, as all problems of interest to the international community, Its success can be manifested in the resolution of world-wide issues of importance to the members of the international community.\n130\tA review of recent world events reveals, inter alia positive developments in certain parts of the world However, many critical situations still remain unsolved.\n131\tIn the Middle East no significant progress toward a lasting and durable peace has been achieved despite certain efforts. Israel still continues to occupy the territories of three sovereign Arab countries and denies the national and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. This policy is undoubtedly a serious threat to international peace and security and a challenge to the cardinal principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.\n132.\tAfghanistan is strongly convinced that the Palestinian question forms the core of the Middle East impasse. Therefore, we are of the opinion that, until this vital question is solved on a just basis, it will be almost impossible to arrive at a solution of the Middle East problem.\n133.\tAnother major conflict in this area is the question of Cyprus, which we have followed with concern and regret. No significant progress has been achieved to date. We hope that the independence, the territorial integrity and the sovereignty of Cyprus, based on the inalienable rights of the two communities, will be preserved. We appreciate and support the efforts of the Secretary-General in this regard.\n134.\tAs a result of the policy of the Portuguese Government, the birth of sovereign States in the Portuguese colonial Territories has been facilitated. With regard to Angola, we agree that this Territory should be safeguarded against external interference and we hope that the Government of Portugal will be able to maintain the present state of rapprochement between the parties concerned for a final peaceful settlement.\n135.\tMy delegation wishes to appeal to the liberation movements in Angola to resolve their differences and to concert their efforts for their people's national cause and for the fulfillment of their inalienable right of self-determination.\n136.\tHowever, despite those encouraging achievements on the African continent, the situation in South Africa still constitutes a major threat to international peace and security. The Government of South Africa has continued its illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia and has shown contemptuous disregard for United Nations decisions, in particular, Security Council resolution 366 (1974). In our view, it is the responsibility of this Organization to consider all appropriate measures under its Charter, especially those provided in Chapter VII, to secure the full and speedy compliance of South Africa with these decisions.\n137\tAfghanistan condemns the continued oppression of the people of Zimbabwe by the illegal racist minority regime of Rhodesia with the assistance of South African forces. My delegation reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of Zimbabwe to self- determination on the basis of majority rule.\n138\tSince the early days of the United Nations, high priority has been given to disarmament, but, unfortunately, it still remains one of the most intractable problems of multilateral diplomacy. Afghanistan has always been in favor of general and complete disarmament. It has acceded to the Treaty of the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and attaches great importance to the implementation of that Treaty.\n139.\tWe have always supported the banning of nuclear tests in all environments and again hope that a treaty banning all nuclear-weapon tests will be concluded in the near future. The Government of Afghanistan, as a matter of principle, advocates the establishment of nuclear-free zones recognized internationally on the basis of the agreement of the countries directly concerned. The establishment of such zones should be an effective measure for curbing the spread of nuclear weapons. We advocate the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East to which Afghanistan belongs. To this end, the accession of all countries in the region to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is indispensable, as the full co-operation of all States, particularly the nuclear States, is decisive. An important prerequisite for the establishment of such a zone is that countries that possess nuclear weapons should refrain from introducing or using them in the region.\n140.\tWith respect to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, on behalf of the Afghan delegation, I wish to state that this proposal meets our approval.\n141.\tDespite an impasse with regard to the convening of a world disarmament conference arising from disagreements among some States, we believe that the idea seems to be gaining momentum and hope that the outstanding obstacles can eventually be overcome.\n142.\tAnother subject to which we attach great importance is the finalization of a new just and comprehensive legal order governing the sea, one which would ensure the rights and interests of all States, whether coastal, land-locked, developed or developing. In our view, extensive and constructive negotiations among "interest groups" at the fourth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea scheduled for next year in New York are required.\n143.\tIt is a well-known fact that the recognition of inevitable and irresistible changes in international relations has thrust into prominence the reality of the interdependence of all members of the world community, a reality which found a forceful expression at the sixth special session of the General Assembly in the spring of 1974. The seventh special session was another step forward towards achievement of that ideal based on co-operation between all members of the international community on the basis of sovereign equality and the removal of disequilibrium and imbalances, especially the unfavorable terms of trade of\nthe developing and least developed countries. The seventh special session's adoption of the resolution on development and international economic co-operation [resolution 3362 (S-VII)] translated many of these plans and programs into action. While more could have been achieved, it must be stated that what actually was achieved at this session is a reassuring and hopeful sign that, through co-operation, equal partner-, ship and constructive dialog, it will be possible for the world community to solve its differences and to achieve an equitable, harmonious and healthy balance in the world economy in the light of the new international economic order.\n144.\tIn conclusion, I wish to state that the passage of time has shown that we have gathered many times under this roof and in this Hall to work out our problems. Many years have gone by and this session marks the end of the third decade of the historic establishment of this world body at San Francisco. Although we have no doubt witnessed significant success during this rather long interval, on the other hand, it is evident that we have so far not been able to achieve all our envisaged global goals and ideals.\n145.\tOur world is a world of challenge, a challenge to achieve a better life and a brighter future for the human race. Let us face this challenge through cooperation and constructive dialog, rather than confrontation, and let us find peaceful and conciliatory ways and means of attaining our objectives.\n146.\tMy Government has always had firm belief and strong faith in the United Nations and is desirous of a more active role for this dynamic world Organization.\n147.\tI hope that the optimistic results of the seventh special session and, hopefully, the current thirtieth session of the General Assembly will herald a new and bright era for all nations of the world in the dawn of the fourth decade of this world body.\n\n\n\n
## 19 It is a pleasure, on behalf of my delegation and myself, to extend to the\nPresident our warmest congratulations and best wishes on his election as President of the thirty-first regular session of the General Assembly. We are fortunate indeed to have the benefit of his outstanding ability, wide experience and dynamic leadership in directing our deliberations. His election is also a tribute to his country and its people.\n273.\tI should like to take this opportunity to extend to his predecessor, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, my delegation's admiration for his able direction of the last session of the General Assembly.\n274.\tWe should also like to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his dedication to the principles and goals of the United Nations Charter, and his persistent efforts in drawing the attention of the Member States to fundamental problems facing mankind. In extending our continued support, we wish him every success in discharging the heavy responsibilities entrusted to him for preserving international peace and security.\n275.\tWhen directing our deliberations to issues related to the preservation of international peace and security, and expressing appreciation for efforts made in this direction, we cannot fail to observe that there are manifold problems in our troubled world that constitute grave and serious challenges. It is indeed a source of great disappointment that in view of the bitter experiences of the First, and particularly the Second World War, representatives of Member States who have assembled here every year since the establishment of this world Organization have not been successful in seeking the means of realizing most of the high ideals enshrined in the United Nations Charter.\n276.\tLet us then, as Members of this world body, be united in examining and evaluating the underlying factors of these challenges, and show determination in overcoming them without bias or discrimination and resolve to free both our own and future generations of such threats. This is the cardinal duty of this world Organization and of each of its Members.\n277.\tContradictions prevailing in our world are contrary to our expectations and most certainly to those of its founding Members.\n278.\tWhen we examine the tragic situation in southern Africa and observe that the indigenous population of those territories, in no manner different from us in being entitled to basic human rights, is deprived of its individual and political rights by illegal minority regimes under the obnoxious policies of apartheid and racial discrimination, it is difficult to believe that this is happening in an epoch that considers respect for human rights and the rights of individuals as primary and essential obligations. Such policies remind us of medieval times, and eras of class exploitation when one class or group of individuals claimed superiority over their fellow men. It is even more disappointing that the world Organization has continued to remain helpless in the face of such injustices and has failed to put an end to such acts of discrimination and violation of fundamental human rights. We earnestly hope, however, that such a state of affairs will no longer prevail and that these evils of discrimination will be brought to an end, and people under foreign and alien domination fulfill their hopes and aspirations.\n279.\tOn the other hand, crises in the world economic situation give rise to worry and anxiety. If a new economic order is not established, the confrontation between the "haves" and "have-nots" will place our world in two conflicting groups, which in itself constitutes the greatest threat to international peace and security.\n280.\tWith these few remarks for a general introduction, I shall now outline the views of my delegation on some specific items on our agenda for this year.\n281.\tAfghanistan feels immense satisfaction whenever the struggle for national freedom gives birth to new sovereign States. It is therefore with joy that we welcome the newly independent Republic of Seychelles as a Member of this world Organization, and we look forward to co-operating with it.\n282.\tWe are following with keen interest the recent developments towards the achievement of a just and final solution of the existing problems in southern Africa, to which my country has always attached great importance. As a staunch supporter of the principles of freedom, nationalism and respect for the rights of nations, Afghanistan hopes that these efforts will eventually enable the peoples of southern Africa, who have suffered under the oppression of the privileged classes, to attain their ideals and aspirations.\n283.\tIn pursuit of its foreign policy based essentially on non-alignment the Republic of Afghanistan has maintained the best of relations with all the peace-loving nations of the world and with its neighbors. With regard to Pakistan, with which we have had and still have a long-standing political difference, which was brought to the attention of this Assembly last year and in previous years, I am happy to state that a thaw has occurred in our relations and that dialog between the leaders of the two countries has begun. We hope that, as a result of these contacts and future talks between the two leaders, our political difference will find a just and honorable solution.\n284.\tI was encouraged to heat what the Minister of State for Defense and Foreign Affairs of Pakistan, Mr. Aziz Ahmed, said yesterday [8th Meeting} regarding relations between our two countries. I should like to take this opportunity to express the hope that the only political problem existing between us will find a final settlement. My fellow representatives, the only way in which all of us can resolve our differences entirely is through peaceful negotiations. I can assure this world body that we are looking forward to an honorable solution of the political difference between Afghanistan and Pakistan, based on realities and through peaceful negotiations.\n285.\tIt is satisfying to note that since the historic Algiers Conference the triumphant victories of liberation movements have given new impetus to the struggle for freedom and justice in Africa and elsewhere. Afghanistan has consistently supported the complete elimination of alien domination, colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination. My delegation reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and independence. We also support the legitimate cause and inalienable rights of the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence based on majority rule. Similarly, my delegation supports the legitimate struggle of the national liberation movements of Azania for the eradication of apartheid and the exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination.\n286.\tThe situation prevailing in the Middle East still remains a dangerous focus of conflict, thus posing a great threat to international peace and security. This state of affairs is due to the persistence of Israel in its aggressive, expansionist, racist policy of occupation, its flagrant denial of the national rights of the Palestinian people as recognized by the United Nations and its contempt for the principles of the United Nations Charter, the resolutions of this Organization and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.\n287.\tAs repeatedly stated by my Government, the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem. There will be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East unless the Palestinian people exercise all their legitimate rights, particularly the right to return to their homeland in accordance with relevant United Nations resolutions, and fully enjoy their right to self-determination, including the right to establish their independent State. In this respect my delegation strongly supports the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People [see A/31/35] and regrets that the Security Council was not in a position to endorse them.\n288.\tMy delegation is gravely concerned at the tragic situation of human suffering and material loss prevailing in Lebanon and appeals to all the parties concerned to resolve their differences through peaceful measures as soon as possible and to re-establish conditions of peace and security by respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon.\n289.\tWith regard to the situation in Cyprus, Afghanistan supports the territorial integrity, sovereignty and non-alignment of that Republic and regards the principles set forth in General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) as still valid for the solution of the Cyprus problem. We believe that negotiations between the representatives of the two communities conducted under the auspices of the Secretary- General of the United Nations ought to lead to a mutually satisfactory and freely accepted agreement for arriving at a just and lasting solution that would enable the two communities to coexist in peace and harmony.\n290.\tMuch has been said about detente and we are all agreed that much can be done to spread detente to all comers of the world. Distinction must however be made between detente brought about by foreboding and the dark, shadows of the forces of fear and detente arising from a respect for the principles of peaceful coexistence. The former is foredoomed; the latter is of a lasting nature and provides more fertile and sound ground for international peace and security. It is being increasingly recognized that, without universal implementation of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence and a spirit of true co-operation, detente would be an impossibility and the destiny of mankind uncertain.\n291.\tIn this context allow me to quote from the statement delivered by the Head of State and Rime Minister of Afghanistan at the recent Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Colombo:\n"Of late we hear of detente. We have to say that it is good. But we cannot ignore the fact that detente resulting from respect for the principles of coexistence differs from detente brought about by fear. What is more important is that ddtente must be universal. What can be the most important factor of world peace and security is world¬wide coexistence which can emanate from a spirit of sincere co-operation for the balanced improvement of the human race in all parts of the world in the interest of world peace and security."\n292.\tWith regard to present issues related to disarmament, my delegation reiterates its policy for general and complete disarmament and, in particular, nuclear disarmament. To this end we fully support the convening of a world disarmament conference or a special session of the General Assembly as soon as possible. Within the context of the current economic crisis, any international agreement for a reduction in the enormous armaments expenditure could make additional resources available for the social and economic development of the international community as a whole and the developing and least developed countries in particular. We also support the peaceful use of nuclear energy for the development of all nations and of the developing countries in particular.\n293.\tMy delegation supports the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], and calls upon all States to implement its provisions. TTiis would undoubtedly contribute to inter-national peace and security in the area.\n294.\tTo. this end, and in pursuance of the relevant resolutions of the Colombo Conference [see AI31/197, annex IV] my delegation supports the idea that the necessary consultations should take place to lay the groundwork for the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean with the participation of all States to adopt measures for the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.\n295.\tThere is a growing awareness of the inseparable link between economic development and the maintenance of international peace and security; indeed, the struggle for political independence and sovereign equality cannot be separated from the struggle for the attainment of economic emancipation. The historic resolutions of the sixth and seventh special sessions, based on the fundamental principles of full, permanent and unreserved sovereignty over natural resources, a fair price for raw materials and primary commodities and the reform of the international monetary system, including a new and realistic approach to the debt problems of the developing, and especially the least- developed, countries heralded the dawn of a new global system and a new international economic order.\n296.\tIn spite of these momentous events and although significant progress has been achieved in certain sectors, an over-all appraisal of achievements in real terms is rather limited.\n297.\tThe unique and distinct disadvantages of a geographically land-locked position, compounded with developing problems and geophysically built-in obstacles and impediments to economic development, especially the lack of direct access to and from the sea, is so self-evident that it hardly requires reiteration or further elaboration. The fundamental right of free transit essential to the economic and social development of the land-locked countries has been reiterated and reaffirmed at various international forums, and more recently at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries.\n298.\tMy delegation earnestly hopes that in view of the inseparable link between the right of free access to and from the sea and development, necessary measures will be adopted by the world community towards the expeditious and practical implementation of this vital right.\n299.\tThe sixth special session of the General Assembly, under its Program of Action [resolution 3202 (S-Vl)], accorded full recognition to the various problems confronting the land-locked least-developed countries, including measures to be taken to compensate them for their additional transportation and transit costs, through the creation of a Special Fund. It was only during the seventh special session and the thirtieth session of the General Assembly that finally, on the initiative of the delegation of Afghanistan, a Special Fund was established under resolution 3504 (XXX) to compensate the land-locked countries for their additional transportation and transit costs. Based on this mandate and the relevant provisions of the Manila Declaration, and on the decisions of the fourth session of UNCTAD, necessary steps must be taken towards making the Fund operational as soon as possible.\n300.\tSimilarly, my delegation fully supports all special measures in favor of the least-developed and land-locked developing countries. Taking into account the urgent needs of those countries and the fact that their enormous difficulties constitute a heavy burden and, directly and indirectly, have far-reaching negative ramifications on their development efforts, we hope that this session of the General Assembly will energetically pursue the translation into action of the various recommendations and resolutions adopted in this field.\n301.\tThe prevailing monetary system needs a radical overhaul and reform to ensure an increase in the role of special drawing rights in international reserves and parity in decision-making between developed and developing countries. Moreover, the International Monetary Fund should not restrict itself to purely monetary problems, but should be ready to extend balance-of-payments support and developmental assistance to the developing and least- developed countries.\n302.\tIn the field of transfer of technology and know-how, my delegation fully endorses the proposals and recommendations contained in the Manila Declaration, and we hope that appropriate measures will be taken by the responsible United Nations organs, especially UNCTAD and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, towards adopting comprehensive and effective measures to enable developing and least-developed countries to have access, on favorable terms, to technological know-how and expertise at a cost commensurate with their financial ability and in accordance with their respective national goals and available resources.\n303.\tIt has been only a few weeks since most of us gathered in your beautiful country, Mr. President, to deliberate on pressing social, political and economic issues. The economic resolutions adopted' at the Colombo Conference laid sound ground for international co-operation in offering tangible solutions to these problems. It is our earnest hope that the decisions adopted at that Conference will receive the strong support of this great Assembly.\n304.\tWe have sighted our common challenges and common destiny in a determined effort to seek solutions to present conflicts and to find better prospects for the peace and progress desperately required in our troubled world. We must take a realistic approach to bridge the great disparity between the affluent and the developing nations through the establishment of a new economic order, deploy ceaseless efforts to eliminate the last remnants and vestiges of colonialism, and ensure respect for human rights and the right to self-determination and independence for all peoples of the world. Let us live in peace and harmony and give expression to our resolutions to achieve our common destiny and purpose by striving harder to translate these objectives into realities and, in doing so, to give greater meaning and significance to the principles of our Charter by achieving a better and more durable atmosphere of peace conducive to the progress and development of our ailing and trouble-stricken planet.
## 20 212.\t On behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Afghanistan, I should like to join the representatives who have spoken before me in congratulating you, Sir, on your well-deserved election to the high office of President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. It gives us particular satisfaction to see a distinguished son of Yugoslavia — a country with which Afghanistan enjoys very close ties of friendship and co-operation-occupying this important position. We are confident that your very able and wise guidance will lead us to the successful conclusion of our deliberations.\n213.\tAllow me to seize this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, for the efficient manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the last session of the General Assembly.\n214.\tWe should also like at this juncture to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the dedication that he has unfailingly demonstrated in his ceaseless efforts in promoting the principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.\n215.\tIt is a source of great satisfaction to welcome in our midst the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as States Members of the United Nations. It is a matter of joy for our delegation to welcome the independence of Djibouti from colonial rule and alien domination and its entry into the United Nations as a sovereign Member State. We are indeed happy that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a member of the non- aligned movement, has finally joined the family of nations. The admission of these two countries brings us closer to the goal of universality of the United Nations, a goal to which our Government is ardently committed.\n216.\tWe have once again gathered here to take stock of what has been achieved in the years that have elapsed and, basing ourselves on past experience, to try to chart a better course for coping with the challenges confronting us.\n217.\tWhile this Assembly provides a welcome forum for drawing up a balance-sheet of failures and achievements, it is heart-breaking to realize that our performance always falls short of our expectations concerning solutions for problems of peace and co-operation. The balance-sheet to which I referred has unfortunately been so often negative that even the usefulness of our gatherings and the necessity of our deliberations are being questioned. The helplessness of this Organization in dealing with issues that face it and the extremely slow pace of our progress in composing our differences regarding them have caused great disillusionment, especially among the people of the third world.\n218.\tYear in and year out we assemble and deliberate here and in other forums to seek ways and means of building a better world based on understanding and justice, but either our decisions resulting from those gatherings remain un- implemented or, as is often the case, we fail to agree altogether—no matter what the urgency or the importance of the issue. Such stagnation entitles those whom we represent to ask whether there is something wrong with the system of international co-operation, or whether the principles of the Charter have become obsolete and are no longer applicable to present-day situations. Viewing the contradictions that we are unsuccessful in removing, people everywhere in their perplexity ask themselves, for example. How is it possible that an expansionist country like Israel, in spite of all the United Nations resolutions, continues to enjoy immunity? Why is it that a new international economic order, the need for which is apparently no longer questioned, should be so difficult to establish? Why is it that in Zimbabwe the illegal regime arrogantly maintains itself in power while the international community helplessly watches? Why is it that Namibia is still occupied by South Africa, and why in this day and age is the abject policy of apartheid flourishing in that country?\n219.\tI submit that there can be nothing wrong with the universal principles of the Charter or with the aims of the conferences that we usually attend. What must be wrong, therefore, is the lack of political willingness on the part of the Member States to bring into being a more effective United Nations and our reluctance to accept to be guided in international gatherings by the norms of reason and justice. This attitude very often prevents a sound operation and consequently damages the very fabric of international understanding. The proponents of such policies unfortunately fail to realize that decisions based on justice and equity and aimed at benefiting the majority will in the long run be advantageous to all concerned, white and black, North and South.\n220.\tI believe that it would not be out of context if I said that sometimes, because of influences that cannot be termed altogether unselfish, the composition of some international gatherings does not reflect the existing reality, and that is perhaps one of the reasons why they are not successful in dealing with the problems facing them. To mention but one example, I wish to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that the least developed, land-locked countries were not represented at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris.\nHow can a meeting which ignores the existence of such an important section of the international community and its problems safeguard the interests of the least developed, land-locked countries and consequently reach decisions benefiting the whole of mankind, including those countries? After all, no other countries are better acquainted with their problems and can defend their interests better. To remedy that deficiency, I .propose that in future that factor should be taken into consideration.\n221.\tAnother disappointing factor which seems to erode co-operation is apathy with regard to the problems of others, especially the most needy in the international community. This lack of solidarity is indeed bewildering. A case in point illustrating this state of affairs is the complete absence of enthusiasm shown by the wealthy nations with regard to the special fund created in favour of land-locked countries. Representatives are aware that, after crossing 101 hurdles—which in itself conveyed a rather poor image of international solidarity-we succeeded in establishing that fund. But now that at last it has come into being the cold-shoulder treatment to which it has been submitted is, to say the least, quite frustrating.\n222.\tHaving made those observations, I should now like to state briefly the policy and position of my country in respect to certain issues.\n223.\tThe Republic of Afghanistan has always endeavoured and will continue to endeavour to establish friendly and peaceful relations with all peace-loving countries, including those of our region, in order to develop its relations and co-operation for the benefit of the peoples of the world and of the region.\n224.\tWith respect to Pakistan, as has been stated in this Assembly in the past, Afghanistan had and still has one political difference. Last year in the General Assembly I expressed the hope that the only political difference between us could be resolved. I avail myself of this opportunity to state that it is our hope that the efforts of Afghanistan and Pakistan that have already begun for a just and honourable solution of that political difference will lead in the future to a successful conclusion in accordance with the consent and satisfaction of all the parties concerned.\n225.\tWith regard to the problems of the Middle East, not just and durable peace will be achieved without the complete withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied territories and the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of self- determination and the establishment of a Palestinian State in their fatherland, as the question of Palestine forms the core of the Middle East problem. For the attainment of these purposes the full participation of the representatives of the PLO in any future negotiations on an equal basis is indeed necessary. In view of the recent development we are of the opinion that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) needs to be supplemented.\n226.\tThe delegation of Afghanistan has always been of the conviction that durable peace could only be attained if general and complete disarmament, under effective control, is achieved and if a significant part of the resources thus released is devoted to the economic and social needs of the developing countries, among them the least developed in particular. Afghanistan, together with the non-aligned countries, supports the convening of a special session of the General Assembly in 1978 devoted to issues relating to disarmament. We believe that by convening such a special session for a comprehensive review of the issues involved it would be possible to take the necessary effective measures towards the achievement of the goal of general and complete disarmament.\n227.\tThe extreme imbalances in economic development between the developing and developed countries is in itself a constant and aggravating danger to the maintenance of world harmony and co-operation. Unfortunately, we notice with regret and concern the ever-widening gap between the developed and developing countries in development and trade. Despite professions of the rectification and/or amelioration of their adverse terms of trade, no positive action has been taken so far. Runaway and aggravated inflation, compounded by recession emanating from the developed countries together with arbitrary monetary manipulations, has set in motion a vicious inflationary- cum-recessionary cycle with far-reaching negative effects which leads to detrimental imbalances of the economies of the developing countries as the whole and, in particular, of the more vulnerable economies of the least developed, land-locked, island developing and most seriously affected developing countries.\n228.\tThe problem of the soaring and ever-increasing external debt of the developing, and especially of the least developed, countries, remains unsolved, with only unsatisfactory and inadequate efforts, if any, having been made towards their rectification or amelioration. No real or long-term solution to this problem was achieved at the recent Paris Conference.\n229.\tThe inalienable right of free access to and from the sea of the land-locked countries, whose additional transportation, transit and transhipment costs constitute a major obstacle and impediment to their development efforts, remains to be implemented.\n230.\tI believe it would be good for us to ponder on the reflections that I have had the honour to share with this Assembly; reflections that I am sure are not exclusively mine. It is high time for us to rededicate ourselves to the high ideals and principles of the Charter and free ourselves of bias and see in this world something other than our own narrow and selfish interests. We have to co-operate in all sincerity to build a better world based on justice and equality, and share the benefits of human civilization which undeniably belong to the whole of mankind. Unless we do so our present meeting and even our future ones will remain meaningless, and our deliberations could be nothing more than exercises in futility.\n231.\tIn conclusion, I should like to state very briefly that mankind will survive together in hope and faith or give way to despair and destruction. We may seem at present as though we are unsure of ourselves and groping to find our way. Economic difficulties, political tension and the uncertainty of the future bring many problems to the surface. The past may or may not inspire us, but it is the needs of the present and the challenges of the future that must constitute the driving force for a united action in the attainment of world peace and the establishment of an international economic order that would ensure the progress and prosperity of peoples everywhere. The cause of peace is not advanced by political means alone. To be realistic and enduring peace must be buttressed by the economic potentialities of all nations.
## 21 1. My first act in addressing this Assembly will be to convey to you, Sir, and through you to all peace-loving nations represented here, the sincere and fraternal greetings of our great and beloved leader Noor Mohammad Taraki, Secretary-General of the' Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, President of the Revolutionary Council and Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, and to transmit his message of friendship, solidarity and best wishes for the successful conclusion of our deliberations in the interest of international peace, democracy and social progress.\n2. Permit me, Mr. President, to extend to you on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan our heartfelt congratulations on your unanimous and well-deserved election to the presidency of the current session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are indeed fortunate in having a person of your eminent stature, wide experience and great ability to guide our deliberations. May we also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for the wisdom and tact with which he carried out his delicate mission in the course of the thirty-second session and the three recent special sessions of the General Assembly.\n3. Before proceeding to the substance of my statement, it is only fitting that I should extend my best wishes to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and express my delegation's deep appreciation for the effective manner in which he has shouldered the heavy responsibilities of his high office. .\n4. It is a source of pleasure to my delegation to welcome Solomon Islands as a Member of the United Nations. We consider the admission of this young State to be another step towards the realization of the principle of the universality of the world body as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, and we wish to assure its delegation of our full co-operation.\n5.\tThe Vice-Premier and Minister for Foreign Affairs and leader of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to the tenth special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, Comrade Hafizullah Amin, had the occasion to speak from this rostrum and to brief representatives on the background of the Great Revolution of 27 April 1978, when members of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, including our valiant and patriotic officers and soldiers of the armed forces, under the complete leadership of the Party and with the staunch and unreserved support of our noble people, triumphantly downed the towers of tyranny and despotism and crushed the last remnants of a decayed monarchy which vainly endeavoured to perpetuate its own selfish interests under the guise of a republican order. Before the day's end the banner of the new democratic order appeared on the horizon of Afghanistan triumphantly proclaiming an end to an anachronistic system of feudalism and aristocracy and heralding a new era dedicated to the principles of social 2nd economic progress and building a society free of poverty, corruption and exploitation of man by man.\n6.\tBarely six months have elapsed since our victorious revolution, and during this short span of time the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, the only true representative of our working and industrious people and the custodian of their sacred rights and interests, has striven unrelentingly to create conditions favourable to the attainment of their social, economic and political aspirations, and to consolidate the gains of the revolution by eliminating all reactionary and imperialistic plots and elements that vainly endeavour to thwart or impede this historic trend. We shoulder a heavy responsibility, but derive sustenance and courage from the knowledge that the forces of history, which have undeniably proven that the oppressed will triumph over the oppressor and the exploited over the exploiter, are with us, and that the will of the Afghan people is not to be taken for granted.\n7.\tIn the short span of time since the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan has been entrusted with the power of administering the State machinery great strides have been made in adopting the implementing measures geared to the social and economic development of our country, with the active and constructive participation of our people. Concrete steps have been taken to pave the way for a "democratic agrarian reform; a five-year development plan is currently under preparation which envisages programmes in other sectors that will ensure the effective utilization of our natural resources, which for centuries were monopolized to serve the interests of a selected privileged minority.\n8.\tWe are confident that our efforts will not be in vain, and that, in fulfilling our historic mission and overcoming the under-development bequeathed to us by former regimes, we shall receive the unconditional assistance and support of all peace-loving nations free of any political or exploitative purpose.\n9.\tIn our external relations our declared policy of independence, peaceful coexistence, positive and active non- alignment and free judgement of international issues based on their own merit emanates from the profound aspirations of our people, who cherish peace and liberty and hold in contempt any ambitious designs of aggression or expansionism. We wish to maintain and develop relations of friendship and sincere co-operation with all peace-loving countries that support our April revolution, on the basis of mutual respect for the principles of equality, independence, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, sovereignty and territorial integrity.\n10.\tIn this respect our relations with our immediate neighbour, the Soviet Union, are exemplary. This record of friendly and sincere co-operation and good neighbourliness established between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union is honoured by our respective people and all peace-loving people of the world. It is a shining example of peaceful coexistence that should be followed by all neighbouring countries.\n11.\tFriendly relations between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the great nation of India are expanding and we expect similar relations with our two historical friends and neighbours, Iran and China.\n12.\tWe are equally hopeful that, in the interest of friendly relations and greater co-operation between our two countries, a just and amicable solution can be found through friendly and sincere dialogue for the only political difference existing between us and Pakistan, that concerning the question of the national issue of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples based on the national and historical background.\n13.\tWe have formally declared that adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights constitute the corner-stones of our foreign policy, and our reaffirmation of faith in those principles here today is not to be interpreted as the performance of a mere ritual, for it stems from our firm belief in principles which v hold to be self-evident and from our dedication to an Organization which has played - an important role in the fields of colonialism, racial discrimination and international development. But to be truly effective the world body must become an evolutionary and progressive instrument responsive to the dynamic changes which characterized our times, thus successfully fulfilling its mandate to create a world based on justice and equity and to promote international peace and security in all regions of the world in conformity with the wishes and aspirations of the majority of its Members. However, this objective has so far been frustrated by the short-sightedness and selfishness of a small minority in disregarding or flouting its resolutions, but ..'e believe that the Organization will rise to the challenge and point the way to mankind's more positive and nobler goals.\n14.\tAs we have repeatedly said, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan will support every measure aimed at the promotion of world peace and security and the enhancement of international understanding. In this connexion my delegation regards the draft proposal of the Polish People's Republic, namely, the draft declaration on the preparation of societies for life in peace, contained in the annex to document A/C. 1/33/2, as an important proposal which merits the favourable consideration of all peace-loving forces.\n15.\tMost of us gathered in this Assembly hall last met two months ago in Belgrade as members of the non-aligned movement to exchange views on matters of common interest and pressing political and economic issues that demand the urgent attention of the world community. The movement successfully demonstrated the ability to preserve its unity and solidarity against reactionary forces, and adopted decisions of far-reaching importance on questions of international peace and security, the evils of colonialism and imperialism, aggression and alien domination, racial discrimination and apartheid and the defence of the liberation of peoples and their right to self-determination [see A/331206]. We believe that these decisions, as well as programmes of action for economic development, can serve as useful and constructive guidelines in the course of our present deliberations.\n16.\tAnnual sessions of the General Assembly provide an opportunity to scan the international panorama in depth and realistically to evaluate achievements or setbacks in areas affecting world peace and progress. It is indeed distressing to observe that the situation in most of the problem areas is either kept stagnating or allowed to deteriorate and that even the process of detente has been threatened with tendencies which might revive manifestations of the cold W3'. The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly believes that such tendencies must be arrested and that the process of detente must be deepened and broadened to encompass all regions of the world, and transformed into a positive force geared to serve a new and more equitable system of international relations.\n17.\tWe should like to see that process of detente also extended to the military sphere. -No one can deny that the arms race has assumed unprecedented dimensions and that countless hundreds of billions now spent on armaments could well serve nobler purposes. The notion that military strength deters aggression has hardly any credibility in an interdependent world, and it behoves all States—nuclear and non-nuclear, great and small, developed and developing to combine their efforts to arrest the spiralling race to increase nuclear stockpiles and sophisticated instruments of mass destruction, such as the neutron bomb.\n18.\tThe qualitative and quantitative increase in the production of conventional weapons is also of grave concern to all progressive and peace-loving nations, for these weapons serve as instruments of suppression in areas where peoples are struggling for the attainment of their legitimate rights against colonialism and alien domination, and help to perpetuate and expand areas of conflict.\n19.\tAccordingly, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan considers the effective implementation of resolutions adopted during the recent tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament to the vital importance and whole-heartedly supports the convening of a world disarmament conference with the participation of all States and of the United Nations Conference on Prohibitions or Restrictions of Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects, scheduled to be held some time next year.\n20.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan fully supports the initiative of the Soviet Union proposed by Andrei Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs and head of the delegation of the Soviet Union to this Assembly, for the conclusion of an international convention on strengthening guarantees of security to non-nuclear States.\n21.\tWe also supported the inclusion of this proposal as an item on the agenda of this thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly as an important and urgent question.\n22.\tWe consider this initiative to be in the interest of world peace for it would promote trust and confidence among non-nuclear States with regard to their security.\n23.\tWhen discussing disarmament within the context of international peace and security, my delegation cannot refrain from expressing its views on aggressive foreign military bases on alien soil, which it sees as but an extension of the arms race and one of the main causes of world tension and complications in the region in which those bases are installed.\n24.\tIt is in this conviction that in our own immediate region we favour the adoption of the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, and of putting an end to the military rivalries of big Powers in the Indian Ocean through the immediate dismantling of military bases and installations in that ocean, including those on Diego Garcia. All foreign forces should be withdrawn from the southern part of Korea. We view the presence of such bases as not only weakening the forces of peace and progress, but hindering the consolidation of the political and economic independence of the countries of the region.\n25.\tThe movement of the nations and countries of the world against imperialism, colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination has scored- an increasing number of victories in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and we are firmly convinced that the eleventh hour is striking for the last pockets of colonialism and alien domination in southern Africa. The national liberation movements of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania are growing in scope and attest to the fact that the will of the oppressed people in southern Africa to resist the tyranny of racial discrimination and minority rule cannot be suppressed.\n26.\tConfronted with prospects of a complete collapse, the racist regimes have been compelled to resort to shameful manoeuvres in their final attempt to safeguard their economic and strategic interests, aided by their imperialistic allies, which, in defiance of world public opinion and United Nations resolutions, continue their political, military and economic collaboration, and extend such assistance even to the nuclear field. Yet they and their protectors will have us believe that they have resigned themselves to the inevitability of the process of liberation and that they are trying to adapt to it. But we have learned to distinguish between truth and falsehood, and are confident that delaying tactics and pacifying moves cannot deprive the African peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia from the inevitable attainment of their goals.\n27.\tHowever, to facilitate this process and prevent further bloodshed, the world community has laid down conditions for the process of self-determination in Namibia, and it is the earnest hope of the Afghan delegation that the United Nations will not relent in its determination to ensure their implementation. In the meantime the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the only authentic representative of the Namibian people, must be given all necessary support to continue its struggle against the atrocities and genocide committed by the South African minority regime. Similarly, in Zimbabwe the terms of any settlement must be dictated by the warriors of the Patriotic Front. We are convinced that the circle obsessed by the ideology of racial superiority will not be able to prevent the people of Zimbabwe from the exercise of their rights for much longer.\n28.\tAfghanistan, which had to wage an arduous struggle against colonialism and .imperialism and to safeguard its independence, feels deep solidarity with peoples resolved to ensure their self-determination, and thus hails the courageous decision taken by Mozambique, Angola and other front-line States to apply the sanctions decreed by the United Nations against the minority regimes of southern Africa, thereby rendering themselves victims of incessant threats and armed incursions by the white racist rebels. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan expresses sympathy and solidarity with the progressive regimes of Angola and Mozambique and other front-line States, and strongly condemns any acts of aggression against them. We consider such acts as threats to their respective endeavours to consolidate their independence and assist their African brothers in the realization of their rights to self-determination.\n29.\tWe are confident that, through their own efforts and with the assistance of other peace-loving nations, the genuine representatives of Zimbabwe and Namibia will soon join us in this Assembly hall.\n30.\tIn addressing itself to problems that afflict the great African continent the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a member of the non-aligned movement, cannot but express its views on the situation prevailing in the Horn of Africa, where parties to the conflict are members of that great movement. We believe that the parties concerned should settle their differences through peaceful negotiations and understanding in conformity with the principles of the non-aligned movement and the United Nations Charter, and we regard any intervention in that area as an attempt by imperialistic and reactionary forces to dominate the African continent. The delegation of Afghanistan fully supports the heroic struggle of the people of Ethiopia in defence of their independence and territorial integrity, and believes that any assistance received from friendly countries for that purpose is fully justified.\n31.\tThe question of the Middle East essentially revolves around the problem of Palestine a complex problem with regard to which this Organization bears a great responsibility. The question has been the origin of four successive wars in the region, and it has become Increasingly evident that until the Palestinian and other Arab peoples of the region recover their legitimate rights there will be neither peace nor stability in the Middle East.\n32.\tThe condition for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East is the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination, as confirmed in General Assembly resolution 323b (XXIX) including their right to establish a national State of their own, and the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories.\n33.\tTo this end, my delegation is of the opinion that the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the full and active participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, will constitute an important and crucial step towards paving the way to a just settlement of the Palestinian problem and putting an end to the instability and insecurity that have characterized the Middle East region for over 30 years.\n34.\tAgents of imperialism and enemies of peace have not confined their activities to the immediate region of Palestine, but have expanded their activities to neighbouring peace-loving countries. The bloody clashes which are taking place in Lebanon are but a result of the critical situation in the Middle East. While the Arabs have been struggling to recover their occupied territories, forces hostile to the Arabs have concerted their efforts in Lebanon. We have followed the events of this fratricidal war and have been frustrated to see that the ray of hope that the contending armed factions would be reconciled has faded.\n35.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan sincerely hopes that the conspiracies against Lebanon, the Palestinian cause and the Arab nation will be defeated and that all necessary support and assistance will be given for the restoration of stability in Lebanon and for the preservation of the country's territorial integrity and the national unity of its people.\n36.\tMoving from the Middle East region—which encompasses the eastern Mediterranean—to an island situated in an equally strategic region to the north, the Aegean Sea, and fast becoming an area of potential threat to international peace and security, namely the island of Cyprus, I am confident that I express the views of the majority of my colleagues when I state that the solution of this complex and dangerous problem requires that the territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence and non-alignment of Cyprus be ensured and that its internal problems be resolved by the Cypriote themselves in a settlement that would ensure the rights of both the Greek Cypriot and the Cypriot communities within the framework of a mutually acceptable agreement.\n37. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly believes that this objective can be realized only when all foreign forces are withdrawn from the island and their military presence and installations are removed,\n38.\tTurning to the great continent to which we in Afghanistan belong, my delegation cannot pass over in silence the disturbing problem of the divided Korean people and the increase in the tension prevailing in that part of the world,\n39.\tMy delegation reaffirms its support for the relevant United Nations resolutions for the peaceful reunification of Korea free from foreign interference and considers the withdrawal of all foreign forces, including the dismantling of all military installations in the southern part of Korea, to be essential prerequisites.\n40.\tLast but not least, when reviewing the international political situation the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan cannot but turn to another great continent and express its indignation at the intensified determination and efforts of certain Powers to undermine the independence of Latin American and Caribbean States by creating such regimes- as would further their interests. We deplore the unabated violation of human rights and liberties in several Latin American countries where such regimes rule.\n41.\tPrevious speakers have dealt with the economic disparity between the developed and the developing countries. I should like to add that such disparity has not resulted from some inherent disability arising from their respective capabilities or resources but has its roots in the historical heritage from the era of colonialism and an unbalanced economic structure geared to serving and perpetuating the exploitative and unscrupulous interests of a minority group of countries that have piled up wealth at the expense of the developing countries to the detriment of two thirds of humanity. The stubborn resistance of the developed countries to the practical implementation of the goals and principles of the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, [resolution\n3201\t(S-VI)], the Programme of Action [resolution\n3202\t(S-VI)] designed to implement the Declaration and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)] testifies to their vain endeavours to preserve their selfish interests and inherited privileges.\n42.\tSuch resistance and reluctance to negotiate on substantive issues can only be interpreted as a determination on their part to foil efforts aimed at the development of a sound strategy which would ensure the balanced and realistic development of the developing countries free of colonialistic and exploitative purposes. Such resistance or lack of political will has also manifested itself in their failure to achieve the required target of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product for allocation as official development assistance to developing countries within the framework of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)], In certain cases where such assistance has been available attempts have been made to infringe upon the sovereign right of recipient countries by imposing priorities inconsistent with their national development programmes.\n43.\tWe strongly condemn any aid or assistant programme that is dispensed on implied conditions of has exploitative purposes, be it within the framework of sluggish official development assistance transfers or bilateral assistance, for the bitter experience of the developing countries has demonstrated that reliance on such assistance is Witless,\n44.\tMention of the need to devise special measures to alleviate the debt burdens of developing countries also falls on deaf ears, Most of those debts invariably flow from what Is given those countries as aid at exorbitant interest rates and thus the purpose for which such aid was requested is defeated.\n45.\tThe current economic order based on relations of economic domination, exploitation and dependence is untenable in a world seeking justice and equity and an orderly utilization of world resources for the benefit of present and future generations. We of the developing world do not consider the present disparity solely as a matter of economics but as a moral question to which developed countries of the West must seriously address themselves by considering the justice of an economic system which over centuries enabled them to reach their present heights of affluence while condemning millions in Asia, Africa and Latin America to poverty, misery and pestilence. Let them consider whether trade dealings are left untarnished by aspects of exploitation and whether the trade deficits of the developing countries are not the direct outcome of such exploitation; whether the constant disturbances witnessed by the world monetary system, for which responsibility rests with them, are not a source of imbalance in trade and an addition to the huge burdens borne by the economies of developing countries; and whether crises in their economies and their increasing recourse to protectionist policies have not affected the developing countries' development efforts to overcome backwardness and to achieve social and economic progress for their toiling peoples.\n46.\tUnless the inherent bias of existing institutions is removed and unless the massive economic power of the rich countries is counterbalanced, the gap between the developed and the developing nations will continue to expand. The lack of foresight and the self-interested delays which pervade the treatment of major political issues must not be allowed to be extended to the economic field. Just as man's best hope for political peace and security lies in replacing the old power politics with a democratized international system, so his best hope for economic peace and security rests in an economic order based on justice and equity. Poverty and affluence cannot coexist indefinitely.\n47.\tIn this respect, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan would like to express its sincere appreciation to socialist countries and other progressive forces which have proved themselves the natural and active partners of developing countries by unfailingly supporting their demands for an equitable share in the world's resources and for the creation of favourable conditions conducive to their rapid social and economic development.\n48.\tAnother matter the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan regards as inseparably linked to the New International Economic Order is the plight of the least developed land-locked countries, which deserves special care and attention. The extremely high costs of transport weigh heavily on their export earrings and greatly swell the cost of transit for them. These countries are entitled to certain rights which we regard as natural, namely, the right of free access to and from the sea, including the right of free transit. We hope that when the new international strategy is formulated special consideration will be given to the specific problems and requirements of this group of countries and that transit countries will demonstrate the political will to respect and ensure those rights.\n49.\tIn closing, I should like to return briefly to a theme that I developed earlier. As we participate in this highly representative forum, the attention of the world is focused on us, and the peoples of the world have good reason to expect that this Organization will make positive contributions towards translating into reality the ideals of peace, democracy and social progress. We believe that the world body can rise to that challenge only if we, its Members, demonstrate a sense of realism and belief in human solidarity by responding to the call of humanity for co-operation, not confrontation, and ensuring that all actual and potential changes are directed to benefiting mankind as a whole.
## 22 It is a welcome tradition in each session of the General Assembly to begin policy statements by paying a tribute to the President of the General Assembly and other office-bearers on their election to the high posts of the Assembly sessions, as a fitting recognition of their experience and qualifications, which are an important factor in their election to such responsible posts. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan therefore takes pleasure in observing this tradition by extending its sincere and warm congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to the high office of the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. I deem it necessary to mention that you, Mr. President, not only represent your great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, but also the struggling continent of Africa whose people have decided with faith and conviction to eradicate from their continent the evils of apartheid and racial discrimination and the last vestiges of colonialism and alien domination. Your outstanding contribution to the decolonization efforts of the United Nations and your personal dedication to the cause of freedom and the liberation struggle gives us every assurance that the important deliberations of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly will be termed a successful endeavour in the ongoing struggle of this Organization for a peaceful and prosperous world.\n51.\tMay we also express our appreciation to your predecessor, the prominent Colombian statesman and diplomat, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for the successful conduct of the deliberations of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly.\n52.\tWhen we assess the successes and failures of this Organization in matters of peace and security, the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, dedicated to the realization of the aims and objectives of the Charter, deserve our admiration.\n53.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes with joy the admission of Saint Lucia as a new Member of this Organization. This admission which reflects the success of the decolonization process in that former Territory takes us one step closer to the objective of the universality of this Organization.\n54.\tLast year when we came to this Assembly at its thirty-third session, only six months had elapsed since the Afghan people had successfully carried out the Saur (April) Revolution under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, the vanguard of the working class of the country. At that time, from this very rostrum, we declared to the world that the Afghan people, having struck down the towers of tyranny and despotism, had dedicated themselves to building a new society free from the exploitation of man by man despite enormous economic and social problems which we inherited from the previous despotic regime.\n55.\tIn such circumstances, the first step required for building such a prosperous society free of exploitation was the uprooting of feudalism in the country and thus the liberation of the toiling people of Afghanistan, namely, the workers, the peasants and other toilers, from the unjust feudalistic relationships prevailing in the country and from the domination of imperialism and reaction.\n56.\tIn order to achieve this lofty goal, the Revolutionary Government, among its other measures, successfully implemented, during the year and a half that elapsed since the victory of the April Revolution, three major decrees issued by the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.\n57.\tBy the implementation of Decree No. 6 we have removed the burden of the system of unjust mortgages, usury and interest payments that was previously imposed on millions of our working peasants by the feudal fords and big landowners.\n58.\tBy Decree No. 7 we ensured the equality of the rights of Afghan men and women before the law and in all political, economic, social and other fields. Afghan women are no longer exchanged for money or material goods under the guise of bride-money, dowries or marriage expenditures.\n59.\tAs I stated earlier, one of the major tasks of the Revolutionary Government has been to eliminate the feudal and pre-feudal relationships from the socio-economic structure of the country. For this purpose the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan successfully implemented Decree No. 8 in a record period of six months with the all-round co-operation of the Afghan people, as a result of which more than 3 million jeribs of land previously owned by feudal lords and big landowners were distributed free of charge to thousands of landless farmers and petty landowners. The joy of an Afghan farmer and his dependants who have become the owners of land for the first time in their entire lives can be imagined. Today the land in Afghanistan belongs to those who cultivate it.\n60.\tAnother major undertaking of our Government is the campaign for the total elimination of illiteracy, which is the legacy of past despotic regimes and which is estimated to afflict the disturbing figure of 90 per cent of our population. At present, more than 1 million people are registered in the illiteracy campaign courses throughout the country.\n61.\tAnother important accomplishment of the Revolutionary Government is the successful completion of the national population census, done for the first time in the country. That will offer reliable scientific data for the developmental projects undertaken by the Government within the framework of the new five-year economic development plan of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. This plan is intended to remove the causes of the economic and social backwardness of the country and to provide decent conditions and higher standards of living for the Afghan people.\n62.\tI have given a brief account of some of the important measures which our popular Government has taken so far in the interest of our working people. I considered it my pleasant duty to draw the attention of this Assembly to what we have done for our working people in order to change their lot for the better. However, imperialists, reactionary circles and left extremists in Afghanistan's vicinity are engaged in hatching conspiracies against our revolution. Using a handful of fugitive enemies of our people and of our revolution, and, with the co-operation of their agents inside Afghanistan, they make armed attacks on and intrude into Afghan territory, in the course of which they damage schools and hospitals and kill women, children and elderly people.\n63.\tWe have stated time and again that we want to live in peace with all peoples and nations, and particularly with our neighbours, on the basis of peaceful coexistence and provided they do not interfere in our internal affairs.\n64.\tThe April Revolution of the Afghan people, being a victorious workers' revolution, by its nature calls for peace and peaceful coexistence, because in peace it can achieve its aims and objectives in the interest of the working people of Afghanistan and for their ultimate emancipation from exploitation.\n65.\tUnfortunately, this peaceful desire of our people and this genuine call of our revolution for peace and peaceful coexistence is not reciprocated by some of our neighbours. As I indicated earlier in my statement, the reactionary circles in Afghanistan's vicinity not only encourage the anti-revolutionary escapees who have lost their economic bases and interests in Afghanistan after the victory of the April Revolution to carry out subversive activities inside Afghanistan, but also provide them with comfortable shelter for the realization of their nefarious designs.\n66.\tOne thing is obvious: the April Revolution of the Afghan people is irreversible. The reactionary circles, the imperialists and other enemies of our people and of the revolution will eventually realize that they cannot succeed in their heinous designs. They cannot alter the determination of the Afghan people to build a society free from exploitation of man by man; they cannot reverse the process of history.\n67.\tThe foreign policy of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which is the reflection of its internal policy, is one of peace, peaceful coexistence and cooperation with all peace-loving countries and nations, and particularly with our neighbours.\n68.\tOur relations of close friendship and mutual co-operation with the Soviet Union have developed positively during the last 62 years, and especially after the April Revolution, in the interest of our two peoples. These relations, which reflect the mutual desire of our two peoples constitute an excellent example of friend-ship, co-operation and good neighbourliness between States, and are based on sincere respect for the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of each State and on the principle of non-interference in each other's internal affairs.\n69.\tOur amicable relations with India, which have long and firm historical roots, are developing day by day, to the benefit of our two peoples.\n70.\tAs far as our relations with Pakistan are concerned, our Government and people have the sincere desire to maintain friendly relations with that country on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. We hope the feelings of friendship of our working people towards the noble working people of Pakistan will be taken into account and reciprocated by the Government of Pakistan in its attitude towards the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the April Revolution. This in our view will positively contribute to paving the way for the normalization of relations and the promotion of mutual co-operation between our countries in the interest of peace in this region and in the world.\n71.\tWe further hope that our only remaining political problem with Pakistan will be solved by peaceful means and through sincere and amicable negotiations.\n72.\tWith regard to Iran also, we have the same desire for friendly relations and mutually beneficial co-operation on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. This sincere desire emanates from the feelings of brotherhood and solidarity maintained by our working people towards the noble working people of Iran.\n73.\tConcerning the rest of the countries, we not only are desirous of maintaining friendly relations and mutually beneficial co-operation with them, but also we would spare no sincere efforts to achieve that goal.\n74.\tNeedless to say, we are meeting at a crucial time as far as the international situation is concerned. Despite our common and continued efforts aimed at removing threats to international peace and security and at limiting the opportunities for resorting to the policy of force, the world still faces complex political and economic problems which are fraught with dangers to peace and security. However, some positive developments in the international situation offer us promising hope that the encouraging opportunities which are still at our disposal may be utilized in the interests of world peace. They may also provide concrete assurances to the international community that present and succeeding generations will not fall victim once again to the scourge of another world war or nuclear holocaust. We are pleased to note that even greater victories are won as a result of the struggle of peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America.\n75.\tIn the present international situation, domination and hegemonism have caused much concern among different countries. So we support the proposal made by the Foreign Minister of the USSR against the policy of hegemonism and domination, and the inclusion of an item entitled "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations" in the agenda of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan hopes that due consideration will be given to this issue.\n76.\tMr. President, as you and other distinguished representatives attending this Assembly are aware, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held earlier this month in Havana, Cuba, successfully concluded its deliberations on the major political and economic problems with which mankind is confronted today. The positive results of the Havana summit meeting of the non-aligned countries will certainly contribute not only to the successes of this Assembly in indentifying the challenging problems which affect us all, but also to the formulation of more effective approaches and solutions to those problems.\n77.\tThe Sixth Conference of the non-aligned movement, reviewing the current international situation, expressed its satisfaction that efforts for the attainment of genuine peace, equal security for all, universal application of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence, and equal co-operation were intensifying.\n78.\tThe Middle East still constitutes one of the most dangerous hotbeds of crisis in the world and poses a serious threat to international peace and security, which results primarily from the hostile, aggressive and expansionist policy of Israel, backed by imperialism, and from the denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.\n79.\tThe conclusion of partial agreements in the absence of the main party—namely, the Palestinian people, headed by the PLO—has further complicated the possibility of finding a just, lasting, and comprehensive solution to the Middle East problem. The Sadat- Begin agreements have violated the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and of the non-aligned Conferences and have totally disregarded the rights and interests of the Palestinian and Arab people.\n80.\tA just and lasting peace in the Middle East can only be achieved when all the Israeli occupationist forces are unconditionally withdrawn from the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem, and the usurped national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish a national State of their own, are restored, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly.\n81.\tThe reported acquisition of nuclear weapons by Israel is a matter of serious concern at a time when Israel is continuing its illegal occupation of Arab and Palestinian land and its flagrant violations of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. The possession by Israel of nuclear weapons cannot but introduce a dangerous dimension to the already deteriorating situation in the Middle East. It furthermore raises the question of violations by certain nuclear- weapon States parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of their obligations under that Treaty.\n82.\tThe crisis in Lebanon has not yet found a lasting solution. The continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon, particularly the escalation of air raids against the Palestinian camps in southern Lebanon, is further proof of the aggressive and anti-peace policy of Israel.\n83.\tFor the purpose of maintaining peace and security in the world, Member States are obligated under the Charter to settle disputes or situations which might endanger world peace by peaceful means and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law. This obligation entails another basic obligation for Member States: to refrain in their relations with other States from the use or threat of force. It is therefore a matter of concern to all peace-loving countries and forces to note that the resort to the policy of using force is still being resorted to by certain countries.\n84.\tThe acts of provocation and intervention against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose people have already made enormous sacrifices during their heroic anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist struggle, causes us concern. We hope the people of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Kampuchea—who, like any other free people in the world, do not need to have lessons taught them from abroad—will be left alone to continue their national missions of reconstructing their damaged countries after those hard and arduous years of colonial and imperialist domination.\n85.\tWe oppose attempts to internationalize the question of Kampuchea after the Kampuchean people victoriously established a legal and popular regime in their country. The bringing to this forum, as a new agenda item, of questions relating to Kampuchea is nothing but an attempt to restore to power a clique in exile, which has been rejected by the Kampuchean people.\n86.\tThe concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace has yet to materialize. Certain Powers are increasing their military presence and are strengthening their military bases in the Indian Ocean, contrary to the United Nations Declaration on the matter, and against the will and aspirations of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean. We demand the dismantling of imperialistic military bases in the Indian Ocean and an immediate halt to the deployment of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the Indian Ocean.\n87.\tWe reiterate our stand for the peaceful reunification of Korea without any foreign interference and for the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the southern part of the Korean peninsula.\n88.\tThe situation in southern Africa has further deteriorated as a result of the persistence of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and the joint imperialist-racist man-oeuvres to prolong the domination of Namibia and Zimbabwe. The so-called internal settlements, or bogus elections, are nothing but conspiracies against the aspirations of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. Imperialists and racists must realize that they cannot impede forever the access to full independence of Namibia and Zimbabwe under the leadership of their legitimate and authentic liberation movements— namely, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front, respectively.\n89.\tIn the name of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, I reiterate the solidarity of the Afghan people and Government with Angola, Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and your own country, Mr. President, the United Republic of Tanzania, as front-line States confronting the racist entities which have been planted on the African continent by the colonialists and imperialists against the will and aspirations of the African people.\n90.\tThe struggle of the people of Western Sahara for self-determination and independence under the leadership of their authentic liberation movement, the Frente POLISARIO, seems to be in the last stage of its total victory. The establishment of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic for the purpose of ending the domination of their country will, we hope, close another chapter of colonialism on the African continent. We further hope that the decisions and recommendations of the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in Monrovia in July will contribute to speeding up the process of decolonization in Western Sahara. We welcome the agreement reached between the Government of Mauritania and the Frente POLISARIO; we praise the courageous decision of Mauritania to give up all territorial claims to Western Sahara.\n91.\tThe Cyprus problem is another acute problem which causes our concern: a fellow non-aligned country is confronted with the challenge of the infringement of its independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment as a result of foreign interference in its internal affairs. While supporting more constructive, serious and effective negotiations between the representatives of both Cypriot communities on an equal footing and without foreign intervention, we believe conditions of normality and peace could better be provided by the withdrawal of all foreign military forces and by ending the foreign military presence in Cyprus.\n92.\tWe hail the victories of the peoples of Nicaragua and Grenada against the dictatorships which brought considerable hardships to those peoples and damage to their countries.\n93.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the inclusion in the agenda of an additional item relating to assistance for the reconstruction of Nicaragua. We are confident that the international community will respond positively and generously to the needs of the people of Nicaragua, who suffered a lot as a result of the repressive Somoza military dictatorship and of the immeasurable hardship and bloodshed it imposed on that courageous people.\n94.\tWe demand the speedy application of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to the remaining colonial Territories in Latin America and elsewhere in the world. \n95.\tFurthermore, we demand the termination of all imperialistic foreign military bases on the soil of other countries and consider them as an infringement of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries where these bases are located.\n96.\tThe concept of peace and security as a long-held desire and as a shared objective of peace-loving mankind, in our view, cannot be realized until general and complete disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, is achieved.\n97.\tThe continuation of the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race, and the excessive expenditures on armaments not only pose a serious danger of extinction for our civilization, but also reflect our very limited success in giving effect to the resolutions and decisions adopted on disarmament, particularly at the tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament. In this connexion, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes and supports the formal proposal presented to the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly by Czechoslovakia calling for inclusion in the agenda of an item entitled "Adoption of a declaration on international co-operation for disarmament".\n98.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan considers the conclusion of the Treaty on strategic nuclear weapons between the Soviet Union and the United States a positive step towards curbing the arms race and a success of the policy of peace. We hope the effective implementation of that Treaty will pave the way for the conclusion of new agreements on limiting strategic arms.\n99.\tWe maintain the view that the convening of a world disarmament conference with the participation of all nuclear-weapon States would offer a good opportunity and a suitable forum for assessing our achievements and our failures regarding the speedy implementation of the resolutions and decisions on disarmament.\n100.\tWe firmly support the broadening and deepening of the process of détente and hope that political detente will soon be supplemented by military detente and will encompass all regions of the world.\n101.\tAfghanistan considers the United Nations as an indispensable instrument for maintaining international peace and security, despite violations of the Charter by certain Member countries and the non-observance of United Nations resolutions by those countries. We shall continue, inter alia, our efforts towards the further strengthening of the role of this Organization in responding effectively and quickly to situations which tend to threaten world peace and security.\n102.\tThe very slow progress in the ongoing efforts at restructuring present international economic relations is further compounded by the prevailing crisis in the world economic system, which has severe repercussions on the economy of the developing countries, particularly the land-locked and least developed among them, because of their greater vulnerability to external economic influences.\n103.\tThe developing countries which have inherited backwardness and poverty from the dark era of colonialism are determined to emerge from exploitation to economic emancipation and from dependence on imperialism to self-reliance. For this purpose they have sincerely and seriously continued their efforts for the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equality. We hope that through positive dialogue and with a demonstration of political will on the part of the developed market-economy countries, this shared goal will soon become a reality.\n104.\tI deem it necessary to draw once again the attention of this Assembly to the well-known special problems and particular needs of the developing landlocked, least developed and island countries. The measures taken so far in their favour have yet to be implemented. The United Nations Special Fund for Land-Locked Developing Countries, established by this Assembly to compensate for the additional transport, transit and transhipment costs of the land-locked countries has yet to become effectively operational. We hope generous financial contributions will be made to the Fund during the new pledging conference.\n105.\tI should like to conclude my statement by reiterating our faith and conviction in the ability and constructive strength of peoples and nations, in the dignity and worth of human persons, and in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.\n106.\tDespite many problems and challenges facing mankind, we have every reason to believe that we have the ability to build together a new and better world, where people and nations can live together in peace with one another without any concern or deprivation.\n107.\tLet us make the ideal of building such a world of peace and prosperity a reality where there exists freedom and equality of rights for all without any discrimination and without any exploitation of man by man. Let us rededicate ourselves to the realization of this lofty objective with all our strength and potentialities and with some higher degree of determination and faith.
## 23 Mr. President, allow me, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, to congratulate Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the high office of the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We hope that under his chairmanship the current session will make a notable contribution to the cause of strengthening international peace and security. We should like to assure him that the Afghan delegation will fully cooperate with him and help him in every way to discharge his duties.\n113.\tMay we also express our appreciation to his predecessor, the prominent Tanzanian statesman and diplomat, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, for his skilful conduct of the deliberations of the last few sessions of the General Assembly.\n114.\tWe should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts to make the United Nations more efficient in maintaining peace and security.\n115.\tPermit me at the very beginning of my statement heartily to congratulate the delegations of the Republic of Zimbabwe and of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on the admission of their newly born States to the United Nations. Their accession to independence is one more step towards the complete and final elimination of the obnoxious system of colonialism.\n116.\tThis session of the General Assembly has begun its deliberations at a time when the international situation is not as good as one would wish it to be. Certain quarters are desperately trying to reverse the course of world developments, to quell those healthy trends in international life which became known as detente or the relaxation of international tension and to bring the world back to the ill-famed time of the cold war.\n117.\tThe present international situation is characterized by an acute struggle between the forces coming out in defence of peace, strict respect for the rights of peoples and the lessening of international tension and those forces which propagate and practise violence, oppression, militarism and aggression.\n118.\tDangerous trends in world politics are visible enough and, unless they are stopped, the world could be brought to the brink of war. The main source of danger to world peace is the reckless and irresponsible policy of United States imperialism and the Beijing hegemonists. Seeking military supremacy over the socialist countries, the United States is stepping up the arms race, pressuring its allies into following the same course and trying to avoid the settlement of outstanding problems and disputes by peaceful means of negotiation.\n119.\tParticularly worrisome are certain of the latest trends in the policy of the United States, namely the concept of a so-called limited nuclear war expounded by the Pentagon in the United States Presidential Directive. That concept is designed to blur the distinction between conventional and nuclear conflict and it may create fatal illusions.\n120.\tAfghanistan is an Asian country and as such follows with concern the development of events on the great continent of Asia. On the one hand, the characteristic feature of political life in Asia is the strengthening of the will and determination of the peoples of the continent for peace and peaceful cc operation, for social progress and the consolidation of national sovereignty. On the other hand, one can see the dangerous activities of forces which are hostile to the course of freedom of the Asian peoples. Imperialists and Chinese hegemonists are seriously aggravating and complicating the situation in Asia.\n121.\tPeace and security in Asia are threatened by continuing Israeli aggression against the Arab nations under the cover of separate deals supported by United States imperialism and by the fact that the Palestinian Arabs continue to be deprived of their national rights, including their rights to return to their homeland and to establish an independent sovereign national State.\n122.\tPeace and security in Asia are threatened by an unprecedented build-up of United States military and naval forces in the Arabian Sea, the Gulf and the Red Sea. In recent months the United States has concentrated in those areas more than 30 naval vessels, including some aircraft carrier groups, several thousand Marines and hundreds of military aircraft. United States imperialism has already tried to use those forces to commit an act of outright aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran.\n123.\tPeace and security in Asia are threatened by the attempts of the Beijing hegemonists and United States imperialists to destabilize the situation in IndoChina, for which purpose they stage military provocations on the Sino Vietnamese border and provocative actions by the remnants of the Pol Pot bands against the People's Republic of Kampuchea.\n124.\tThose are the real sources of tension and instability in Asia. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, together with all other peace-loving Asian countries, comes out in favour of normalization and the establishment of good neighbourly relations throughout the continent of Asia and for the elimination by peaceful means of hotbeds of tension and military conflicts.\n125.\tThe position of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on a peaceful settlement in the Middle East is well known. It was recently spelled out in detail at the emergency special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the Palestinian question. \n126.\tAfghanistan resolutely condemns the separate behind the scenes deals between the Egyptian President and the Israeli Zionist clique. The capitulatory course of Sadat's regime and its separate treaty with Zionists have blocked the way to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Great damage has thus been done to the cause of the national independence of Arab and African peoples and, in the first place, to the just struggle of the Arab people of Palestine for their freedom and the restoration of their inalienable national rights.\n127.\tA just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be established only on the following foundations: there must be complete and unconditional withdrawal of all Israeli troops from all the Arab territories occupied by Israel in 1967, including Jerusalem, and the elimination of all the consequences of the Israeli aggression; there must also be realization of the inalienable legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine and, first of all, of their right to self-determination, including the establishment of their own independent and sovereign State and the recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Arab people of Palestine, along with the participation of the PLO in all the stages of the Middle East settlement. The world community should demand strict implementation of resolution ES7/2 adopted by the General Assembly at its seventh emergency special session, devoted to Palestine, which reaffirmed the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian Arabs and demanded the complete and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli troops from all the occupied Arab lands, to start before 15 November 1980.\n128.\tIsraeli aggression in the south of Lebanon, the victims of which are the civilian population and Palestinian refugees, must cease: longsuffering southern Lebanon should be protected from Israeli aggressors. The continued interference of Zionists in the internal affairs of the Lebanon, their attempts to split the country and to annex its southern part, should be resolutely condemned and effectively prevented.\n129.\tThe people and the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan reject with indignation the decision of the Tel Aviv Knesset declaring Jerusalem to be the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. It is a flagrant violation of all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, including the resolution approved by the recent emergency special session on the Palestinian question. The outright and blatant annexation by Israel of a city most sacred to all Moslems and followers of other faiths cannot leave silent or indifferent any Moslems or any peace-loving people throughout the world.\n130.\tThe Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is of the opinion that the Security Council should without further delay take the most effective measures, including the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, in order to prevent Israel from moving its capital to Jerusalem. The restoration of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty is an indispensable condition for a durable peace in the Middle East. All those who try to block such a decision of the Security Council by misusing their right of veto will deeply hurt the feelings and sentiments of hundreds of millions of Moslems and be held responsible for all the consequences of such an act.\n131.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan condemns the unprecedented military and naval build-up of the United States in the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf and the Red Sea, which has been continuing for more than a year now. We expires our concern over the feverish activity of the Pentagon aimed at the expansion of the existing United States bases in those areas, particularly the base on Diego Garcia, and the establishment of new ones. The agreements to this effect recently concluded between the United States and Oman, Somalia, Egypt and Kenya are causing concern to the other countries of the area and all peace-loving peoples of Asia. These moves create a direct threat of armed interference in the internal affairs of the oil rich countries of the Middle East, the Gulf area and the Indian Ocean region.\n132.\tThe American military and naval build up in the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, the Gulf and the Red Sea runs counter to the numerous decisions of the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement relating to the transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. It is very important, therefore, to facilitate concrete measures aimed at reaching this goal. Afghanistan for its part is ready to cooperate actively in this with other countries of the area and will take part in the international Conference on the Indian Ocean, to be held at Colombo in 1981 within the United Nations framework.\n133.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is following with concern the events in Southeast Asia. The Afghan people resolutely condemn the armed provocations of Chinese hegemonists against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. We wholeheartedly support the constructive proposals concerning the settlement of the situation in Southeast Asia put forward by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea. The three States have expressed their readiness to sign with Thailand bilateral or multilateral treaties of nonaggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and refusal to allow anybody to use their territory as a base against the other contracting parties. We welcome other initiatives of the three Indo-China States aimed at creating a zone of peace and stability in Southeast Asia.\n134.\tDemocratic Republic of Afghanistan condemns the continuing illegal presence in the United Nations of the Pol Pot henchmen. We demand the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the United Nations. Only the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, which enjoys the support of all the Kampuchean people and exercises complete control over the country, has the right to represent Kampuchea in the world arena, the United Nations and other international bodies.\n135.\tImperialist and hegemonist quarters try to cover up their aggressive schemes in Asia by making a great hue and cry about events in Afghanistan and around it. But it must be clear to any impartial observer that Afghanistan and the Afghan people do not constitute any threat to anyone.\n136.\tHaving launched their national democratic anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution in April 1978, the people of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan are engaged in the creative labour of eliminating the vestiges of the outdated feudal system and building a new society free from exploitation of man by man. This course was chosen by the Afghan people of their own free will and they will defend their freedom, independence, national dignity and honour to the last drop of their blood.\n137.\tAs a nonaligned country, Afghanistan steadfastly pursues a policy of peace, friendship and cooperation with all countries willing to reciprocate. Article 12 of the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan—the provisional constitution of the country reads as follows:\n"The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, a peace loving country, will make serious efforts to protect and strengthen friendly relations with other countries, especially the neighbouring nations and all Moslem countries and States, on the basis of mutual respect for one another's national independence, national sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in one another's internal affairs."\n138.\tBabrak Karmal, Secretary General of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, President of the Revolutionary Council and Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan said recently:\n"Afghanistan is a steadfast advocate of peace and friendship among various independent nations... and aspires to peaceful settlement of misunderstandings and problems among nations and States of the region and of the world."\n139.\tWe regret to say that these peaceful aspirations of the Afghan people have not been reciprocated in certain quarters. Since the very beginning of the April revolution, imperialism, Chinese hegemonism and some reactionary regimes of the area have been engaged in hostile activities against Afghanistan. They help in every possible way the counterrevolutionary gangs which have taken refuge in the neighbouring countries; they supply them with modern weapons and military hardware; they send their instructors to train armed bandits, who daily intrude into the territory of Afghanistan, kill innocent people, including women, children and the elderly, burn schools and hospitals and murder teachers and doctors.\n140.\tUnfortunately, all these hostile activities emanating from the territories of the neighbouring countries are conducted with the connivance and even tacit support and encouragement of the authorities of these countries.\n141.\tThe Afghan people and army, under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, could easily suppress the resistance of the counterrevolution, if it were not for the broad and active support of these forces by imperialism, especially United States imperialism, Chinese hegemonists and some reactionary Islamic regimes. Because of this support, the scope and intensity of foreign aggression and other forms of interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan have been continuously increasing.\n142.\tArmed aggression from the outside and other forms of foreign interference reached such proportions that the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan had to ask the Soviet Union to send a limited contingent of troops to render assistance to the Afghan army in repelling outside aggression. This contingent was dispatched to Afghanistan upon the request of the Revolutionary Council and on the basis of the existing and valid Afghan Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighbourliness and Cooperation of 5 December 1978, and in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations to help Afghan armed forces to defend the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.\n143.\tThe hostile activities from the territories of Pakistan and Iran notwithstanding, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has on many occasions expressed its willingness and sincere desire to have normal, friendly relations with its neighbours. The peoples of Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan have centuries old traditional, historical, cultural and economic ties with common roots and a common heritage. There is nothing to divide them; they may happily live in peace and friendship. It is only the imperialists that try to divide us so as to rule in our part of the world.\n144.\tOn 14 May of this year we put forward an elaborate programme for the political settlement of the situation that has developed around Afghanistan and the normalization of relations with Iran and Pakistan by peaceful means, by direct bilateral negotiations. The objective of such a political settlement should be guaranteed complete termination and non- resumption of all acts of armed aggression against Afghanistan and other forms of interference from the outside directed against the Government and people of Afghanistan. Negotiations on political settlement and normalization of relations with Pakistan and Iran can be held only on the basis of strict respect for the sovereignty and sovereign rights of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.\n145.\tThe question of the withdrawal of the limited Soviet military contingent from Afghanistan should be resolved within the context of a political settlement. The cessation and guaranteed non-recurrence of military incursions and all other forms of interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan would eliminate the reasons which prompted Afghanistan to request the Soviet Union to send that contingent into its territory.\n146.\tThe constructive peaceful proposals of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to that effect were widely acclaimed by progressive and peace-loving forces all over the world. They were positively assessed by the realistic and sober-minded statesmen in some Western countries. Now it is up to the Governments at Teheran and Islamabad to respond to those proposals.\n147.\tThe taking of practical steps in the direction of political settlement around Afghanistan and the improvement of the situation in that area have been facilitated by the withdrawal from Afghanistan, by agreement with the Afghan Government, of those Soviet troops the presence of which was no longer necessary given the conditions of continuing stabilization of the situation in the country. That stabilization is the result of serious defeats sustained by the counterrevolutionary bands sent in from the outside.\n148.\tWe are ready to sit down at the negotiating table as soon as Pakistan and Iran are ready to do so. But it goes without saying that the conduct of negotiations should not be accompanied by the continuance of hostile activities against Afghanistan from their territories.\n149.\tWe are well aware that all sorts of obstacles in the way to such settlement are being created by the United States as well as by the Chinese hegemonists, who for these purposes use the ruling circles of Pakistan and some reactionary circles in Iran.\n150.\tBut we are quite confident that the trend towards political settlement will eventually prevail, and that that will have a positive effect on the situation in the area and improve the political climate in the world as a whole.\n151.\tAfghanistan, having friendly relations with Iraq, and being a neighbour of Iran, is following with deep concern the armed conflict between those two countries. We sincerely hope that the Governments of Iraq and Iran will desist from steps that may cause the situation to worsen still further, and that they will find peaceful ways and means of resolving their dispute.\n152.\tThat is the position of principle of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on the issue of the elimination of hotbeds of tension in Asia in general and around Afghanistan in particular. We are grateful to all friendly countries, and to Cuba and India in particular, that have made sincere efforts to use their good offices to facilitate a peaceful political settlement of the situation in the region.\n153.\tIt is a plain truth that durable peace and the irreversible process of detente are inconceivable unless effective measures are taken to curb the arms race and to start effective disarmament. It is a sad comment that more than $400 billion is spent annually on armaments while hundreds of millions of people go hungry and the gap between developing and developed countries is increasing at an alarming rate.\n154.\tIt must be noted though that, thanks to the relentless efforts of the socialist and other peace-loving countries and in spite of the stubborn resistance of those in imperialist and hegemonistic quarters, it has been possible to make some tangible advance in certain directions towards stopping the arms race.\n155.\tBut many important problems on which mankind's peaceful future and progress depend have not yet been resolved, especially in the field of ending the arms race, which continues to intensify, thus increasingly threatening the process of detente, peace and the security of peoples.\n156.\tTherefore Afghanistan wholeheartedly supports the initiatives and proposals put forward last May by the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, in particular the proposal to hold in the near future, at the highest level, a meeting of leaders of States of all the regions of the world. Afghanistan agrees that such a meeting should concentrate on key issues of international life and chart ways to eliminate pockets of international tension and to prevent the outbreak of war.\n157.\tOf great significance would be the entry into force of the SALT II treaty, ratification of which continues to be delayed by the United States. Very important also are negotiations on limiting medium range missile systems in Europe, simultaneously and in organic interrelation with the United States forward based nuclear systems.\n158.\tThere are a number of vitally important items on the agenda of the current session directly related to disarmament and the curbing of the nuclear arms race. My delegation would like to comment briefly on them.\n159.\tIt goes without saying that a major goal of the United Nations should be to facilitate termination of the arms race and gradual transition to arms reduction. Of paramount importance is termination of the nuclear arms race, which constitutes a threat to the very existence of mankind.\n160.\tThere is a good basis for negotiations on stopping the nuclear arms race and on disarmament—that is, the realistic set of proposals put forward by the USSR and other socialist countries, which embrace practically every aspect of this problem. Among them is a proposal to hold negotiations with the participation of all nuclear Powers and some non-nuclear States on the cessation of the production of nuclear weapons of all types and the gradual reduction of their stockpiles until they are completely liquidated. It is logical that simultaneously appropriate international legal guarantees of the security of States be worked out. An important step in that direction would be a treaty on the non-use of force in international relations.\n161.\tYear after year the United Nations General Assembly has kept approving a resolution on the urgent need for the cessation of the testing of nuclear weapons, calling upon nuclear weapon States to expedite the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty. We highly appreciate the constructive flexible position of the Soviet Union on this issue and call upon other participants in the negotiations to be as flexible in order to reach an agreement on this vitally important issue as soon as possible.\n162.\tIn the context of curbing the nuclear arms race, it is urgent to strengthen still further the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Although 112 States have acceded to that Treaty, it is very important to make it truly universal. We are still far from that goal, for there are now 154 States Members of the United Nations, to say nothing of States non-members.\n163.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan expresses great concern—and we are confident that this concern is shared by the world community—over the attempts of Israel and South Africa to get access to nuclear weapon technology. At this session the General Assembly should consider the experts' report on this issue, and stringent measures should be taken to prevent such an eventuality.\n164.\tThe cause of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons would be considerably advanced if two important steps were taken: namely, the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of security guarantees for non-nuclear States and an agreement on the non-stationing of nuclear weapons in the territories of States where there are no such weapons at present.\n165.\tNon-proliferation of nuclear weapons can also be promoted by the creation of nuclear weapon free zones in various parts of the world: in Southeast Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly supports that idea and is in favour of practical measures in that direction.\n166.\tWe follow with concern the reports on the attempts by Pakistan to gain access to nuclear weapon technology. Should this happen, it may aggravate the tension in the area still further.\n167.\tApart from nuclear weapons, there are other sophisticated weapons of highly destructive and lethal power. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan notes with regret the rather slow progress in the Soviet American negotiations aimed at outlawing chemical weapons: that is mainly the result of the position of the United States delegation. We hope that the current session will approve a resolution helping to solve this question.\n168.\tThis session, in our view, should facilitate practical steps for reaching an agreement on the prohibition of the development and production of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons, as well as give an additional impetus to the negotiations on banning radiological weapons and highly inhumane neutron weapons.\n169.\tAfghanistan supports steps aimed at banning new types of conventional arms having a great destructive potential, in particular an agreement by the permanent members of the Security Council and their allies to renounce the build-up of their armed forces and conventional arms.\n170.\tIt is the firm view of the Afghan delegation that the measures to which I have referred, aimed at curbing the race in conventional and nuclear weapons, should become an integral part of the programme of action of the second Disarmament Decade. An important role could be played in this respect by the second special session of the General Assembly on disarmament, scheduled for 1982, and the World Disarmament Conference. In our view, the World Disarmament Conference has to be convened soon after the special session. We hope that the 1980s will be a decade of substantial progress on the way to guaranteeing lasting peace and security in the world.\n171.\tIn the present complicated world situation, no effort should be spared to defuse the tension, to improve the international situation and to arrest the adverse course of developments. It is in that context that we welcome the proposal of the Soviet Union to include in the agenda of this session the item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war".\n172.\tThe measures to this effect provided for in the Soviet draft resolution, when implemented, will ease the burden of military expenditures of States, strengthen the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and create favourable conditions for a breakthrough in the field of curbing the arms race and disarmament. The Afghan delegation is therefore willing to support this draft resolution.\n173.\tWe also support the proposal of the USSR aimed at ensuring greater care and concern by States for the conservation of the earth's nature. Today, Mother Nature is primarily a victim of the arms race, and the most effective way to protect her is to curb the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race.\n174.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan belongs to the nonaligned movement, which is a considerable positive factor in present-day international politics. Within the non-aligned movement, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, together with other progressive nonaligned countries, struggles for the strengthening of peace and international security, the implementation of disarmament, the creation of zones of peace, the liquidation of foreign military bases on the territories of others, for the inadmissibility of any outside interference in the internal affairs of States and the creation of a new international economic order on a just and democratic basis.\n175.\tTwenty years have passed since the adoption by the United Nations of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The face of the world has changed radically during those 20 years. More than 100 countries have acceded to independence since then, and the United Nations membership has increased accordingly. The colonial system is practically dead, but not yet buried; there are still vestiges of colonialism and racism in some parts of the world. The ugly face of neo-colonialism still exists as well. The abhorrent and inhuman regime of apartheid still survives in South Africa.\n176.\tThe best way for this Assembly to mark the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is to take effective and resolute measures to do away completely and irrevocably with the last vestiges of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and apartheid. The best way to do that is to extend all possible assistance to all the peoples and their national liberation movements that are still fighting against these evils for their freedom, self-determination and independence, for their dignity and honour.\n177.\tWe stand side by side with our African brothers, and we support the heroic people of Namibia who, under the leadership of SWAPO, are fighting against the South African occupation force for their freedom, self-determination and independence.\n178.\tWe express our solidarity with the people of South Africa who are waging a valiant struggle against the brutal apartheid regime of Pretoria. Effective decisions aimed at the further economic, political and diplomatic isolation of that regime and of those countries which support it must be taken at this session.\n179.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan supports the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front, for self-determination and independence.\n180.\tAfghanistan condemns the brutal repression of the people of South Korea by the despotic Seoul regime and the continuing occupation of South Korea by United States troops. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan supports the just and persistent efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at the peaceful and democratic reunification of Korea.\n181.\tThe General Assembly, in our view, should denounce the attempts by the United States to annex the territory of Micronesia under various pretexts and thus to deprive the Micronesian people of their legitimate right to self-determination and independence. Such a step would be a violation of Article 76 of the Charter of the United Nations.\n182.\tWe express our solidarity with the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in their struggle against imperialist intrigues and attempts to destabilize the situation in some countries of that area. Our sympathy goes to the peoples of Chile, Bolivia and El Salvador who are fighting the military dictatorships in those countries. We denounce those quarters which give military and financial support to these reactionary and brutally repressive regimes.\n183.\tAfghanistan invariably and consistently advocates the maintenance of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and strict respect for its policy of nonalignment. A realistic and viable settlement of the Cyprus problem should provide for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the island and the removal of all foreign military bases. A just and lasting solution of this problem is possible only on the basis and within the framework of the relevant decisions of the United Nations.\n184.\tThe vestiges of neo-colonialist exploitation are felt most of all in the sphere of international economic relations. The iron grip of the transnational corporations on the economy of the developing countries and the selfish, greedy economic policies and discriminatory protectionist measures of the developed capitalist countries are the main obstacles in the way of the economic growth and development of the majority of countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. We regret that the imperialist countries have not shown the desired response and political will vis-à-vis the proposals and suggestions put forward at the recent eleventh special session of the General Assembly, devoted to the economic development decade. In order to break the resistance and opposition of imperialist monopolies to the establishment of new, equitable and just economic relations based on truly democratic principles, unity is needed between the developing countries, the socialist countries and all progressive forces of the world.\n185.\tAfghanistan considers the United Nations to be an indispensable instrument for maintaining international peace and security, and we shall continue our efforts towards enhancing its effectiveness on the basis of strict observance of the Charter and a further strengthening of its role in responding effectively and promptly to situations which tend to threaten world peace and security.\n186.\tIn concluding my statement, I should like to express the hope of my delegation that the first General Assembly session of the 1980s will make a tangible and positive contribution to the solution of outstanding acute world problems and will make the world a safer and better place to live in.\n187.\tI assure members that Afghanistan will spare no effort to bring the world nearer to a lasting peace; to put a reliable, ironclad barrier in the way of those who would like to drag mankind into a new confrontation; to preserve detente; and to save present and succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
## 24 On behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, let me sincerely congratulate you, sir, on your election to the post of President of the General Assembly. We ate confident that under your able and competent guidance the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly will make appropriate progress in resolving the vital problems related to the consolidation of world peace and security.\n285.\tI take this opportunity to point out that relations between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the country you represent are friendly and continue to develop in various fields to the mutual advantage of our two peoples. I assure you that the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan will cooperate fully with you and will do its best to help you in discharging your momentous duties.\n286.\tLet me also express our thanks to Mr. von Wechmar, the outgoing President of the General Assembly. It was thanks to his tireless activity and diplomatic skill that the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly made a contribution to the solution of some topical international issues.\n287.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan heartily congratulates the delegation of the Republic of Vanuatu on the admission of the newborn State of Vanuatu to the United Nations. The accession of the Republic of Vanuatu to independence is one more step towards the complete and final liquidation of the abhorrent colonial system. We wish the people of Vanuatu prosperity and every success in political, social and economic development.\n288.\tThe General Assembly begins the work of the current session at a time when the international situation has visibly deteriorated and when new additional efforts and measures are needed to prevent a further worsening of the world climate, to stop the drift towards the danger of war and to reverse the present perilous course of events.\n289.\tThe origin and cause of the present aggravation of international tension are well known to everybody. They are to be found in the reckless warmongering adventurist policies of United States imperialism and Peking's hegemonism. The events of the last few months have amply and convincingly shown that United States imperialism and Chinese hegemonism have staked everything on the use of force and rely on whipping up the arms race and brandishing nuclear weapons. United States imperialism is trying to drive the people of the world into submission by working out plans to deploy their nuclear weapons in various parts of the globe. The White House and the Pentagon arbitrarily declare regions situated far away from the United States as spheres of their "vital interests" and dispatch to those areas the so-called rapid deployment forces. At an ever-increasing pace, they are establishing new military bases all over the world.\n290.\tParticularly dangerous are the United States plans to begin large-scale production of the neutron weapon, that most sophisticated, barbaric and abhorrent means of annihilating the human race. The Afghan people, together with other peace-loving peoples of the world, resolutely condemn their plans and demand that President Ronald Reagan reverse his decision. It is our view that this Assembly should urgently adopt a resolution calling for a ban on the production and deployment of the neutron weapon.\n291.\tIn these grave circumstances, when aggressive imperialist and hegemonist quarters are hurriedly pushing the wodd to the brink of a nuclear holocaust, the appeal of the ^Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the parliaments and peoples of the world, which meets the aspirations of all nations of the globe, is particularly timely. That appeal is a clearcut testimony of the relentless efforts of the Soviet Union to curb the arms race, bring about disarmament and safeguard peace and security in the world.\n292.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is an ancient Asian country and we follow with special concern the latest developments on the Asian continent. The major source of tension in Asia lies in the aggressive ambitions of imperialist, Zionist and hegemonist forces. Those forces are definitely trying to reverse the postwar trends in Asia, to crush the will of the Asian nations to independence, to drag them into fratricidal conflicts and wars, to grab their natural resources, to turn some Asian countries into mere pawns in their imperialist and hegemonist games and to make certain countries the springboards of aggression against the peace-loving countries of Asia.\n293.\tParticularly dangerous for the peoples of Asia are the United States militaristic activities in the Indian Ocean and in the Gulf. The Pentagon is hurriedly building facilities there for the rapid deployment force and for the permanent stationing in that area of at least two aircraft carrier groups. This year alone, $700 million has been allocated for the expansion and modernization of the United States naval and air force bases on the island of Diego Garcia. There is evidence that the Pentagon is. going to use those bases for stockpiling nuclear weapons, including the neutron weapon.\n294.\tIt is not surprising that the United States and its allies torpedoed the work of the last session of the United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. Apparently they are against the convocation of a conference to work out an international agreement to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. It is the firm view of the Afghan delegation that the Assembly should take a decision to expedite the convening of such a conference no later than next year. We should not allow the imperialist and hegemonist forces to block the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean.\n295.\tOne of the most vital problems to be settled is that of the Middle East. It is high time for the Assembly to take effective measures to restore peace in that area, to put an end to Israeli aggression against Arab countries, to liberate lands illegally occupied by the Zionist aggressor and restore the inalienable rights of the Palestinian Arabs, including their right to statehood.\n296.\tIt is now perfectly clear that treacherous Israeli EgyptianUnited States deals and the separate Israeli Egyptian "treaty" did not bring the solution of the Middle East problem an inch nearer. On the contrary, they worsened the situation in that area still further. It is therefore time to go back to a collective search for an all embracing just and realistic settlement of the Middle East conflict within the framework of a Specially convened international conference. It is imperative that, side by side with the other interested parties, the PLO, as the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, should take part in such a conference.\n297.\tThe recent barbarous Israeli raids against Palestinian civilian targets in southern Lebanon and Beirut, which resulted in 2,567 casualties and the destruction of hundreds of Palestinian hospitals, schools and dwellings, have added a dangerous dimension to the Middle East conflict. The six member mission of the Coordinating Bureau of NonAligned Countries, of which Afghanistan was a member, visited Lebanon from 20 to 23 August to examine and assess the damage and destruction resulting from Israeli attacks on Beirut and southern Lebanon. The report of that mission [Al36/547] determined the genocidal nature of those attacks, which resulted in the death of hundreds of civilians, including the elderly, women and children.\n298.\tEffective measures should be taken to prevent further acts of Israeli aggression against the sovereign State of Lebanon, to frustrate the Zionist plans to dismember Lebanon and to safeguard its territorial integrity. It is also necessary to prevent any repetition of Israeli, aggression and provocations against other Arab countries.\n299.\tThe situation remains tense in the Gulf area as well. This is the result of the deployment by the United States and other Western countries of more naval and air forces there and of the military conflict between Iraq and Iran, which unfortunately still goes on. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan believes that the situation in the Gulf area could be effectively defused by the conclusion of an international agreement along the lines suggested almostt a year ago by the Soviet Union. Such an agreement would safeguard the sovereign rights of the countries of that area and the security of maritime and other communications connecting the region with the rest of the world.\n300.\tThe IraqiIranian war, which began a year ago, is a sad, unfortunate and deplorable event. It is senseless from the viewpoint of IraqiIranian national interests, but is of great advantage to imperialist quarters. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is earnestly in favor of the speediest political settlement of the conflict between the two countries and is ready to help that process in any way possible.\n301.\tTurning our attention to SouthEast Asia, where owing to hegemonist and great chauvinist ambitions the process of normalization is impeded, we restate our staunch support for the constructive initiatives of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Lao People's Democratic Republic aimed at turning that area into a zone of peace based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and good neighborliness.\n302.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is against any debate here on the so-called Kampuchean question aimed at outright interference in the domestic affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. It is urgent that the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the United Nations should be restored without delay and that the agents of the bloody Pol Pot gang be thrown out of the Assembly. We do not recognize the decision of the so-called Conference on Kampuchea, which was held despite the strong objections of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.\n303.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan would also like to reiterate its solidarity with the constructive efforts of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea aimed at the peaceful democratic reunification of the country. We support the just demand of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea and resolutely condemn the Seoul military regime for its repression of the people of South Korea.\n304.\tWe have studied with great interest the latest initiative of the Mongolian People's Republic [Al36!388] to work out and sign a convention on mutual nonaggression and non-use of force in relations among the States of Asia and the Pacific. The practical implementation of that proposal would be a great step forward in normalizing relations in that part of the world.\n305.\tThe imperialist and hegemonist propaganda machine is spreading many malicious and slanderous allegations about events in and around Afghanistan, and is trying to portray those events as a threat to peace and stability in SouthWest Asia. Yet that is nothing but a dirty trick to divert the attention of world public opinion from imperialist and hegemonist aggressive schemes in Asia and other parts of the world. The imperialist media follow the dictum if you repeat a lie one hundred times somebody may believe it. But the sinister attempts to conceal the truth about the Afghan revolution are of no avail; it is impossible to cover the sun with the palm of the hand.\n306.\t"\tAny unbiased observer visiting Afghanistan these days can see with his own eyes that, despite the great difficulties imposed on the Afghan people by the enemies of the Afghan revolution and an undeclared war waged against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan by the imperialist and hegemonist forces and their mercenaries, the people of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, have, during a comparatively short period of time, scored great successes along the road of economic, political and social progress.\n307.\tThe overall situation in the country is being consolidated; the organs of the people's power are being strengthened; the political and social foundation of the Government, is being expanded and enhanced.\n308.\tOne of the vivid manifestations of that process was the establishment last June of the National Fatherland Front, which was .joined by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, trade unions, farmers' cooperatives, the Supreme Jirgah of tribes, the High Council of scholars and clergy, the Democratic Organization of Afghan Youth, the Democratic Organization of Afghan Women and others. One can see that the Front represents practically all the classes and strata of the Afghan people supporting the goals of the national democratic revolution.\n309.\tThe Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has taken effective measures to develop the economy, raise the level of industrial and agricultural production and improve the living standards of toiling masses. Despite the economic dislocation and disruptions caused by the armed aggression from outside, the plans for economic and social development and the second* stage of the land reform are being successfully implemented. We have all the grounds for stating from this rostrum that the toiling people of Afghanistan have never lived better than since the April revolution; they have already begun to reap the fruits of a new, just and equitable social system.\n310.\tThose achievements could have been even more impressive but for the continuing armed aggression from the territories of the neighboring countries, mainly from Pakistan. That armed aggression and other forms of intervention are being stirred up by United States imperialists and Chinese hegemonist quarters. Mercenaries are being recruited by those who were deprived of their privileges by the April revolution and who took refuge abroad.\n311.\tAttempts by imperialist propaganda to describe those people as "mujahideen" "freedom fighters", "rebels" and so on are futile. They are nothing but former feudal lords and their lackeys who, like their ancestors, sucked the blood of the Afghan people and lived in luxury, dooming the people to misery and deprivation. They do not fight for the freedom of the Afghan people but for the freedom to exploit them, for the restoration of their lost privileges. Therefore, to think or to talk of those counterrevolutionary mercenaries otherwise is outright hypocrisy; it is an insult to the common sense of the Afghan people.\n312.\tThese bandits daily invade Afghanistan, disrupt normal life in the country, kill our people women, children and the elderly destroy schools and hospitals and loot the people's and the State's property. The Afghan army, police and security forces, supported by the people, deal blow after blow to the bandits, 'capture and disarm them. Captured and repentant mercenaries appear regularly at press conferences held in Kabul for Afghan and foreign journalists.\n313.\tThe Afghan army and people would have wiped out the counterrevolutionary bands long ago had they not been given support from imperialist and hegemonist quarters, as well as from some reactionary Islamic regimes. The counterrevolutionary gangs are paid in United States dollars, British pounds, West German marks, Saudi rials and so on. They are armed with American, British^ Chinese, West German and Egyptian weapons and trained by American, Chinese, Egyptian and Pakistani instructors. Some Western countries have declared the policy of interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan as their official policy.\n314.\tPresident Reagan announced last March that his Government would henceforth supply the so-called Afghan mujahideen with weapons and ammunition. The covert Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] operation of support for Afghan counterrevolutionaries, which was initiated under President Carter, has become an overt policy of the United States Government.\n315.\tUnited States intervention in the internal affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is growing and intensifying. One can find ample evidence of that, even in the American press.\n316.\tAn article by the Pulitzer prize winner, Carl Bernstein, in the 18 July 1981 issue of The New Republic, sheds some light on the scope of the international imperialist conspiracy against Afghanistan, headed by the United States and also involving China, Pakistan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Bernstein writes that President Carter ordered the secret arms supply Program launched in December 1980 and that the Reagan Administration reviewed the clandestine operation and ordered it to be expanded. He also writes that the CIA has coordinated the operation through counterpart intelligence services in the four other countries, that diplomatic channels were not used and that the United States' NATO allies were neither consulted nor asked to participate.\n317.\tHe says that the operation also involved China's permission for overflights of its territory by the aircraft carrying arms to the Afghan resistance fighters. Bernstein goes on to say that the United States has provided financial assistance, $20 million to $30 million to start with and considerably more since. He adds that the entire operation is now estimated to have cost more than $100 million.\n318.\tSo the major and only reason for the tense situation regarding Afghanistan is armed aggression from the outside and other forms of interference in the internal affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan fueled from imperialist and hegemonist quarters. It was that intervention that prompted the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to invite a limited contingent of Soviet troops to help the Afghan army repel the aggression.\n319.\tGuided by the peaceful principles of its foreign policy and a sincere desire to defuse tension in the area and normalize relations with the neighboring countries, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan put forward, in May 1980, a realistic Program for a political settlement of the situation concerning Afghanistan which is the result of the imperialist policy of intervention and aggression. Less than a month ago the Afghan Government came forward with a new initiative and set forth elaborate proposals to that effect, taking into account the experience accumulated during the contacts with interested parties which had taken place since May 19.80.\n320.\tThe statement of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan of 24 August has been distributed as an official document [AI36I457, annex], and ,1 shall be brief in explaining some of its major ideas.\n321.\tReaffirming its readiness to hold direct negotiations with the Governments of Pakistan and Iran to normalize relations with them, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan proposes either that such negotiations be conducted on a bilateral basis, which is preferable and more promising, or, if the Governments of Pakistan and Iran insist, to have trilateral negotiations. The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan does not object to these negotiations, whether bilateral or trilateral, being attended by the United Nations SecretaryGeneral or his representative.\n322.\tWe are also of the opinion that reliable international guarantees of agreements reached as a result of such negotiations with regard to the cessation and the non-resumption of armed and other interference in Afghanistan's affairs must be an integral part of a political settlement. We agree that the discussion pertaining to working out such guarantees and determining which countries would be guarantors be started simultaneously with and conducted parallel with bilateral or trilateral negotiations among Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran.\n323.\tThe achievement of a political settlement, including working out international guarantees, will also give an opportunity to determine by agreement between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union the timetable of the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from Afghanistan. The pullout of troops would be contingent on the progress in implementing the agreements reached; it would be conducted stage by stage.\n324.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has been authorized to start direct bilateral or trilateral negotiations with the delegations of Pakistan and Iran on the basis of the ideas I have just outlined. We are ready to discuss the ways and means of a political settlement of the situation concerning Afghanistan here and now, during the current session of the General Assembly. I call upon the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan and Iran to get down to the negotiating table and start discussion on the issues of mutual interest without further delay. I also invite the SecretaryGeneral, or his representative, to be present at these* talks.\n325.\tThere have been some references to the proposal of the Council of Ministers of the European Community concerning the so-called international conference on Afghanistan. This proposal has never been conveyed to us officially, but the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has already stated that it is unrealistic and totally unacceptable to Afghanistan. It is unacceptable because it constitutes yet another attempt to violate the sovereign rights of the Afghan people and the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and to interfere in its domestic affairs. Matters concerning the existing regime in Afghanistan, and the composition of its Government, as well as other internal issues, are not to be discussed at any international forum. These matters are being solved and will be solved in the future only by the Afghan people and not by anybody else. Besides, nobody has the right to discuss the problems pertaining to the sovereign rights and national interests of Afghanistan, including the situation concerning the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, without the participation of the legal and authentic representatives of the Afghan people, namely, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.\n326.\tThese are the main points I wanted to make on the problems concerning the maintenance of peace and security in Asia, including the area of SouthWest Asia, and on the ways and means of eliminating hotbeds of tension in this part of the globe. We are optimists, and we are confident that the will of the peoples, and their desire for peace and good-neighborly relations, will eventually prevail over the adventurous aggressive ambitions and schemes of imperialism and hegemonism, and that Asia will become a continent of peace, tranquility and mutually beneficial cooperation.\n327.\tNow let me dwell upon certain other international issues which are of special concern to the developing countries.\n328.\tThe paramount problem is the problem of curbing the arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race, which now constitutes a threat to the very existence of the human race. It is totally unacceptable that more than $500 billion should be squandered annually for military purposes, while the most acute problems of the developing countries remain unresolved.\n329.\tThere is no more important role than that of forestalling the nuclear confrontation which may wipe out hundreds of millions of human lives. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan therefore fully supports the proposal put forward at the preceding meeting from this rostrum by Andrei Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, that a declaration should be adopted by the Assembly, on behalf of all Member States, solemnly proclaiming that any States and statesmen who were the first to use nuclear weapons would be committing the gravest crime against humanity. This is a simple and straightforward idea, appealing to the people of all continents and all countries, but its adoption will also be a decisive step in the direction of preventing a nuclear disaster and a reliable barrier in the path of those who contemplate such plans.\n330.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan also fully supports the proposal of the Soviet Union at the preceding meeting to stop the production of nuclear weapons and reduce the stockpiles of such weapons with a view to their complete destruction. We know that in 1979 this proposal was conveyed to the Committee on Disarmament but discussion of this vital problem is being blocked by China and some Western countries. We feel that the Assembly should call on the Committee on Disarmament to expedite the practical discussion of this issue.\n331.\tNegotiations on some other aspects of checking the nuclear arms race should also be speed up. We note with great satisfaction the readiness of the Soviet Union to continue talks with the United States on the qualitative and quantitative limitation of strategic nuclear arms. We think the Assembly should urge the United States to take a more positive stand on this vitally important issue.\n332.\tAfghanistan is in favor of resumption at the earliest moment of talks between the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom on banning nuclear weapons tests. We also support the idea of creating a special working group within the Committee on Disarmament to help resolve the problem. The threat of a nuclear holocaust would be somewhat lessened if an international convention were signed aimed at strengthening the guarantees of the security of those States which do not have such weapons in their territories.\n333.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan welcomes initiatives aimed at preventing the use of outer space for military purposes and promoting international peaceful cooperation in space. Therefore, we fully support the proposal of the Soviet Union to work out a treaty banning the placement in outer space of weapons of "any kind. Such a treaty would be a reliable barrier to the arms race in outer space, which could have unpredictable consequences.\n334.\tIt is also necessary to expedite the negotiations on a comprehensive agreement banning new kinds and new systems of weapons of mass destruction, as well as on agreements and conventions outlawing certain weapons, particularly neutron, radiological and chemical weapons.\n335.\tAs a developing country, Afghanistan regrets that until now no progress has been achieved with regard to reaching an agreement on the reduction of the military budgets of States. Such an agreement would have released funds that are so much needed by the developing countries, particularly the least developed among them, such as Afghanistan.\n336.\tWe feel that all these problems and many others can be fruitfully and constructively discussed and resolved at the second special United Nations General Assembly session on disarmament scheduled for 1982, and at the proposed world disarmament conference. Now that it is generally recognized that the international situation has dangerously deteriorated, it is more important than ever to work out and conclude a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. We call upon the Special Committee on Enhancing the Effectiveness of the Principle of NonUse of Force in International Relations to speed up the work on the relevant draft.\n337.\tThe delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is of the opinion that at its current session the General Assembly has to take most effective measures to eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid. All the United Nations Member States should totally and fully comply with the provisions of the Plan of Action for the Rill Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [General Assembly resolution 35/118, annex],\n338.\tThis is particularly important since during the last few weeks the world has witnessed insolent and arrogant attempts by certain Western countries to revive the worst practices of the colonialist imperialist diktat and to suppress the peoples fighting for their freedom.\n339.\tThe highhanded bloody tactics of the Pretoria regime, which not only brutally suppresses the indigenous population of South Africa and Namibia but commits acts of aggression against independent sovereign States, are a clearcut demonstration of such arrogance and insolence. The outrageous behavior of Pretoria would have been impossible if it had not been supported and armed by certain Western Powers, particularly the United States. The Pretoria regime and the so-called contact group of the five countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in violation of the well-known decisions of the United Nations, particularly resolution 435 (1978) of the Security Council, are trying hard to install in Namibia a puppet government and deprive SWAPO of its legitimate role in shaping the future of that Territory.\n340.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan resolutely condemns these neo-colonialist maneuvers by the Western Powers and Pretoria. We are in favor of real independence for Namibia and the transfer of power without any further delay to SWAPO, which is the only legitimate, authentic representative of the Namibian people, recognized by the United Nations and the QAU.\n341.\tAfghanistan supports the demand for the most effective and stringent sanctions against Pretoria as provided for in Chapter VU of the Charter. We are also for strict compliance with the sanctions against the apartheid regime already imposed by the Security Council. We resolutely condemn the armed aggression of Pretoria against Angola and strongly deplore the recent United States veto of a Security Council resolution censoring Pretoria for this aggression. Our solidarity is with our fraternal Angolan people defending their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Afghan delegation voted in favor of the resolutions adopted at the special session of the General Assembly on Namibia and is in favor of the speediest implementation of these resolutions.\n342.\tWe support the people of Western Sahara, who are\nstruggling for their self-determination and independence.\n\n343.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan condemns the outburst of colonialism in other parts of the world as well. We are against the dismemberment and annexation of the Trust Territory of Micronesia which was carried out by the United States in total disregard of its duties as the administering Power, and in violation of the Charter.\n344.\tAfghanistan stands for the preservation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and strict respect for its policy of non alignment. In our view the real settlement of the Cyprus question can be achieved only if due account is taken of the interests of both communities, and we support the continuation of the negotiations between them.\n345.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan condemns the United States for meddling in the internal affairs of Latin America and the Caribbean countries, for its armed provocations against Cuba and Nicaragua, and its attempts to destabilize the situation in Grenada. We express our solidarity with the heroic struggle of the people of El Salvador led by the Farabundo Marti Front against the Fascist dictatorship. We are on (the side of the gallant people of Chile in its staunch resistance to the military regime.\n346.\tPeace and stability in their true meaning would not be achieved without bringing fundamental changes in the existing economic system. These changes must result in a situation that will furnish more opportunity to the developing countries whose economies have been deteriorating or on the verge of collapse.\n347.\tThe aim of the new international economic order is to establish a new economic system based on justice and equity so that there will be less of a gap between the rich and poor. The plight of the least developed countries, especially the land-locked countries, is of particular concern to Afghanistan. The geographical disadvantage of these countries has seriously affected their trade by imposing additional costs of transport, transit and transshipment.\n348.\tDue to the concerted efforts of the landlocked developing countries, the General Assembly established a Special Fund for these countries [resolutions 3504 (XXX) and 31/177]. The main purpose in establishing this Special Fund was to assist landlocked countries to achieve a higher rate of growth despite their geographical handicaps, and particularly to reduce, as much as possible, the excessive and additional transit and transport costs which they face. Unfortunately, this fund has not yet become fully operational. It is more imperative than ever to mitigate the ever increasing economic problems of these countries.\n349.\tAs one of the least developed countries, Afghanistan actively participated in the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris. Unfortunately, the hopes entertained by some of the countries of this group were somehow dashed because the Western capitalist States refused to undertake obligations which would make it possible to fulfill the targets defined by the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [General Assembly resolution 35/56, annex] with regard to the least developed countries.\n350.\tAfghanistan, however, welcomes the positive and constructive approach to the problems of the least developed countries taken at the Paris conference by the socialist countries. We are also satisfied with the all-around economic and technical cooperation between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the countries of the socialist community, particularly the Soviet Union. This cooperation is based on the principles of complete equality and mutual benefit. It is an important factor contributing to economic and social progress in Afghanistan.\n351.\tThe conscience of the world calls more than ever before for action to eliminate poverty, hunger and underdevelopment. Equality can never be claimed while there is hunger beside waste, poverty beside abundance, and a difference of opinion on the definition of equity and equality.\n352.\tIn the present tense international situation the United Nations is called upon to play a much more effective role in working out arrangements which could help preserve peace and maintain international security. We feel that the Charter has not yet been fully used in this respect as an instrument of peace. For this reason Afghanistan supports the Soviet proposal 22 to convene a special series of meetings of the Security Council with the participation of State leaders in order to search for ways to improve the world political climate.\n353.\tWe feel that it is important to make more effective and constructive use of the Charter in its present form.\n354.\tIn conclusion, let me express the hope that the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly will be a momentous event in the efforts of peace-loving peoples of the world to avert the danger of a nuclear war and preserve peace for the present and future generations.
## 25 May I, on behalf of the delegation of the \nDemocratic Republic of Afghanistan, congratulate \nMr. Hollai of Hungary on his election to the high \noffice of the presidency of the thirty-seventh \nsession of the General Assembly. His election to \nthat important post is not only precognition of \nhis professional and human qualities, but also a \nwell-deserved tribute to his country, with which \nwe enjoy the best of relations. These relations \nwere further consolidated by the signing 10 days \nago of the Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation \nbetween our two countries during the visit of \nBabrak Karmal, General Secretary of the Central \nCommittee of the People's Democratic Party of \nAfghanistan and President of the Revolutionary \nCouncil, to his fraternal country. I hope that \nunder his presidency the current session of the \nGeneral Assembly will make a notable contribution \nto the cause of strengthening international peace \nand security. I should like to assure him that \nthe Afghan delegation will fully co-operate with \nhim and help him in every way to discharge his \nduties. May I also express my appreciation to his \npredecessor, the prominent Iraqi statesman and \ndiplomat, Mr. Kittani, for his skilful conduct of \nthe deliberations of the last few sessions of the \nGeneral Assembly. I should further like to pay a \ntribute to the Secretary-General for his tireless \nefforts to make the United Nations more efficient \nin maintaining peace and security.\nAt the thirty-sixth session, during the general \ndebate, we spoke at length about two trends in \nthe world arena. Since then the confrontation of \nthese two trends has acquired a still more acute \nand tense character.\nNumerous facts in international affairs clearly \ntestify to a growth in the tendencies of the \nforeign policy of the imperialist forces, the \nUnited States of America in the first place. The \nimperialists are engaged in all-round \npsychological and material preparations for war, \ncarrying on the arms race on an unprecedented \nscale and building up their military strength \nboth qualitatively and quantitatively. Their \ninterference in the affairs of sovereign States \nis being expanded, special forces are being set \nup for armed intervention, their military \npresence in various parts of the world is being \nincreased old bases are being modernized and new \nones are being established. One of the negative \nconsequences of that policy is the fact that the \nnon-aligned developing countries are becoming \nmore and more involved in the ruinous arms race, \nwhich undermines their struggle to achieve \neconomic independence and social progress. The \nimperialist policy of the use of force has \ndragged the whole world closer to the edge of \nnuclear catastrophe. That is an alarming reality \nof the present- day situation, which poses a \nserious threat to the very existence of all \ncountries and peoples, large or small, developed \nor developing. This threat urgently demands the \ncollective efforts of all peoples of the entire \nglobe to put an end to the arms race, \nparticularly the nuclear one, to prevent the \nimperialist, adventurist and militarist circles \nfrom carrying on their mad drive towards a new \nwar, to improve the international climate, to \nfind solutions to the crucial problems at the \nnegotiation table and to secure peace all over \nthe world. The concern of millions of people over \nthe destiny of mankind was vividly expressed in \nthe statements by most of the delegations during \nthe second special session of the General \nAssembly on disarmament and in the mass \nmanifestations throughout the world.\nTo avert the threat of an outbreak of a \nthermonuclear war is the main and primary task of \nthe United Nations, which was created for the \nvery purpose of preserving peace and preventing \nthe destruction of man's civilization. In a world \nwhere attempts are made in some quarters to \nconvince the public of the admissibility of \n"limited" or "protracted" nuclear war, will the \nOrganization be able to prevent the world from \nslipping into such a war? We hold the strong \nopinion that it is within our ability to avert \nthe danger of a nuclear holocaust. The policies \nand the tireless efforts of the peace-loving \nforces, represented by socialist States and the \nnon-aligned countries, are aimed at that very \npurpose. It is only natural that we have given \nour support to all initiatives and proposals for \ncurbing the arms race and, first of all, the \nprevention of the use or threat of use of nuclear \nweapons. We regard the unilateral declaration by \nthe Soviet Union on non-first-use of nuclear \nweapons as a gigantic step towards reducing the \ndanger of the outbreak of a nuclear \nconfrontation. If complemented by similar \ndeclarations by the other nuclear-weapon States, \nthe possibility of such an outbreak would be \nreduced to naught.\nWe also warmly welcome the two new proposals by \nthe Soviet Union which were advanced in the \nstatement of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet \nUnion, Mr. Andrei Gromyko, aimed at warding off \nthe threat of nuclear war and achieving the \ncessation of the nuclear arms race.\nWe earnestly hope that the thirty-seventh session \nof the General Assembly will give a strong \nimpetus to the negotiations on the most urgent \nconcrete problems—halting the arms race and \nachieving real disarmament—and thus help to \nconsolidate international detente.\nCountries in different parts of the world are \nraising more and more insistently the question of \nadopting and carrying out regional measures aimed \nat creating more harmonious relations among the \ncountries of their regions and promoting \nstability, which in turn would strengthen \ninternational peace and security.\nIn this connection I should like to say that the \narmed incursions with the use of sophisticated \nweaponry into the Democratic Republic of \nAfghanistan still continue unabated, which \naggravates the situation around Afghanistan.\nThe hypocritical and demagogic approach of the \nimperialist countries, particularly the United \nStates, the Chinese hegemonists and other \nreactionary quarters is yet another obstacle to \nthe steady and natural improvement of the \nsituation in the region of South-West Asia. In \naddition to the previous United States \nAdministration's covert and overt actions, the \nUnited States Senate took another provocative \ndecision in recent days on the supply of arms to \nthe bands of terrorists attacking Afghanistan \nfrom abroad. This is an of clear and outright \ninterference in the internal affairs of a State \nMember of the United Nations and is a blatant \nviolation of international law and all norms \ngoverning international relations. It is \ntantamount to instigating terrorism against a \nsmall country and exporting terrorism into that \ncountry. It must be firmly condemned, and we \nbelieve that the international community will \ntake note of it.\nWe emphatically state to the aforementioned \nquarters and to all others who still cherish the \nillusion of turning back the wheels of history in \nAfghanistan that our heroic nation has determined \nits destiny once and for all and is resolved to \nconstruct an independent, democratic and just \nsystem. With or without the obstructionist \ndesigns adopted by the enemies of our revolution, \nthe glorious march towards those goals will \ncontinue unhindered.\nAs for the present-day situation inside my \ncountry, the corrective actions and principled \nline of the Revolutionary Government have yielded \nthe fruits which were expected. A greater degree \nof stability and normalcy has made possible the \nspeedy recovery of economic and social \nactivities. As a result of the recent call made \nby Babrak Karmal, large numbers of Afghan \nnationals who had gone to the neighbouring \ncountries for various reasons have returned to \ntheir homes. Had certain quarters not created \nobstacles, the number of returnees would have \nbeen much higher. More and more sectors of the \nsociety are how rallying behind their Government \nand taking an active part in the defence of the \nrevolution and its achievements.\nThe mercenaries and hirelings of imperialism and \ninternational reactionary forces are suffering \nsevere blows; most of their hideouts have been \nwiped out and their arms captured. Needless to \nsay, banditry and terrorism would have long since \nvanished were they not supported, financed and \nequipped from external quarters. These \ninterventions and incursions constitute the cause \nof instability and differences in our region \nwhich can and must be tackled by peaceful means, \nthrough negotiations. Time has demonstrated the \nvalidity of our approach to the problem and has \nclearly shown that our initiatives put forward on \n15 May 1980 and 24 August 1981 are flexible and \nrealistic enough to be a sound basis for a \ncomprehensive settlement of the situation and \nnormalization of relations among neighbouring \ncountries.\nWe shall continuously and sincerely pursue our \nefforts for the resolution of the situation \naround Afghanistan. As was stated by Babrak \nKarmal at the ninth plenum of the Central \nCommittee of the People's Democratic Party of \nAfghanistan:\n"We have declared many a time and once again \nproclaim that it is our desire to make our \nrelations with our eastern and western \nneighbours, that is, Pakistan and Iran, normal \nand even friendly on the basis of good will and \nreason through constructive talks. ... the Geneva \ntalks showed that foundations existed for the \nachievement of agreements acceptable to both \nsides on all of the issues concerning an \nall-sided critical solution and that only good \nwill and understanding were needed to solve the \nexisting differences. We are ready, as far as the \nDemocratic Republic of Afghanistan is concerned, \nto meet them half-way in order to improve \nconditions in the region and to normalize our \nrelations with them."\nWe express our appreciation to the Secretary- \nGeneral and his personal representative, Mr. \nDiego Cordovez, for their efforts to bring the \nparties concerned closer in order to achieve a \nnegotiated settlement, and assure them of our \ncontinued co-operation.\nThe question of strengthening security and easing \ntension in the Indian Ocean has acquired great \nurgency in the past few years. The right of the \nnations of that region to peaceful life and their \ndesire to concentrate their efforts on their \neconomic and social development have been \njeopardized by the increased military activity of \nthe United States, by its constant blocking of \nthe efforts to convene the Conference on the \nIndian Ocean. We have invariably supported the \ndesire of the coastal States of the Indian Ocean \nto turn that region into a zone of peace where \nall foreign military bases would be dismantled \nand no one would threaten the security, \nindependence and sovereignty of the States in the \nregion. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan \nresolutely supports the holding of the Conference \nin Colombo on 9 May 1983 as proposed by \nnon-aligned countries that are members of the \n/If? Committee on the Indian Ocean We reaffirm \nour support for the proposal by the President of \nthe Democratic Republic of Madagascar, Mr. \nRatsiraka, for the convening of a summit \nconference of hinterland and littoral States of \nthe Indian Ocean region, to be held in \nAntananarivo.\nIn the context of regional security my delegation \nspeaks out in favour of the initiative of the \nMongolian People's Republic on the signing of a \nconvention on mutual non-aggression and non-use \nof force in the Asian and Pacific region. The \ndecision and proposals of the Conference of \nForeign Ministers of the three Indo-Chinese \ncountries held in Ho Chi Minh City on 6 and 7 \nJuly 1982 constitutes a concrete and realistic \nprogramme for the normalization of the situation \nin that region of South-east Asia. These steps, \nif accepted, will undoubtedly contribute to a \nsubstantial improvement in the political climate \nin the region in favour of peace, stability and \nco-operation between the Indo-Chinese countries \nand the countries members of the Association of \nSouth-east Asian Nations.\nThe recent setting up of the so-called Coalition \nGovernment is but a scheme of China in collusion \nwith United States imperialism and other \nreactionary forces to cover up the abominable \nface of the genocidal Pol Pot clique and to be \nused as an instrument against the rebirth of the \nKampuchean people and for interference in the \ninternal affairs of the People's Republic of \nKampuchea, to create tension and to haltthe \ntendency towards reconciliation and co-operation \nin the region.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan also \nsupports the proposals of the Democratic People's \nRepublic of Korea for the reunification of Korea \nin a peaceful and democratic way as a \nconstructive step towards peace and stability in \nthe region.\nAfter over three decades of wars and \nconfrontations the situation in the Middle East \nhas acquired still further explosive dimensions \ndue to the aggressive, expansionist and racist \nnature of the Zionist entity supported by United \nStates imperialism. During the recent Israeli \naggression against Lebanon the world was outraged \nto witness how far Washington's support of Tel \nAviv's aggressive plans spreads and how \ndisproportionately great are the ambitions of the \nIsraeli leaders, who are ready to use every means \navailable to achieve their delirious \nover-ambitious aims regarding the creation of \nGreater Israel.\nThe hideous Israeli crimes of genocide and \nmassacre of the Palestinian civilians in the \nrefugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in west Beirut \nwill forever remain unsurpassed in the history of \nmankind. But the Israeli aggressors and their \nAmerican patrons must remember that the popular \nmovement based on the legitimate aspirations of \nthe Palestinians cannot be suppressed by brute \nforce. The Palestinian people will never be \ncrushed by an aggressor. Their just cause will \neventually triumph. It is evident that the \naggressor would not be able to behave so brazenly \nif its partner in strategic co-operation were not \nthe biggest imperialist Power. That is why the \nUnited States shares responsibility for the \nhorrendous crimes that have been and are being \ncommitted in Lebanon.\nIsrael's designs to win an easy victory by \nforcing the Palestinians to surrender proved to \nbe miscalculations. The aggressors met with \nvaliant resistance from the Palestinians, the \npatriotic Lebanese forces and the Syrian armed \nforces, whose courage has won them admiration.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a \nstaunch supporter of the Palestinian and Arab \ncause, once again expresses its all-round \nsolidarity with our Palestinian brothers in their \nheroic struggle. We demand the immediate and \ncomplete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all \noccupied Arab territories and restoration of the \ninalienable rights of the Palestinian people, \nincluding their right to establish their national \nState in Palestine.\nAfghanistan believes that it is now imperative to \nstart a collective search for an all-embracing, \njust and realistic settlement in the Middle East \nwithin the framework of a specially convened \ninternational conference as set out in the \nBrezhnev six-point plan. We have also noted with \ninterest the relevant outcome of the Twelfth Arab \nSummit Conference, held at Fez.\nAt its thirty-seventh session the General \nAssembly is expected to bring pressure to bear on \nthe Zionists and their imperialist supporters, \nparticularly United States imperialism, with a \nview to ensuring full compliance with the \nrepeated calls of the international community.\nSince the beginning of the unfortunate armed \nconflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of \nIran, the continuation of which will seriously \naffect not only those two neighbouring Islamic \ncountries but the entire region, we have \nsincerely hoped that the Governments of Iran and \nIraq will desist from actions that may cause the \nsituation to worsen still further and that they \nwill find peaceful ways and means of resolving \ntheir disputes.\nWe express our appreciation for the work done by \nthe Secretary-General and his mission in this \nregard. We urge him to continue his efforts aimed \nat finding a just and peaceful solution to this \ntragic conflict.\nAs in the past, Afghanistan expresses its full \nsupport for the independence, sovereignty, \nterritorial integrity, unity and non-aligned \nstatus of the Republic of Cyprus.\nWe stand side by side with our African brothers \nin their struggle against imperialism, \ncolonialism, neo colonialism and\tfor \nindependence, social justice and development.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly supports the \npeople of Namibia, which, under the leadership of \ntheir sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, are \nstruggling against the apartheid regime's \noccupation,\nWe reaffirm our solidarity with the heroic \npeoples of South Africa in their struggle to free \nthemselves from the abhorrent system of \napartheid. We resolutely condemn the South \nAfrican racist regime's continued aggression \nagainst Angola and other front-line States and \nits attempts to topple the Governments of some \nindependent African countries, particularly that \nof Seychelles.\nIn our view the Assembly should take action to \nincrease assistance to the national liberation \nmovements with a view to accelerating exercise of \nthe right of self-determination and the \nindependence of peoples still under alien and \ncolonial domination.\nIt is in this context that we express support for \nthe struggle of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic \nRepublic for full sovereignty over its territory.\nWe are in solidarity with the people of Puerto \nRico trying to exercise their right to \nself-determination and full independence.\nMy delegation reaffirms the fU.t support of the \nDemocratic Republic of Afghanistan for \nMauritius's sovereignty over Diego Garcia Island.\nWe also strongly demand the return of the \nMalagasy Islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, \nEuropa and Bassas da India to the Democratic \nRepublic of Madagascar.\nIt is our belief that the Malvinas Islands are an \nintegral part of the Argentine Republic.\nThe situation in Central and Latin America and in \nthe Caribbean has been further aggravated as a \nresult of the interventionist, aggressive \npolicies of the United States.\nWhile strongly condemning the sinister plots of \nthe United States Administration in the region, \nthe Government of the Democratic Republic of \nAfghanistan expresses full solidarity with the \nrevolutionary peoples of Cuba, Nicaragua, \nGrenada, El Salvador and other peoples of Latin \nAmerica in their struggle against United States \nimperialism.\nThe present state of the international economic \nsituation constitutes a source of deep concern \nfor the developing countries. The reluctance of \ncertain capitalist countries regarding the \nlaunching of a genuine dialogue with the \ndeveloping countries within the framework of the \nUnited Nations has so far prevented the \nachievement of agreements on structural changes \nin the mechanism of international economic \nrelations. The prevailing uncertainty about the \nworld economy clearly shows the essential need \nfor a new and just international economic order \nthat would benefit all. Therefore no effort \nshould be spared within the framework of the \nUnited Nations and within the regional \norganizations to overcome the disparities of the \npresent situation. That situation, coupled with \nthe economic policies adopted by many Western \ncountries, places serious constraint for the \ndeveloping countries, attempts to attain the \ngrowth rates established in the International \nDevelopment Strategy for the Third United Nations \nDevelopment Decade. This adverse impact has been \nparticularly grave for the least developed \nlandlocked countries. Their growth rate has been \nretarded, and they have witnessed an actual \ndecline in their per capita gross domestic \nproduct in recent years. While in 1970 the \naverage per capita gross national product of the \nleast developed countries was 36.3 per cent of \nthat of all developing countries, it declined \nfurther, at the end of 1979, to 29.1 per cent.\nCompared with the average annual growth of 3.1 \nper cent in the gross domestic product of all \ndeveloping countries in past decade, the \nachievement of the least developer countries was \neven less than one per cent during the same \nperiod. We thus emphasize the need for special \nmeasures, large-scale assistance and continued \nsupport by the international community for the \ndevelopment of the least developed countries and \nwe stress the need for full and timely \nimplementation of the Substantial New Programme \nof Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed \nCountries adopted in Paris.\nThe distinctive and disadvantageous position of \nland-locked countries and their need for adequatetransport \nand transit facilities in the promotion of their \ntrade and economic development has been \nrecognized by various United Nations agencies and \ninternational conferences, and numerous \nresolutions have been adopted specifically to \novercome those problems. However, it is \nregrettable that effective and full \nimplementation of those decisions, including the \nestablishment of a Special Fund for Land-locked \nDeveloping Countries, has not materialized.\nWe stress the importance of economic cooperation \namong developing countries as a means of \npromoting the rational and efficient use of \nhuman, material and financial resources available \nfor the progress of developing countries. I \nshould also like to stress that the international \ncommunity should generate the necessary pressure \nto put an end to the arms race, in order to \nrelease the enormous resources badly needed for \ndevelopment programmes for the developing \ncountries. Realistically, it would be impossible \nto analyse in one statement all the economic, \nsocial, political and security problems facing \nour world. It is even less possible to suggest \nthe solutions required for those problems. \nNevertheless, due attention must be paid to those \nwhich are outstanding and remain global in \ncharacter.\nTo underline the approach taken by the Democratic \nRepublic of Afghanistan to those problems, allow \nme to quote briefly from a statement by Babrak \nKarmal:\n"The Government of the Democratic Republic of \nAfghanistan, in full harmony with its decisive \nrevolutionary domestic policy, follows a \nprincipled, peaceful path in its relations with \nall countries of the world. Afghanistan is and \nwill remain a non- aligned nation. We will \nprofoundly and actively support the principles of \npositive and active non- alignment, peaceful \ncoexistence, the policy of detente and general \ndisarmament. And we will fight against \nwarmongers, against old and neocolonialism, \nagainst imperialism and Zionism, against fascism \nand racism, against racial discrimination and \ntogether with the peace-loving forces in a vast \nglobal front."\n
## 26 66.\t May I, at the outset, Sir, express to you the sincere felicitations of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and my own congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We feel certain that, experienced diplomat of high calibre that you undoubtedly are, your very able and efficient guidance of the present session will ensure its success. I wish to assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation in carrying out your responsibilities.\n67.\tI should also like to pay a warm tribute to Mr. Imre Hollai, President of the thirty-seventh session, for the excellent and exemplary manner in which he conducted the work of that session.\n68.\tOur appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General for his untiring endeavours to enhance the effectiveness and moral prestige of the Organization.\n69.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, like any other nation of the world, has a high stake in preserving the United Nations as a universal instrument for \nmaintaining peace and security and promoting friendship, co-operation and detente among nations.\n70.\tAnother year of turbulence, insecurity and innumerable political, social and economic problems is added to the history of our world. No doubt it was the wish of the entire membership that we would be able to report on the achievement of those goals which we ourselves set in the Charter of the United Nations as of primary significance to all of us.\n71.\tSeparate and isolated examples notwithstanding, not only did the problems of a global nature, to our disappointment, maintain their grim character, but some of those international problems acquired a sharp turn for the worse.\n72.\tThe threat of a nuclear war has never been more imminent than it seems to be in the present state of international relations. Not only has the psychological and material drive towards such a catastrophe continued unabated, but the pace of the nuclear arms race, as well as the conventional arms spree, reached unprecedented levels.\n73.\tThe horrendous doctrines of security through force, negotiating from strength, limited or protracted nuclear war, have been the predominant shadows hanging over the life of our planet during the last year. The threat to the very survival of the human race is ever more evident, particularly in the light of the present United States Administration's policy of rearmament and all-out confrontation.\n74.\tThe powerful cry of the masses throughout the world for an immediate halt to the arms race and for disarmament, particularly in its nuclear aspect, has gone unheard. The numerous resolutions of the General Assembly to that end have been irresponsibly shelved by those in United States warmongering circles. In total disregard of the demands and against the interests of the overwhelming majority of nations, which found reflection in those resolutions, the United States Congress hastened to approve one bill after another allocating billions of dollars for the production of such monstrous and horrifying weapons of mass destruction as MX, Pershing II and cruise missiles, so-called binary chemical weapons, Trident submarines, B-l strategic bombers, and so on. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a member of the family of nations which would inevitably become innocent victims of a nuclear world war, cannot but vehemently condemn the militaristic course adopted by the United States Administration and Congress.\n75.\tIt is with that consideration in mind that we follow with great concern the developments resulting from the United States plans to deploy hundreds of Pershing II and cruise missiles on the European continent, where disproportionately large destructive potential has already accumulated. If that United States aggressive design to gain military superiority over the Soviet Union in Europe and elsewhere is carried out as planned, we are certain that another spiralling arms race will become all the more probable, thus threatening more than ever before the existence of mankind.\n76.\tTherefore, it is the first and foremost task of the international community to avert the danger of a thermonuclear holocaust.\n77.\tThe constructive and realistic proposals of the Soviet Union on the limitation of nuclear weapons in Europe, its unilateral declaration that it will not be the first to use nuclear weapons and the recent proposals put forward by Yuri Andropov have received the overwhelming support of the international community. We reaffirm our full support for those initiatives and for the proposal of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty that a treaty on the mutual non M , of military force and the maintenance of relations of peace be concluded between them and the member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. We support the proposals recently put forward by the Soviet Union in the letters of Andrei Gromyko to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and associate ourselves with the request that they be included in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly.\n78.\tQuestions relating to the world economy, to international economic relations and to development are directly related to those of peace and stability. The outlook for world economic development and co-operation depends on the success of peace-loving forces in achieving the principal purpose of the Charter of the United Nations, which is to save succeeding generations from the scourge and horrors of war and to preserve and strengthen peace. It is a fact that the enormous resources being squandered on the unproductive arms race could very usefully be allocated to development activities and international economic co-operation.\n79.\tThis session of the General Assembly is held against the background of extremely difficult and severe international economic conditions. The prolonged crisis in the world capitalist system has adversely affected the national economies of the developing countries and international economic relations as a whole.\n80.\tThe gap between the levels of economic development in the developed and the developing countries is widening, and it is becoming more difficult to carry out the tasks and reach the targets of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. The process of restructuring international economic relations and the implementation of the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order have been drastically slowed down and even halted. I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the alarming situation and economic crisis being faced by the least developed countries, particularly those in a more disadvantageous situation because of their geographic location as land-locked countries. The painfully slow pace at which the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries' is being implemented is especially disappointing. We urge the international community to implement fully and effectively the Substantial New Programme of Action and provide financial assistance to the least developed countries in amounts and on terms which correspond to their immediate and long-term development needs.\n81.\tThe enormous burden of economic problems weighing on the vast majority of nations has become all the heavier as a result of the increased use of the international financial system as a means of pressure and intimidation to promote the selfish political and economic interests of the world's capitalist masters.\n82.\tHotbeds of tension and trouble spots throughout the world have been further inflamed by a higher profile of imperialist military presence, particularly that of United States imperialism, that tends to internationalize some internal, bilateral or regional problems. There is hardly any place in the world where the ominous presence of the imperialist interventionist forces has not resulted in the escalation of the threat to the security and stability of the countries in those regions. \n\n83.\tIn the Indian Ocean the United States naval presence has increased many times over the past few years, and the nations of the region still await the realization of their long-cherished aspiration to turn it into a zone of peace.\n84.\tActing in stark contrast to the desires of the surrounding nations, which want to see the Indian Ocean and the adjacent areas free from foreign military bases and installations, the United States has drastically increased its military build-up on the Mauritian island of Diego Garcia. It was in conformity with its expansionist policy that the United States and its allies torpedoed the holding of the Conference on the Indian Ocean, which\n- the non-aligned members of the 4(7 Committee on the Indian Ocean had proposed should be held last May at Colombo.\n85.\tThe call of the President of Madagascar, Mr. Ratsiraka, for a summit conference of hinterland and littoral States of the Indian Ocean, which initiative is fully supported by my Government, also encounters obstacles put up by those in imperialist quarters.\n86.\tWe expect this session of the General Assembly to call for the expeditious conclusion of the preparatory work and for the convening of the Conference on the Indian Ocean not later than 1984.\n87.\tThe cold and negative response of some countries to such an important initiative as the proposal by the Mongolian People's Republic for a convention on mutual non-aggression and non-use of force in relations between the States of Asia and the Pacific has put off the achievement of overall peace and stability in those regions.\n88.\tDespite the obvious failure of imperialistic and hegemonistic designs against the People's Republic of Kampuchea, those countries have yet to submit to realities that are not to their liking. It is high time for the international community to restore to the people of Kampuchea their legitimate right to be represented in the Assembly. Numerous proposals by the three countries of Indo-China, and especially the recent proposal advanced by the summit conference of those countries aimed at normalization of the situation in the region of South-East Asia have opened up promising prospects for the cessation of regional hostilities.\n89.\tIn the Middle East, the course of events has been anything but encouraging. Palestinian and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem and Syria's Golan Heights, remain under the heels of Israeli occupation forces. The denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, which constitutes the core of the problem, together with the Zionist ambitions for & Greater Israel, have turned the whole region into a permanent threat to the security of the entire world. It is our belief that Israel's arrogant defiance of international norms and principles would long since have submitted to the moral pressure of world public opinion had United States imperialism denied Israel the political, financial and military means that it so generously extends to the Zionist war machine.\n90.\tSince last year the situation in Lebanon has continued to be fraught with the danger of provoking another all-out war in the Middle East. The replacement of Israeli forces in Beirut by the contingents of NATO countries and their brazen intervention in the internal hostilities have added seriously to the concern that the conflict in Lebanon may quickly become internationalized. We condemn the barbaric shelling of the Lebanese towns and villages by United States naval forces.\n91.\tThe events of the past few years have delivered a rebuff to all attempts to isolate the integral components\nof the Middle East crisis by prescribing separate deals and collusive agreements for their solution.\n92.\tThe cessation of the Israeli aggression against Arab countries, the immediate and complete evacuation of Israeli forces from the occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories and the exercise by the Palestinian people, under the leadership of their sole and legitimate representative the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], of their right to self-determination are thus the prerequisites for achieving the long-overdue comprehensive settlement.\n93.\tThe International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983, has given us the most recent evaluation by the international community of this unfortunate problem that has been weighing on its conscience for almost three and a half decades. There it was reaffirmed once again that there could be no lasting, comprehensive and just solution of the problem of the Middle East unless the people of Palestine effectively exercised their inalienable rights, including the right to establish their own national State in Palestine. In conformity with paragraph 6 of the Geneva Declaration on Palestine, we call on the Security Council to create appropriate institutional arrangements for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East.\n94.\tHere we should like to reiterate our firm support for the valiant Palestinian, Syrian and Lebanese patriots in their heroic struggle against imperialist and Zionist aggression and occupation.\n95.\tThe southern part of Africa remains a constant target of the Pretoria regime's policy of racist repression within South Africa, occupation and suppression in Namibia and aggression and acts of intimidation against independent African countries of the region.\n96.\tThe period under review has not failed to produce much new evidence of apartheid regime's intransigence with regard to the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia; nor has it been without new examples of Pretoria's destabilizing and aggressive designs against Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho and other neighbouring countries. The brutal murder by the\nregime of several South African freedom fighters, in complete disregard of the repeated demands for clemency, proved once again that the regime in South Africa has no intention whatsoever, despite what is said in certain capitals, of introducing any meaningful change in its criminal and abhorrent system.\n97.\tThe heavy reliance of the Pretoria regime on the support it receives from capitalist countries, particularly from United States imperialism, has enabled it to block any solution to the overriding problems for which that regime is responsible. We pledge our total support to the front-line States, to the heroic people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and to the oppressed people of South Africa and their vanguard, the African National Congress.\n98.\tWe stand by our Libyan brothers in the face of repeated open violation of their sovereignty and independence by the United States, and we call for an immediate end to such threats.\n99.\tThe situation in Central America has become a source of increasing concern, not only for the people of the region, but for the entire international community as well. That the main cause of tension and hostility in the area lies in the interventionist and aggressive policy of the United States is beyond question. \n\n100.\tPlots and machinations aimed at Nicaragua through the organizing, training and arming of the Somozist counterrevolutionaries and their dispatch into that country from neighbouring countries to commit acts of subversion and sabotage and to undermine the revolution have continued to increase. The piratic air attack on the city of Managua demonstrated the brazen nature of the escalating aggression against Nicaragua.\n101.\tDuring the course of the past year the imperialist blockade of the revolutionary peoples of Cuba, Grenada and Suriname has tightened, while resort to the use of economic assistance as a means to bring pressure to bear against a number of other Latin American countries has become an increasingly important part of the United States design to challenge the free will of the people of the continent.\n102.\tWe demand the early return to Cuba of its territory illegally occupied by the United States naval base at Guantanamo.\nWe reiterate our support for the initiative of the States members of the Contadora Group in finding an amicable and peaceful solution to the present situation in Central America. Our solidarity is always with national liberation movements, including those of El Salvador, Chile and Guatemala.\n106.\tWe would like to express our disappointment at the failure of the many different endeavours by the international community to bring about the cessation of hostilities between the two neighbouring Islamic countries of Iran and Iraq. Continuation of that senseless bloodshed, which has already led to enormous material and human losses, can only serve the interests of imperialism by providing it with a pretext for military intervention in the region. It is our earnest hope that an end can be put to this fratricidal war as soon as possible.\n107.\tOur position on the question of Cyprus remains unchanged. We express our full support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non- aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. We demand the withdrawal of occupation forces from that country.\n108.\tWe reaffirm our support for the peaceful reunification of Korea on the basis of the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.\n109.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as a staunch fighter in the cause of decolonization, is in favour of the speedy exercise by the people of Puerto Rico of their right to self-determination and independence, of restitution of the Malvinas Islands to the Argentine Republic, of recognition of the right of the people of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic to self-determination and of the return of the Malagasy Islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europe and Bassas da India to the Democratic Republic of Madagascar.\n110.\tWe had hoped that the period since the last session of the General Assembly might witness a decrease in the tension in the region of South-West Asia that could pave the way for the creation of an atmosphere of trust and confidence conducive to negotiations among Afghanistan and two of its neighbours. The unfortunate reality of the continuing undeclared imperialist war of reaction being waged against my people, principally Rom the territory of Pakistan, constitutes the stumbling block to the conclusion of an agreement on the basis of which the future relationships of our countries will be founded.\n111.\tThis unholy war, which is in fact a regional extension of the global imperialist plot to destabilize and subdue independent and sovereign nations and to force them into the imperialist orbit, is masterminded by aggressive circles in the United States and carried out with the hegemonistic and other reactionary countries and forces of the region as accomplices. The destructive inhuman, medieval and uncivilized nature of that undeclared war indicates the true outlines of the self-proclaimed posture of humanism, morality and freedom adopted by United States imperialism and Chinese hegemonism and their reactionary allies.\n112.\tThe losses suffered by our people since the beginning of the undeclared war against our revolution are of enormous proportions. As a result of the subversive activities of the counter-revolutionary gangs, exported mainly from Pakistan, half of all schools in the country, 50 per cent of our hospitals, 14 per cent of public-transport motor vehicles, 75 per cent of all communication lines, a number of hydroelectric and thermal power installations of the country, and other public facilities have been destroyed. The total cost to our economy comes to some 24 billion Afghanis, which amounts to half the total development investment made in the 20 years prior to the 27 April 1978 revolution.\n113.\tLet me declare before this gathering that the heroic Afghan people will not be deterred from the principled path they have chosen. They are prepared to make further sacrifices to safeguard their revolution and their socio-political system.\n114.\tThanks to the determination of our toiling people, to the carefully planned economic policy of the revolutionary Government and to the all-around assistance received from fraternal countries, especially the Soviet Union, our national economy has been steadily stabilized and has already embarked on the path of consistent growth. In light of the present pace of implementation of the five-year socio-economic development plan, we look forward to exceeding the targets set by that plan.\n115.\tThe devotion of our revolutionary armed forces, the active participation of the masses in the defense of the evolution, the surrender en masse of the counterrevolutionary gangs to the security forces and their subsequent organization into committees for the defence of the revolution have, all in all, contributed to the continued process of normalization throughout the country and to the strengthening of the local organs of State power.\n116.\tI should like to put on record my Government's sincere appreciation of the efforts of the Secretary- General of the United Nations and his representative to normalize the situation around Afghanistan. Despite the complexity of the issues involved, and in view of the present format of negotiations, tangible progress has been made in the course of the negotiating process being carried out at Geneva between Afghanistan and Pakistan through the intermediary of Mr. Diego Cordovez, the representative of the Secretary-General.\n117.\tAs is obvious, armed interference aimed at the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from the territory of Pakistan is the root cause of the problem around Afghanistan. It is therefore the cessation of that interference which should constitute the main purpose of the negotiations. With the solution of this aspect of the problem, and after reliable international guarantees on the non-resumption of interference have been secured, conditions would prevail which would facilitate the return of the Afghans temporarily living beyond our frontiers. This is clearly envisaged in our proposals of 15 May 1980 and 24 August 1981.\n118.\tWe are certain that with a sense of realism, political will and sincerity it should be possible to achieve through direct negotiations a final agreement which, if faithfully \nimplemented, would serve the cause of stability and peace in the region.\n119.\tAfghanistan pursues an independent, peaceful and active non-aligned policy. We are determined to follow that course in the future, in conformity with the aspirations of our people regarding their potential. This position is also based on our overall analysis of the increasingly crucial role being played by the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries in international relations. We are committed to the decisions of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi from 7 to 12 March 1983 under the very able guidance of the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. India Gandhi. We shall spare no effort, individually and in co-operation with others, in order to give effect to the decisions of that Conference, in conformity with the principles and objectives of the Movement.\n120.\tI should like to conclude with some words of Babrak Karmal, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, who said that peaceful relations with all countries and peoples of the world, including our neighbours, on the basis of internationally recognized principles of peaceful coexistence, non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence, friendship and co-operation remain the prime objectives of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.\n \n\t
## 27 I shall begin my statement by offering you, Sir, the cordial congratulations of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are certain that as a person with outstanding qualities and vast experience, and as a representative of a fellow non-aligned country, you will be able to fulfil your duties with distinction and success. You can fully rely on my delegation's cooperation in the attainment of positive results from the work of this session.\n28.\tWe pay a tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, President of the Republic of Panama, for his responsible and devoted service as President of the thirty-eighth session.\n29.\tMay I also extend our gratitude to the energetic Secretary-General for his selfless and untiring endeavours during the past year on behalf of the international community.\n30.\tNext year we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. This, in our view, provides an appropriate occasion to review the performance of the United Nations system over the past four decades in order to draw necessary lessons for the enhancement of its role and effectiveness in the achievement of peace, security, justice and development. This should also be an occasion for a determined rededication by Member States to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to their effective implementation.\n31.\tWe fully share the Secretary-General's thoughts in his report on the work of the Organization that "Without the safety net which multilateral organization provides, the world would certainly be a much more dangerous and disorderly place , and that "an extended and tolerable future for all humanity ultimately depends upon our success in making the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations the basis of the day-to-day relations of Governments and peoples". These views are more accurate now than ever before, since the circumstances under which our world is evolving today are far more fraught with a threat to its very existence than they have ever been in the entire history of mankind.\n32.\tThe tremendously huge quantities of destructive war potential accumulated in the aggressive centres of power haunt millions of people all over the world with their unthinkable possibility. Legitimate fear of a complete annihilation of life on earth as a result of an all-out nuclear war has put the struggle for peace and the prevention of such a war at the top of the list of priorities on the human agenda. To be sure, the mere existence of quantitatively and qualitatively large amounts of nuclear weapons is a cause for concern.\n33.\tThe main cause for serious concern, however, is the horrendous policies that advocate the probability of the use of such armaments. The main source of this threat lies in the aggressive and militaristic circles of the imperialist camp, first and foremost the United States, which are willing to use these weapons at their own discretion.\n34.\tWe remain gravely alarmed by such pronouncements as "negotiating from strength", "security through force" and "limited or protracted nuclear war". One would have wished that these doctrines were advanced merely as part of the imperialists' warmongering rhetoric. But the hard facts which have found reflection in the actions and deeds of the imperialist Powers leave virtually no room for wishful thinking.\n35.\tThe regenerated capitalist war industries fed by extra hundreds of billions of dollars have already passed their monstrous products through the assembly lines. The unprecedented build-up of United States interventionist forces in every corner of the world, together with the unleashing of hounds of war in so-called covert operations against innumerable Governments and peoples, has caused immense concern over the not-so-secret intentions harboured by the White House. Despite hapless and futile attempts at adopting peaceable postures, those hidden evil designs found their way out in the form of a gaffe not meant for broadcast. Indeed, we have to worry about our fate and that of the whole world when the buttons of the largest arsenal of nuclear weapons are under the command of those who find it amusing to joke about nuclear warfare.\n36.\tAt a time when the destiny of our planet is toyed with by those who are madly seeking United States unquestionable superiority, hundreds of people in various centres of the world arc sent every day to the valley of death as mere cannon fodder for United States foreign policy.\n37.\tThanks to such policies and actions, vitally important bilateral negotiations on strategic arms limitations and disarmament have either been suspended or rendered completely fruitless. The deployment by the United States of large numbers of its first-strike cruise and Pershing H nuclear missiles in several countries of Europe aimed at the Soviet Union and other socialist countries resulted in the suspension of bilateral talks at Geneva.\n38.\tAs if this planet were not enough for the warmongering circles in the United States, a disproportionately extensive plan for the militarization of outer space and introduction of highly sophisticated weapons there has been launched by them.\n39.\tHere we would like to express our full support for the timely and very important proposals of the Soviet Union, both on the peaceful uses of outer space and on the inadmissibility of State terrorism, put forward by its Foreign Minister, Mr. Gromyko\n40.\tTo avert the danger of a nuclear holocaust and save the earth and the space surrounding it for peaceful uses by this and future generations, all nuclear Powers should in our view positively and effectively respond to the Soviet Union's peaceful demarche, which constitutes yet another valuable step in line with other innumerable important Soviet proposals aimed at the achievement of general and complete disarmament and the strengthening of international security.\n41.\tThe wars of aggression, direct military occupation, undeclared mercenary wars and proxy wars waged by surrogate regimes on behalf of imperialism are taking a heavy toll on peoples who are determined to defend their independence, territorial integrity and national sovereignty. The roars of United States aeroplanes and other military machinery makes the atmosphere of peace tremble on the borders first of one country and then of another.\n42.\tRepeated attempts are being made further to suffocate the process of detente through a deliberate escalation of tension in Europe and elsewhere.\n43.\tAccompanying all these are the greedy economic policies applied by the capitalist financial monopolies, which have for many years banked upon the natural and human resources of colonial or newly independent nations and are now out to rob them of whatever has remained in their possession. The unjust burden of debt now weighing on the shoulders of the developing countries is becoming disproportionate as a result of high interest rates and the continuing multifaceted crisis in the world capitalist system.\n44.\tThe irrational squandering of billions of dollars on militarization and the arms race imposed by imperialism takes place while hundreds of millions of people around the world are suffering from poverty, hunger, disease and unemployment.\n45.\tThe gap in the living standards and rates of development between the developed and developing countries has further widened. The imperialist policy of using economic assistance as a means of exerting political pressure on the developing countries is no longer confined to the bilateral co-operation or the capitalist financial institutions, but has been extensively employed to curtail or completely stop the flow of international development assistance to those countries which dare to refuse to submit to their diktat.\n46.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as one such country, has become a victim of these acts of economic pressure and blackmail. This was starkly manifested in the course of the consideration of Afghanistan's country programme by the Governing Council of UNDP.\n47.\tWe would like to warn the developing countries, in particular the least developed and low-income countries, to be vigilant against such policies and urge them to unite for the safeguarding of the rights and interests of all developing nations on the basis of internationally established criteria.\n48.\tFew other actions could be more inhuman than the denial of the right of a least developed and landlocked nation to development.\n49.\tAsia, at the heart of which Afghanistan is located, has undergone a period of increased hostilities and confrontation. The traditional hotbeds of tension have been further inflamed while attempts at the creation of new ones have continued unabated.\n50.\tThe Indian Ocean, whose littoral and hinterland States have long striven to turn it into a zone of peace, have witnessed a drastic increase in the naval presence of the United States and expansion of its military bases, particularly on the Mauritian island of Diego Garcia. The efforts which the Ad hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean made on behalf of the United Nations, aimed at convening the international Conference on the Indian Ocean, were frustrated once again by the arrogant and stubborn refusal of the United States to heed the aspirations of all nations concerned. The United States and its allies should not be allowed to delay further the holding of the Conference, which is now proposed by the non- aligned countries of the Ad hoc Committee to be held in the first half of 1985 at Colombo.\n51.\tHere we should like to reiterate our support for the initiative of Mr. Didier Ratsiraka, President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, on the convening of a summit conference of littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean.\n52.\tThe proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic on the signing of a convention on mutual non- aggression and non-use of force in Asia and the Pacific, which enjoys our full support, has not been given, in some quarters, the serious attention this important initiative deserves.\n53.\tSimilar negative responses have been accorded to the repeated peaceful proposals of the three Indo- Chinese countries for the cessation of regional hostilities and the normalization of the situation in the region of South-East Asia. This cool reaction is demonstrated at a time when the imperialist, hegemonist and reactionary designs to topple the legitimate Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea have met with complete defeat.\n54.\tWe vigorously condemn the indiscriminate shelling of Vietnamese towns and villages by expansionist Chinese circles.\n55.\tHaving been unable to intimidate the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and to crush the will of the Kampuchean people, these forces are now out to create and provoke new hostilities on the borders of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, by invading its territory and occupying three of its villages.\n56.\tThe Middle East has continued to remain fraught with the danger of major armed conflict. The continued denial of the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine and other occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, the Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon, by the Zionist expansionist forces has reduced to naught the possibility of a successful attempt at finding a peaceful solution to the Middle East problem.\n57.\tThe proliferation of Zionist colonial settlements and the increasing violation of the elementary rights of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples of the occupied territories, in complete violation of the Geneva conventions, have continued to be a major source of concern to the international community. The presence of Zionist occupation troops in vast territories of Lebanon not only infringes on the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Lebanon but also has brought about agony and suffering to the Lebanese and Palestinian civilian populations as never experienced in the past.\n58.\tThe failure of the international community to bring peace to this war-torn region of the world does not simply lie in the intransigent, aggressive and expansionist policies of the Zionist regime but is mainly due to the unconditional political, economic and military support given to the Zionist war machine by United States imperialism. Only such assistance has enabled Israel to defy United Nations resolutions and virtually every other rule of international law. No settlement would be either just or lasting unless it took full account of the attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, including their right to establish a national State in Palestine. That constitutes the crux of the Israeli- Arab conflict.\n59.\tIn this context we reiterate our full support for the recent realistic proposals of the Soviet Union aimed at finding a just, comprehensive and lasting solution to the Middle East problem.\n60.\tIt is high time for every measure to be taken to facilitate the holding of an International Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all concerned parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO], the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, as called for by the General Assembly in resolution 38/58 C of 13 December 1983. The bitter tragedy which has befallen the Palestinian people and the populations of other occupied Arab territories should not be allowed to continue. We are confident that the valiant Palestinian people and the peoples of Syria and Lebanon will ultimately foil the imperialist Zionist designs and liberate their lands.\n61.\tIn our neighbourhood, the senseless bloodshed that continues between the two Islamic neighbours, Iran and Iraq, has brought about the consequences feared when this fratricidal war started almost five years ago. Availing itself of the pretext resulting from the turmoil in the Gulf region, United States imperialism and its local lackeys have embarked on the path of drastically increasing military and naval activities and intimidating the countries of the area into military alliances subservient to imperialist countries.\n62.\tWe strongly support the call of a number of independent Arab countries of the area for strict non-interference in the affairs of the region by outside forces.\n63.\tAnother issue of major concern has been the situation in Cyprus, which acquired ominous dimensions in the course of last year. The proclamation of the northern part of Cyprus, which is still under military occupation, as the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus has been condemned by the Security Council and, indeed, by the international community at large and has been declared illegal, null and void. We urge the Secretary-General to multiply his efforts towards achieving a solution that would guarantee the independence, territorial integrity, non-alignment and unity of the Republic of Cyprus.\n64.\tIn another country of the Mediterranean region, the fraternal Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, secret plots of imperialism aimed at the destabilization of that country's popular Government have been accompanied by open acts of aggression and provocation from the air, sea and land.\n65.\tWhile commending the sober-minded attitude of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea towards the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula, we consider the recent proposals of that country for the launching of tripartite negotiations on the problem as a major stride towards the attainment of an early solution of the problem.\n66.\tNext year we shall be celebrating the twenty- fifth anniversary of the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. This major achievement of the United Nations has brought about the anticipated results that have drastically changed the shape of international relations and world politics.\n67.\tOf disappointment to conscious humanity, however, is the failure of the United Nations to implement that Declaration with regard to Namibia and certain other Territories. The heroic struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of their sole legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization with the full sup-port of the overwhelming majority of nations, has been rendered ineffective due to the intransigent colonialist policies of the South African racists, relying on the all-sided support of United States imperialism. This problem, which falls within the purview of United Nations direct responsibility, has defied solution to this day, in spite of the diplomatic maturity and flexibility displayed by the SWAPO leadership.\n68.\tThe situation within South Africa has also deteriorated very sharply. The sham elections conducted with the blessing of the United States met their deserved fate of the total failure of this propaganda ploy. The barbarity and savagery with which the rulers of the abhorrent apartheid system are suppressing the recently escalated struggle of the people of South Africa against the inhuman and unbearable conditions of the vast majority of the people once again put at the forefront of international attention the urgent need for complete eradication of the abominable phenomenon of from our planet. Nothing can justify any further delay in taking effective action under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations to do away with one of the most horrendous features of the history of mankind. We hail the people of South Africa and their vanguard, the African National Congress of South Africa, for their heroism in fighting against the greatest odds. \n69.\tActs of aggression and intimidation still continue against the front-line States, particularly Angola, Mozambique and Lesotho.\n70.\tIn conformity with the principles of our foreign policy, we call for recognition of the right of the people of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic to self-determination, the exercise by the people of Puerto Rico of their right to self-determination and independence, and the restitution of the three Malagasy Islands to the Democratic Republic of Madagascar.\n71.\tTurning to Central America and the Caribbean, we cannot but vividly express deep wrath and indignation at the piratic aggression of the United States against the Government and people of Grenada and the continued occupation of their territory. To allow the United States to get away with such manifestations of gunboat diplomacy is to expose other independent and nationalist Governments of the region to the threat of similar actions by the United States. We demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all occupation forces from Grenada.\n72.\tWe also demand the cessation of the imperialist blockade of Cuba and the return to it of its territory occupied by United States naval facilities at Guantanamo.\n73.\tThe undeclared war fought against revolutionary Nicaragua by the paid mercenaries of the United States continues to bear grave consequences for the prospects of peace in Central America.\n74.\tThe flexibility and co-operation demonstrated by the Government of Nicaragua, both within the process of negotiations initiated by the Contadora Group and in bilateral discussions with the United States, are worthy of praise. We hold the rigid and obstinate position adopted by the United States and some other countries at its urging responsible for the continuation of hostilities in the area.\n75.\tWe are firmly of the opinion that the present situations prevailing in some of the countries neighbouring Nicaragua have their roots in imperialist interference and the deplorable socio-economic and political conditions existing in those countries. Any attempt at improving that situation should be aimed at the cessation of imperialist interference and the introduction of necessary and fundamental changes on the basis of the interests and aspirations of the vast majority of the people of those countries.\n76.\tOur strong solidarity with all national liberation movements representing such interests and aspirations in this region or other parts of the world is based on our respect for the right of nations to self- determination.\n77.\tIt is a regrettable fact that despite our hopes to the contrary the period since the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly has not witnessed a decrease in the tension in the region of South-West Asia. This has hampered our sincere efforts to create an atmosphere of trust and confidence conducive to constructive negotiations between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and two of its neighbouring countries. The undeclared war against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which is master-minded by those in aggressive circles in the United States and their hegemonist and reactionary accomplices as a regional extension of the global imperialist design to destabilize and subdue independent and sovereign nations with the aim of forcing those nations into the militarist imperialist orbit, is continuing unabated. Ever-increasing evidence is accumulating which testifies to the fact that State terrorism has become instrumental in carrying out United States policy against my country. This unholy war, which is acquiring ever-greater dimensions, constitutes an obstacle to the conclusion of an agreement which will serve as a solid basis for the strengthening of peace and stability in our region.\n78.\tAs a result of this destructive, inhuman and medieval aggression, which is anti-civilization, carried out from the territories of Pakistan and Iran, the people of Afghanistan have suffered losses of enormous proportions. Thousands of innocent people, including children, women and the elderly, among them 200 clergymen, have been murdered, and public and private property, including scores of mosques and holy places, more than half of the schools of the country, half of the Government- owned trucks, and 104 hospitals and medical centres, as well as communication lines, bridges, highways and hydroelectric and thermal power installations of the country, have been destroyed. The total cost to the national economy of our country of this destruction is almost 34 billion Afghanis, which is equal to three fourths of the total development investment made during the 20 years before the 27 April 1978 revolution.\n79.\tPsychological warfare constitutes an important, integral part of the aggression against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The huge propaganda machinery of imperialism, hegemonism and reaction, in its drive to distort the realities in and around Afghanistan, resorts to slander and outright fabrications which have by now acquired fantastic dimensions. For example, if the lies spread by this propaganda machinery are to be believed, most of the leaders of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan must be dead—killed not just once but many times over. In the same vein the greater part of the territory of the country must be under the control of the counter-revolution, the armed forces of the country must have been annihilated five times over and all the population of Afghanistan must have been eliminated not once but twice.\n80.\tHaving realized the absurdity of such fabrications, the propaganda machinery of imperialism, hegemonism and reaction has recently resorted to other forms of naked lies, among them the hullabaloo about the alleged shortage of foodstuff in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. It is possible that such propaganda efforts may have given a distorted image of the situation in my country. Therefore, I should like to point out briefly some of the achievements of our people since the national democratic April revolution.\n81.\tAs a result of the revolution, the social and class configuration of Afghan society has been transformed and a new socio-political system based on the democratic nature of the revolution has been created. The National Fatherland Front, of which the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan is also a member, has mobilized well over half a million militant Afghans in the form of collective and individual members to spearhead the work and struggle to build a new society in Afghanistan.\n82.\tState power has been consolidated all over the country and the Law of Local Organs of State Power and Administration, providing &r direct participation by the people in the affairs of their locality and the country as a whole, is being successfully implemented. In addition to the heroic armed forces, revolution defence groups, self-defence groups, soldiers of the revolution, tribal regiments, people's militia groups and social-order brigades are victoriously safeguarding the gains of the revolution. As a result, during this year large formations of the counter-revolution have been annihilated, but different forms of subversive and terroristic activities are still continuing by some remnants of criminal bandits.\n83.\tDespite the continuation of the undeclared war, achievements in the socio-economic development of the country have been significant. During the year that ended on 20 March 1984, the gross national product and the national income of the country increased by 6 per cent and 4.5 per cent, respectively, over the previous year. This means that during this year more goods were produced and services rendered than during the years before the revolution.\n84.\tSince the victory of the revolution, 1,274 agricultural co-operatives and thousands of peasants' committees have been established. Different stages of democratic land and water reforms are being success-fully implemented, agricultural production has in-creased and the volume of industrial output is greater than in previous years. Education and public health services are expanding and the campaign against illiteracy is gaining momentum. Already more than a million people have become literate, and it is planned to eradicate illiteracy by the year 1986 in the cities, and by the year 1990 throughout the country. Right now, 233,300 persons are enrolled in 11,107 literacy courses throughout the country.\n85.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is a peaceful, non-aligned country and is determined to remain so. Our uncompromising love for the independence and territorial integrity of our country is a matter of record in the history of the struggle of our people to preserve its freedom and dignity and safeguard and defend its frontiers. Many great challenges have been posed to our liberty and sovereignty, but they have been dealt fatal blows by our unfailing determination to safeguard what we consider not only our birth right but also an indivisible part of our tradition, culture and religion.\n86.\tPages of our proud 5,000-year history document this brilliant aspect of Afghan patriotism. It is in this context that the strong will of our people to rebuff the imperialistic, hegemonistic and reactionary undeclared war can be explained. Over six years of subversion, coercion, attempts at destabilization, outright aggression and total economic blockade have failed to give any effect to the illusions harboured by our enemies.\n87.\tThe people of Afghanistan are already reaping the fruits of their revolution and are prepared to make further sacrifices to safeguard their socio-political system. Let me state once again before this international gathering that the people of Afghanistan will never be deterred from the principled path they have chosen. No one should doubt our unswerving resolve to stand firm in the face of outside pressure and intimidation.\n88.\tNotwithstanding this, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has, with revolutionary sincerity, conducted earnest and serious negotiations with Pakistan, through the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General, with a view to finding a negotiated settlement to the outstanding problems between the two countries. I should like to recall the two well- known proposals, dated 15 May 1980 and 24 August 1981, put forward by my Government to that end. We have given full proof of our flexibility and political will to achieve an early solution of the present appalling situation around my country. We are for concrete actions. We believe that if words are not followed by deeds they have no value at all. If one speaks of peace and is engaged in aggression in its various forms that can only be a manifestation of hypocrisy and demagoguery.\n89.\tThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in line with its foreign policy, is honestly and sincerely for the peaceful solution of the situation around Afghanistan. Should the other countries involved so desire, they will find us prepared to meet them halfway. This course, we believe, corresponds exactly with the aspirations and interests of our peoples and certainly serves the cause of peace in our region.\n90.\tThanks to our co-operation and understanding, the Secretary-General has been able to pursue his good offices, which in our view have thus far yielded positive results. We are confident that, with the good will and sincerity of the States concerned, we shall be able to achieve further progress. We deem it appropriate to place on record our gratitude and thanks to the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative for their commendable endeavours in this regard.\n91.\tTo conclude my statement, I should like to quote the following words of Babrak Karmal, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan:\n"Elimination of poverty, disease and economic backwardness, ignorance and illiteracy, unemployment and inequality, national and social oppression in Afghanistan; creation of an independent national economy; acceleration of the pace of economic growth on the basis of scientific socioeconomic development plans, including the establishment of an independent national industry and the industrialization of the country; and raising the living standard of the masses of the people are general goals of the April Revolution."
## 28 I wish at the outset to congratulate the President warmly upon his election to preside over the fortieth session of the General Assembly. While offering the full co-operation of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, we sincerely wish him success in the discharge of his responsibilities.\nMay I also put on record our appreciation of the esteemed Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his devoted efforts to uplift the role and effectiveness of the Organization.\nOn the grievous and sad occasion of the tragedy that has befallen the people of Mexico, we express our deep sorrow and sympathy to the bereaved families of the deceased and to the people and the Government of Mexico.\nof the basic principles of the policy of the Democratic Republic of\nIn less than three seeks we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the founding of our Organization. That provides us with a fitting opportunity for reflection on which of the most important tasks set before the Organization by the signing of its Charter have been accomplished; what have been the causes behind the failures to fulfill certain of its other responsibilities; and what are the prospects for exploring new avenues to make the United Nations fully responsive to those needs and aspirations for which it was initially created.\nA glance at the 40 years of service by the United Nations gives us sufficient reasons to assert that it has become an indispensable instrument of international life. Its achievements, although limited and modest, have been of immense importance in reshaping the whole content of international relations.\nThe United Nations, which was given the ptIsaacy role in the maintenance of international peace and security and in furthering international economic co-operation, acquired a very important position in managing international relations through the application of the norms and principles of international law crystallized in its Charter.\nGreat hopes were attached to the creation of a new world which, despite the divergence of ideologies and socio-economic systems, would be governed by the rule of law and adherence to the principles of the non-use of force and peaceful coexistence. Four decades later we take note with satisfaction that, thanks to this Organization, we have been able to prevent the outbreak of another world war. That cannot, however, diminish our regret at the fact that almost 150 wars and armed conflicts have taken place since then at local and regional level, some of which are still continuing. Although limited in scope and dimension, these conflicts have already claimed more than 20 million lives, which is more than all the military casualties of the Second World War.\nThe emergence of the community of socialist countries out of the great victory over Hitlerite fascism and Japanese militarism at the end of the Second World War fortified the central bastion of the forces of peace and progress, and it has served as the main ally and staunch supporter of all national liberation movements throughout the world. This new phenomenon gave an entirely new essence to the nature of international politics, making it impossible for the forces of imperialism and colonialism to dictate the destinies of mankind according to their own selfish interests.\nThe most outstanding and praiseworthy work of the United Nations was undoubtedly the setting in motion a quarter of a century ago of the process of decolonization, which led to the accession to independence of dozens of Asian, African and Latin American countries. The collapse of the system of colonial empires became the inevitable outcome of the long and fierce struggle of the colonial peoples and countries to throw off the shackles of dependence. This historic process ushered in a new era based on the principles of equal sovereignty and equitable co-operation. New spirit and blood were injected into the soul and the veins of the Organization, which made it, with the passage of time, a truly universal body.\nThe United Nations and more than 35 of its specialized agencies have been engaged in an admirable effort on behalf of the international community to attain the distinct and varied goals that were prescribed for the solution of the most acute problems affecting our world. Although the outcome of these efforts is far short of the initial expectations, what has been achieved could not have been accomplished save through the Organization.\nThe activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies in the field of the economic development of developing countries probably constitute one of the salient features of the multilateralism forged by the United Nations. Of great value also is international co-operation in the field of education and health. The progressive development of legal instruments in the field of human rights has had a significant impact on the improvement of the human rights situation in various countries and regions.\nOur rejoicing over the successes of the United Nations cannot and should not cause us to lessen the vigor with which we seek to enhance at a more rapid pace the role and effectiveness of this world Organization. Some may assert that the relative inability of the United Nations to consolidate international security and find appropriate solutions to the problems affecting the international political and economic environment emanates from shortcomings in the Charter of the United Nations. It is our belief, however, that the Charter represents the transcendent interests of all Member States. It is, rather, the lack of political will on the part of some Member States fully and scrupulously to implement the Charter that has led to the continued failure of efforts to bring about a better life in conformity with the vision of its authors and signatories.\nOne major example of such unacceptable and deplorable conduct is certainly the misuse of the veto power by the United States and some of its allies. The ever more frequent exercise of this right has resulted in deliberate disruption of the increasingly emerging consensus on some of the topical issues of our times, Palestine, Namibia and South Africa being the more obvious ones.\nIt is true that the United Nations has had a great impact on the formulation and progressive development of international law affecting almost every aspect of international relations; but at the same time it has been prevented from effectively implementing all these instruments in State-to-State relations.\nDespite the many great efforts made, the system of international security is as fragile as ever. The present international political and security climate is characterized by an awesome concentration of potentially explosive situations, each of them fraught with the danger of plunging our world into a terminal nuclear conflagration whose menace is already looming large over mankind. The advent of the atomic age, marked by the first atomic bomb explosions over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, brought about a dramatically different notion of war. Since then the world has witnessed hitherto unknown quantum leaps in the sphere of the means of death and destruction. It is frightening to know that some of the new types of weapons possess more power than all the conventional weapons used in all the wars in history. It is, further, horrifying to learn that thousands upon thousands of such weapons have been stockpiled in the military arsenals of the world.\nYet the arms race seems to have increased in pace, dimensions and magnitude. New types of weapons of mass destruction are continually being developed and manufactured. New and additional grounds are sought for the stationing of these weapons in different territories and continent. Together with the unleashing of the arms race* a world-wide campaign has been launched to undermine the process of detente and to promote horrendous military doctrines justifying the concept of "security through strength". This is in fact a well-organized attempt at psychological preparation in the service of imperialist doctrines of "limited" or "protracted" nuclear war.\nThe hard-won agreements on some major aspects of the curbing of the arms race - for instance, on anti-ballistic missiles - are threatened with being unilaterally sunk in the Lethe. The obstinacy characterizing imperialist positions on other aspects of the arms race has justifiably dispelled hopes that reason will prevail among the imperialists. It becomes more and more evident that the verbal profession of peacefulness by imperialism is grossly at odds with its conduct. These conditions have instilled a pervasive atmosphere of enormous suspicion and fear.\nIn his annual report this year, the Secretary-General has rightly stated:\n"He face today a world of almost infinite promise which is also a world of potentially terminal danger. The choice between these alternatives is ours ...\n"The world is still, admittedly, a very imperfect, insecure, unjust, dangerous and, in all too many regions, impoverished place." (A/40/1, pp. 2, 3) He cannot but lament the fact that some very important issues which could have unacceptable consequences for international peace and security are still being allowed violently to disrupt the political serenity of regions and the world as a whole. The question of Palestine, where the situation has lea to many destructive wars in the entire region of the Middle East, has been before the United Nations almost since its establishment. One night have argued that the enormity of the death and destruction suffered by the Palestinians and other Arab peoples should have persuaded those responsible for the continuation of this unfortunate situation to embark seriously on the path of peaceful solution. One would have hoped that common sense and realists would have made it clear that there simply cannot be in that region.a lasting peace that is both just and comprehensive unless the Palestinians, under the leadership of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, are guaranteed the effective exercise of their inalienable rights and the aggressor is forced to withdraw from the Arab territories it has illegally occupied since 1967.\nThe international community owes it to itself to sake a determined effort-through the convening of the proposed international conference on peace in the Middle East, to bring tranquility and harmony to that war-ridden region of the world.\nThe people of Namibia, who have been longing for their emancipation from more than a century of colonial oppression, are still being denied, by artificially injected, extraneous and irrelevant issues set as preconditions, what all of us take for granted as our birthright.\nThe same evil that has chained Namibia has been responsible for the tears and blood being profusely shed in South Africa. It is a till possible for the despicable and abhorrent apartheid system to reign with impunity in the streets and localities, the mines and plantations, of South Africa. In addition, Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Botswana have remained permanent targets of coercion and intimidation by the same racist regime. The peoples of South Africa and Namibia, under the banner of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), are now on their final march towards smashing the ugly face of the colonialist apartheid system and consigning it to the ash-heap of history.\nIn Latin America a combination of imperialist policies is at work, providing a spectrum of direct military aggression and occupation, as in Grenada and Guantanamo; of mercenarism, armed interference and sabotage, as against heroic revolutionary Nicaragua; of political and economic coercion and blockade, as in Cuba and other countries; of sustaining unpopular oppressive regimes, as in Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala and others; of turning countries into military outposts or launching-pads of aggression, as in Honduras and Costa Rica; and of colonial occupation, as in Puerto Rico, the Malvinas Islands and elsewhere. All sorts of conspiracies are hatched to undermine the genuine and sincere efforts of the Government of Nicaragua and the countries of the Con tailor a Group to restore peace and stability in Central America. One cannot fail to see that the hand of United States imperialism is at work behind all the cases I have enumerated, although in some instances more use is being made of local surrogates.\nIn the conduct of its international relations the United States imperialism has pursued, and it continues to pursue, a course that flagrantly violates the obligations it assumed under the United Nations Charter and other multilateral and bilateral treaties. It has trampled upon every norm of international behavior in a lust to achieve its own imperialist ambitions. It has in most instances ignored or acted against the expressed will of the overwhelming majority of nations by misusing the authority vested in it as a permanent member of the Security Council. It has blocked many international efforts to find just solutions to some of the very explosive and dangerous situations in various corners of the world. It has prevented the achievement of understanding on certain important global economic and social issues that have burdened the international community for many decades. It has launched a vicious campaign of vilification against the concept of multilateralism and has already begun to carry out its threats to withdraw from the system of international organizations. It has developed its own narrow-minded concept of national security, which encompasses virtually all regions of the world as so-called areas of vital interest to the United States.\nIn total contrast with the aspirations and endeavors of the forces of peace and progress, it has effectively prevented the achievement of meaningful accords on curbing the arms race and implementing real and comprehensive measures aimed at nuclear and conventional disarmament. In its quest for world supremacy it has spread its armaments and military presence to most parts of the globe. Its warmongering and aggressive policy finds the planet Earth too limited an area for the full implementation of its militaristic designs, and it has thus launched the star wars plan, declaring outer space to be the new environment for its strategic arms spree, despite the strong condemnation of world public opinion and the United Nations.\nIn this context we hail the new and timely initiative of the Soviet Union on international co-operation in the peaceful exploitation of outer space without its militarization, aimed at the realization of the star peace concept, as well as its declaration of moratoriums on the deployment of nuclear weapons in Europe and on the testing of all nuclear weapons.\nFor the purpose of building the world's largest and most destructive arsenal of strategic and conventional weapons the United States has recklessly squandered thousands of billions of dollars which are badly needed to fight the numerous economic and social ills of the world. It has engaged in the plunder and exploitation of the human and natural resources of the developing countries through transnational monopolies and has crippled the economies of those countries with the enormous burden of mounting external debt and soaring debt-servicing.\nCynically portraying itself as the champion of human rights, it has by its deeds grossly violated those rights, and not only in its own country; it has closely identified itself with monstrous regimes infamous for their blatant breach of the minimum standards of respect for the dignity of the human person.\nIts hallucination concerning a new European and world map drawn to satisfy its long-term policy of aggrandizement and complete world domination has led to the deliberate fomenting of neo-fascist revanchist claims in Europe and unbridled militarism in the Far East.\nIt has launched direct military aggression against other sovereign countries and master-minded and carried out plots and intrigues to overthrow their national and independent Governments. Upgrading terrorism to the level of State policy, it has designed and implemented many assassination plots against the leaders of other countries and has used every opportunity to undermine the social, political and economic fabrics of those countries. Insulting the conscience of entire nations, it has put their national liberation movements on a par with terrorism, while at the same time it has awarded the title "freedom fighter" to some groups of professional killers, terrorists and mercenaries who are bred, nurtured and sustained by its own devilish spy networks. The acquisition of a semblance of legitimacy for all these unlawful deeds constitutes the crux of the incessant activities of the United States aimed at building its information imperialism through unrestricted expansion of its means of propaganda, slander and fabrication and by its rigorous opposition to the efforts of the overwhelming majority of nations to establish a new international information order. In short, United States imperialism has opted for a course of all-out militarization, confrontation, aggression, diktat, interference, exploitation and unilateralism.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan vehemently condemns such a course and calls for the increasing and co-ordinated action of all peace-loving countries and forces firmly to reject and oppose imperialist policies which, if allowed to continue, will inevitably lead to the extermination of life on earth. The recent Ministerial Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement held in Luanda has adopted certain action-oriented decisions in regard to these matters which, in our opinion, could become the basis for positive action by the General Assembly.\nThe continued occupation of parts of Cyprus by foreign troops and the futile attempts to lend legitimacy to an artificially created entity in the northern part of that island have rendered inconclusive the efforts of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus and of the Secretary-General aimed at preserving the unity and independence of that non-aliened country.\nIn South-Bast Asia, where for many years imperialism trailed upon the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of States of the area, a new life has slowly but surely emerged out of the smoke and ashes of the dirty imperialist war against Viet Nan and Laos and the bloody reign of the Pol Pot clique in Kampuchea. The Chinese hegemonists have become a party to the international conspiracies against the three peaceful Indochinese nations, conspiracies which have made it impossible for their peaceful demarche to give effect to the concept of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia.\nThe Korean people are also denied their legitimate right to peaceful re-unification, because of the presence of United states troops in the southern part of the country.\nOver a million people have been reported to have fallen victim to the five-year long war between Iran and Iraq. One wonders how many more will be required before reason can prevail and help to bring this senseless fratricidal war to an end.\nThe efforts of the international community, particularly the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, to turn the area into a zone of peace, are being hindered by the increasing military build-up of the United States. We take this opportunity to express our firm support for the draft resolution submitted by the non-aligned members of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean calling for the convening of the long-due conference in the first half of 1986.\nNotwithstanding the great achievements in the field of decolonization, we have yet to clear our conscience by doing all that could be done to help free the people of those dependent territories which constitute the last vestiges of colonialism.\nPeoples of the Saharoui Arab Democratic Republic, New Caledonia and Micronesia have yet to be fully assured of their right to self-determination, while territories such as the Malagasy Islands, Hayotte, and the Chagos Archipelago still wait to be restored to the sovereignty of their respective countries.\nThe longest crisis in the economies of capitalist countries, and its devastating impact on the economies of the developing countries, particularly the least developed ones are posing a serious threat to the economic, social and political stability of those countries. The crisis is undoubtedly no mere cyclical phenomenon, but a symptom of deep-sooted structural imbalances and disequilibrium that characterize international economic relations. Protectionism, interest rates and debt servicing burdens have been on the rise, while commodity prices, official development assistance and reliance on multilateral co-operation continued to decline significantly. The shrinking real value of resources available to multilateral development institutions is in fact tantamount to a deliberate attempt, by the capitalist countries, at a gradual erosion of the multilateral framework for development. For most developing countries, this adverse external environment has meant stagnant or declining growth rates.\nBleaker prospects are to be awaited in 1986. According to some authoritative forecasts, the expected slowdown in world trade will threaten the transition to export-oriented adjustment policies in the developing countries. This would in turn drastically reduce the ability of those countries to adhere to the schedule of repayments of their external debts and debt services. The least developed countries will have to go through even more difficult times. We hope that V he mid-term global review of the implementation of the Substantial New Program of Action for the least developed countries, to be held from 30 September to 11 October this year, will provide an opportunity for adopting measures aimed at specific positive action towards the effective implementation of the Program.\nIt is only logical that sore attention should be paid to the problems of those least developed countries whose development efforts are further hampered by their geographical disadvantage as land-locked countries.\nWe condemn the continuing use of economic measures as a means of political and economic coercion. This alarming trend, which creates tension and distrust in international economic relations, undoubtedly disrupts the world economy and trade and undermines its legal foundations.\nWe are concerned by the intransigent position of some capitalist countries on the launching of global negotiations, which has led to persistence of an impasse on this issue in spite of the inherent flexibility of the two-phase approach proposed by the New Delhi Summit. In our opinion, more vigorous pressure must be exerted on the developed capitalist countries in order to overcome the present lack of political will on their part and to establish a new international economic order based on justice, equity and co-operation.\nThe noble and valiant people of Afghanistan had suffered for centuries under the oppressive and despotic regimes which represented the interests of a tiny privileged minority in society.\nFavorable changes in the balance of forces at the international level and the gradual maturity of internal conditions provided the material basis for a fundamental change in the nature of Afghan society. An instrumental role in this process was played by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, which through its persistent struggle had become the authoritative vanguard of our people.\nIn accordance with the laws of history the evolution of socio-economic factors culminated in the creation of the momentum that led to the inevitable victory of the national democratic revolution on 27 April 1978. This constituted the final victory of the beneficial forces of progress and justice over the medieval forces of darkness and reaction.\nThe fundamental and drastic reforms introduced by the young revolutionary Government stand as brilliant and irrefutable proof of the popular and democratic essence of the revolution, a revolution that was launched and carried to success with the support of the people of Afghanistan under the leadership of the People Democratic Party of Afghanistan.\nEvery day that passed strengthens the popular foundation of revolutionary power. The recently held Loya Jirgah, or Grand Assembly of the Peoples, the elections to the local organs of State power and administration and the convening of the High Jirgah - or Council - of Frontier Tribes constitute landmarks in the process of transferring power to the masses.\nImperialism, which had never abandoned its hope of dominating Afghanistan and bringing that country under military-strategic influence, redoubled its efforts to create chaos by provoking anti-government activities.\nBy pouring hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of weapons and ammunition into the hands of counter-revolutionary mercenaries, imperialism, hegemonism and other reactionary forces had unleashed a dirty undeclared war against the people, the Government and the revolution of Afghanistan.\nFaced with the ever-increasing threat of massive armed invasion and direct aggression, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan had no other choice but to take appropriate measures to safeguard the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. In conformity with the Afghan-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Good-neighborliness and Article 51 of the United nations Charter, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan requested and received from the Soviet Union friendly military assistance to help the Afghan people and armed forces repel outside interference and aggression.\nThe Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has made it clear on various occasions, including in the two proposals of Hay 1980 and August 1981, that the Soviet limited military contingent would return to their peaceful country, by agreement with the Government of the Soviet Union, once the causes for their invitation ceased to exist and valid international guarantees are offered for their non-recurrence.\nConsistent with its peaceful foreign policy, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has participated, with the utmost sincerity, in the process of the negotiations which are being held through the intermediary of the representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Diego Cordoves. While reaffirming our support for this process, we earnestly hope that Pakistan will abandon its rigid position and agree to the holding of direct negotiations between our two countries. This, in our opinion, is the only viable path to an amicable solution in the interest of all peoples of our region. We wish to address ourselves once again to those who still cherish the illusion of forcing Afghanistan back to its past: no evil power on earth will be able to deter the valorous and free-born people of Afghanistan from following their independent and non-aligned course. As Babrak Karaal, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, stated at a recent meeting of the Political Bureau of the Party:\n"As an independent, non-aligned and peace-loving country, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan firmly and undeviatingly respects and observes the principles of the United Nations Charter, believes in good-neighborliness and desires the solution of problems in an atmosphere of peace and friendship on the basis of common sense and a logical approach through direct and mutually beneficial negotiations."
## 29 I wish to begin my statement. Sir, by offering you the felicitations of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly for its forty-first session.\nI should also like to pay a warm tribute to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for his active and selfless service at the helm of the Secretariat.\nThe circumstances in which our world is evolving today are far more fraught with threats to its existence than at any time in the entire history of mankind. The awesome quantities of means of war and destruction piled up in the aggressive centers of power haunt millions of people all over the world with a fear of the unthinkable happening. That legitimate fear of the complete annihilation of the human species, in view of the vast accumulation of very advanced and sophisticated means of making war, particularly in its nuclear dimension, has made the question of war and peace the uppermost concern of all mankind.\nThere is no doubt that the mere existence of such a disproportionately large arsenal on Earth justifies the deep anxiety that prevails in our minds. It is, however, the bellicose mentality with which those in aggressive imperialist circles view the possession and prospective use of such weapons that lies at the core of peace-loving humanity's concern. The grave alarm caused by pronouncements using expressions such as "negotiating from strength", "security through force" and "limited or protracted nuclear war" has been on the increase, owing to the unprecedented material at the service of those militaristic and warmongering doctrines.\nHaving implemented a comprehensive plan to upgrade quantitatively and qualitatively its military might on Earth, the united States imperialists have drawn up and started to put into effect plans to spread some of the most threatening of its newly acquired military technologies and weaponry into outer space, under the guise of a defense initiative, rightly named Star Wars. To overcome the legal barriers prohibiting it from carrying out those designs, the present united States Administration has taken steps to nullify unilaterally and arbitrarily same very hard-won agreements on an ti-ball is tic missiles and strategic arms limitations. It has irresponsibly rendered all bilateral and multilateral negotiating forums virtually paralyzed by putting up an array of unacceptable and unreasonable conditions.\nWhile all these things are being done in the imperialist camp, the forces of peace are gathering their strength and calling for the urgent, serious consideration of measures vitally needed to avert the greatest menace threatening the whole of civilization. The Non-Aligned Movement and the socialist community have repeatedly put forward several initiatives aimed at the strengthening and universalization of the process of detente, the halting of the unbridled arms race and the achievement of disarmament.\nThe unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests declared by the Soviet Union over a year ago, which has been extended several times since then in response to the urgings of the international community, is a vivid example of that country's true desire for peace and disarmament. We consider as highly important and very timely the proposal of the Soviet Union for the conclusion of a treaty banning all nuclear tests by all States in all environments for all time. That initiative, which is in full conformity with the position of the non-aligned countries, constitutes a giant leap towards the general and complete disarmament envisaged in the Soviet Union's comprehensive proposal for ridding the world of all nuclear weapons by the end of the century. This proposal, which is unprecedented in its dimensions and foresightedness, enjoys the full support of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, other non-aligned countries and all other peace-loving forces of the world.\nWe also attach great significance to the recent initiative of the socialist countries, including the Soviet Union, concerning the establishment of an international system of collective security embracing all nations, which has been officially submitted for the Assembly's consideration and was referred to, together with the concept of collective Asian security, by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Eduard Shevardnadze, in his statement to the Assembly the day before yesterday.\nThe mad arms spree that has filled the thoughts and actions of the United States Administration is accompanied by a dangerous version of State terrorism being carried out under the slogan of neo-globalism. Through this heinous policy the united States arrogates to itself the right to be militarily present in every corner of the world and to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries and regions. Hence, the hands of the United States espionage agencies and armed forces are clearly visible in practically all conflict situations, thus widening their scope and rendering their solution extremely difficult.\nIt is precisely such involvement that has led to the continued occupation of Palestinian and other Arab territories by Zionist Israel. It is precisely such involvement that has led to the escalating bloodshed in South Africa perpetrated by the apartheid regime against South Africans, the continued illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist Pretoria regime and its increased acts of aggression and intimidation against the front-line States.\nIt is precisely the United States involvement that has plunged Central America into a state of instability and tension, threatening the security, territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of revolutionary Nicaragua. It is precisely United States involvement that has heightened discord and hostility in South-East Asia, posing a constant threat to the popular order in Kampuchea and exerting pressure on the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic.\nIt is precisely the United States that has launched piratical armed aggression against Libya. It is precisely the United States that has illegally occupied the island of Diego Garcia and turned it into a springboard for aggression and destabilization, thus preventing the realization of the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. It is precisely the United States that has brought to power and sustained such dictatorial and fascistic regimes such as those in Chile, South Korea, El Salvador and elsewhere. And last but not least it is precisely the United States that has organized, trained, financed and armed terrorist and mercenary groups to wage undeclared wars against the peoples of Afghanistan, Angola, Nicaragua and other countries.*\nAccompanying all this are the greedy economic policies and practices of the United States, which is at the head of a world capitalist system which, through its financial monopolies, has robbed numerous nations of their human and natural resources. The intolerable burden of debt weighing down the backs of the economies of many developing countries, the artificially high interest rates, the low prices for the export commodities of developing countries, the unfavorable balance of trade and other disturbing features of the prevailing world economic situation are\nthe direct result of the present unjust international economic order imposed by the capitalist countries.\nThe predictable outcome of such policies and practices is manifested in the drastic widening of the gap between the respective living standards and rate of development of developed countries and developing countries. The imperialist policy of using economic assistance as a means of exerting political pressure on the developing countries is no longer confined within the limits of bilateral relations; it has also been extensively employed to undermine the capabilities of multilateral institutions, with a view to curtailing or completely stopping the flow of international development assistance to developing countries, particularly those that dare refuse to submit to imperialist diktat.\nThe non-aligned countries, in the course of their eighth summit Conference, held earlier this month at Harare, arrived at a sober analysis of the present world situation; they called for an immediate end to be put to the arms race and for the diversion of the resources thus released to the alleviation of the suffering of hundreds of millions of people around the world who have been condemned to hunger, poverty, disease and ignorance. They repeated their vigorous call for the early establishment of a new international economic order based on justice, equity and co-operation.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan considers that the situation in the Middle East has been brought about as a result of the use of force, the denial of the right of nations to self-determination and the acquisition of territory by force. No comprehensive and lasting peace can be achieved unless Israel withdraws its forces from occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and South Lebanon, and unless the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), exercise their\nright of self-determination, including the right to establish a State of their own in Palestine. We welcome the timely proposal of the Soviet Union on the establishment of a preparatory committee to set in motion the process leading to the convening of an international conference on peace in the Middle East.\nIn southern Africa, the apartheid regime is faced with enormous upheavals of the vast masses of the people inside the country and with mounting pressure from world public opinion abroad. The use of brute force by the Pretoria regime has brought a result which is the opposite of that expected by the racist regime.\nThe Non-Aligned Movement's Harare Declaration on South Africa proposes specific action to be taken by the international community to put an end to the horrendous apartheid system. It is our hope that the General Assembly will adopt resolutions calling for similar measures to be taken by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. We express our staunch solidarity with the people of South Africa and their vanguard, the African National Congress of South Africa.\nWe also stand firm with the people of Namibia under the leadership of their sole legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), in their struggle to achieve the full independence of their country. Immediate steps should be taken to give effect to the provisions of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its fourteenth special session, held last week.\nIn Central America the prospects for peace are seriously reduced by the interventionist aggressive policies of the United States, which is fomenting discord and conflict. We hail the constructive attitude of the Government of Nicaragua towards the process of negotiations, and we express our support for the peace plan put forward by the Contadora Group and the Contadora Support Group,\nwhich in our view constitutes a solid basis for eliminating a hotbed of tension\nfrom this vital part of Latin America.\nIn connection with South-East Asia, we wish to lend our full support to the repealed peaceful demarches made by the three Indochinese countries, and we call upon the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to give a positive response to those peaceful proposals.\nWe associate ourselves with the repeated demands of the international community that an end be put to the senseless fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq and that their disputes be settled through peaceful means available within the\ninternational legal system.\nOn the question of Cyprus, our position remains unchanged. We stand for the\nindependence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-aligned status of\nCyprus and support the efforts of the Government of that country to find a peaceful\nsolution in the interest of all Cypriots.\nWe also support the proposals of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the peaceful reunification of Korea on the basis of the free will of the Korean people, without any foreign interference.\nWe reiterate our loyalty to the cause of all national liberation movements and our support for the restitution of territories under colonial or alien occupation\nto the sovereignty of their respective nations.\nThe scope of the undeclared war of imperialism, hegemonism and reaction against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has been considerably widened- to encompass the military, economic, psychological, political, diplomatic and other spheres. On the basis of admissions by top-ranking intelligence figures in the United States Administration, we can see that more than two thirds of the budget of the united States Central Intelligence Agency for so-called covert operations is being channeled into the financing of that war. Added to that sum are the large amounts of weapons and money that are given to the criminal bandits by other imperialist, hegemonist and reactionary quarters.\nThe loss of life and the destruction inflicted on our people as a result of this dirty war, although enormous, have not shaken our firm determination to pursue vigorously the destiny we chose with the accomplishment of our national democratic revolution of 1978. Our great strides towards national reconciliation and harmony, as declared and elaborated by Comrade Najib, General-Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, are producing the expected positive results. The further widening of the National Fatherland Front, embodying all social and mass organizations of the country; the merger of several democratic groups and organizations with the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan; the enlargement of the Revolutionary Council and the Government through the incorporation into them of well-respected non-party personalities; the completion of the process of elections to the local organs of State power and administration; and the preparation of the draft of the new Constitution are noteworthy examples of\nour efforts in this direction.\nIn the economic sphere, the investments of the early years of the revolution are bearing fruit. On the material basis - that is, what has been achieved so far, particularly in the fields of land and water reforms and the nation-wide literacy campaign - the first Five-Year socio-Economic Development Plan has been drawn up and half of its first year has already been implemented. While having been realistically prepared, this Plan will create a solid foundation for sustained and long-term growth in the economy of the country.\nIn the military field, thanks to the growing unity of our people and the vigilance of our armed forces, the last remnants of mercenary pockets of resistance are being wiped out and scores of former bandits are surrendering to the State authorities and the people's militia.\nAll those factors point towards a peaceful, prosperous and secure future for our people. The settlement of the situation around Afghanistan and the creation of a stable, harmonious climate will naturally have a very favorable impact on the pace of our national efforts. Since the last session of the General Assembly, the proximity talks between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and Pakistan, through the intermediary of the Representative of the Secretary-General, have continued to center on the drafting of required instruments that would comprise a comprehensive settlement of the situation that has evolved in South-west Asia. While expressing our gratitude to the Secretary-General and his Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, for their good offices during these talks, we wish to reiterate the desire of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan for the early and successful conclusion of the process leading to normal and harmonious relations among the countries of the region on the basis of the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, respect for the right of all States to determine their own social and economic and political systems, and friendly relations and good-neighborliness among States.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in line with its peaceful foreign policy, has adopted a principled, constructive and serious approach in the course of these negotiations and has spared no effort to create an atmosphere of confidence, which is indispensable in such negotiations.\nWith a view to contributing to the furthering of mutual trust, and as a sign of our sincerity in the search for a political settlement, the Governments of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union decided in August 1986 to return to their permanent bases six regiments of the limited military contingent of the Soviet Union which is now based in Afghanistan. It is our earnest hope that this unilateral measure, together with other principled concessions and the flexibility repeatedly demonstrated by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, will be promptly reciprocated by our negotiating partner. A sense of realism and statesmanship calls for bold action and the political will to take the last few steps towards the conclusion of the instruments and to embark on their faithful implementation.\nThe Democratic Republic of Afghanistan stands to gain from such a course, and we are wholly confident that no one will lose by adopting the same course.
## 30 On behalf of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, it is my pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the high post of the presidency of the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly, it is our conviction that, under your able guidance, our gathering will bear fruitful results in the preservation and consolidation of peace.\nI should like to express my Government's full appreciation of the efforts of Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuellar, the United Nations Secretary-General, and his wise conduct of the Organization's work.\nThe people and Government of Afghanistan attach enormous importance to the role played by the United Nations in regulating international relations and peacefully resolving conflicts through political means, based on acceptable and just solutions.\nThe international problems under discussion in the Assembly are serious and difficult. There is no doubt, however, that the threat of a nuclear conflagration and the use of force are the central concerns of all nations, all realistic and far-sighted statesmen and peace-loving circles of the globe. Solution of these problems requires а new way of political thinking.\nMy Government believes that no exceptional security can ever exist for any individual Power unless durable and genuine peace, founded on general and complete disarmament, is established for all. Not a single country can ever breathe freely under the shadows of nuclear missiles and the Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI) project of the United States of America. The possibilities existing in contemporary international relations and all the potentialities of the United Nations should be deployed for the solving of world problems and towards the establishment of a universally acceptable political and legal mechanism to regulate international relations.\nWe warmly welcome the possibility of the signing of an agreement on the elimination of medium- and short-range nuclear missiles in Europe created during recent talks in Washington between the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union and the United States of America. It is our hope that the experience gained during those talks will be utilized towards banning nuclear tests and reducing and finally eliminating strategic nuclear weapons.\nThe Government of Afghanistan follows with increasing concern dangerous regional developments in various parts of the world. In the strategic Gulf region, expansionist and neo-globalistic imperialist policies have created an explosive situation. The concentration of huge naval forces of the United States of America and its allies has posed the serious threat of a new flare-up of uncontrollable dimensions. We favour implementation of the proposal for the withdrawal of foreign naval forces from that region.\nThe senseless war between Iran and Iraq has claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands and has inflicted heavy material losses on both sides. We support resolution 598 (1987) of the Security Council, which calls for an immediate cease-fire.\nThe powder-keg tension in the Middle East, which is on the verge of explosion, remains unchanged because of the continued Israeli occupation of Arab lands and denial of the Palestinian people's legitimate right to self-determination and statehood. The convening of an international conference with the participation of all parties concerned is the only reasonable way for the solution of this issue. It is imperative to search for a viable and comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem and thus to eliminate a dangerous centre of tension in the Eastern Mediterranean region through the convocation of an international conference within the framework of the United Nations. In this region, again, provocations from across the ocean has further escalated discord and conflict In Lebanon.\nThe Pretoria regime continues its policy of apartheid in South Africa through the violent oppression of the people, in spite of the unanimous demand for its termination by the entire world.\nThe noble efforts of the United Nations for securing the independence of the people of Namibia is being obstructed and aggression is still being carried by the apartheid regime against Angola and other front-line States, Here, too, the interventionist hand of the United States is clearly involved.\nThe United States armed threats against Latin America have clearly surfaced, with the scandalous military and financial aid to the Nicaraguan contras. The recent accord reached in Guatemala among the leaders of the five Central American nations once again revealed the practical nature of the Contadora peace process as well as the need for putting an end to foreign interventions in the affairs of the region.\nWe express our solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the unification of North and South Korea and for the denuclearisation of the Korea peninsula. The reconciliation process Initiated in the People's Republic of Kampuchea deserves appreciation and support. It is our hope that all sides concerned will welcome this meaningful and positive process. \nI should like to express high appreciation and support for the role of the constructive peace proposals and initiatives offered by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and other socialist countries, peace efforts initiated by the United Nations, member countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, reflected in the Harare Declaration and the Delhi six proposals, as well as for endeavours of the national liberation and progressive movements.\nThe world economic situation la still appalling. No doubt this will have grave consequences. The increase in the number of the least developed countries from 31 in 1981 to 40 in 1986 indicates the sad reality of the prevailing international economic life. The present world economic situation Is not unrelated to the arms race. Only checking the arms race can release the necessary resources to improve the world economic situation.\nUnless international economic security becomes an Integral part of the overall global security and is strictly observed, a rapid and stable harmonious growth rate and the establishment of a new International economic order will not be achieved.\nThe debt crisis, debt servicing and high interest rates along with protectionist policies have led to the retardation or total suspension of development programmes in the developing and least developing countries. Concerning the objective realities in my country, I should like to state that with the victory of the April Revolution, our people rose only to fight against backwardness, illiteracy, ignorance, disease, poverty and unemployment in our society.\nFor nine years, however, an undeclared war has been continuing against our country by the enemies of Afghanistan. Prom its very inception this war, waged through some neighbouring countries, has been increasingly intensified and has assumed new dimensions every year. Billions of dollars have been poured in by the Washington Administration and other imperialist and reactionary circles for fuelling this war. As a result, thousands of Afghans have either been martyred or crippled, and hundreds of thousands of others have been displaced and now live pathetic lives in exile.\nThe war has also ruined our national economy. For instance, 2,000 schools, 350 bridges, 50 cultural centres, 131 hospitals, 224 mosques and holy places of worship, 258 production institutions, thousands of kilometres of highways and communication lines, and thousands of trucks have been destroyed or burned. Total damage to our national economy has reached billions of Afghanis, amounting to three fourths of all the total development investment in the past 50 years in Afghanistan. Huge defence expenditures, which otherwise could have brought about an improvement in the living conditions of the people, have burdened our fragile economy.\nThis situation has made it imperative for every Afghan to think about how to overcome this state of affairs. This necessary determination, new political thinking and the common endeavour of every patriot is directed towards putting an end to fratricide and establishing peace and tranquillity in the country. This determination and new political thinking found reflection in the policy of national reconciliation which came into effect on 25 January 1987. This policy is in total conformity with the principles of humanism, Islam, Afghan traditions, the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.\nThe proclamation of a unilateral cease-fire and its further extension; the proclamation of a general amnesty, including the release of prisoners; the endorsement of new legislation regarding better regulation of agrarian issues; the exemption of interest on debts and tariffs of the peasants; the returning of confiscated properties to the returnees; the encouragement and development of private investment; the adoption of new and suitable terms for conscription to the national service; and other such steps have recently been taken for the public welfare.\nMore than 3,200 commissions for national reconciliation have been established throughout the country. About 83,000 of our refugee compatriots have returned, despite obstacles created by neighbouring countries. More than 30,000 members of the armed opposition groups have laid down their weapons inside the country and are co-operating with the Government in preserving peace and security in their localities. Nearly 600 armed opposition groups encompassing 53,000 people are in contact and negotiating with the Government.\nThe new Law of Political Parties which guarantees the activity of various parties has been endorsed. This is the first of its kind in the entire history of the country. The draft of the new constitution has been prepared and published for public debate by the people of Afghanistan both in and outside the country. In line with its history and traditions, Afghanistan has been proclaimed, in the constitution, as an independent, sovereign and non-aligned country, which shall enter into no military pacts and shall allow no foreign military bases on its territory. It is enshrined in the new constitution that Islam is the religion of the people of Afghanistan. Comrade Najib, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, has rightly stated that "the new constitution is the constitution of conciliation.\nThe achievement of national reconciliation would have been much greater if some of the countries had not adopted a hostile stand towards it. Yes, it is not proceeding without difficulty. However, no alternative exists for putting an end to war and bloodshed. To realize the policy of national reconciliation, the practical participation of all the political parties and groups, together with the clergymen, patriotic personalities and social organizations is required· Consistent efforts have been made to establish a national unity coalition government with the participation < f the representatives of all sects and strata of society· These include the seven Islamic parties, supporters of the former King, and other groups and individual who are ready to join the process of national reconciliation. In this regard, various specific high posts of State in the legislative, judicial and executive organs have also been proposed to them. \nThe policy of national reconciliation has not only been welcomed in the country but also enjoys international support. The socialist countries, the majority of the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement and some of the countries members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (QIC), as well as international organizations, political parties and peace-loving and progressive forces, have welcomed this bold and courageous peace initiative of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and given it various kinds of support. The resolute support of the Soviet Union for national reconciliation, and its economic assistance, once again refute the charges from some quarters against Afghan-Soviet friendship.\nGoodwill delegations from the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan recently paid visits to various countries of the world. The purpose behind these visits was to inform those countries about the realities of Afghan society and invite their delegations to visit Afghanistan to acquaint themselves with developments in our country. I should like to express my gratitude for the goodwill of those countries and their support for the noble and humane cause of my country.\nI also express my appreciation to those international organizations - including the International Committee of the Red Cross, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees - which have begun visiting and communicating and co-operating with Afghanistan. It is precisely since the announcement of the programme for national reconciliation that the flow of modern weapons supplied to the opposition by their supporters abroad has sharply increased. The United States of America has increased its financial aid for the continuation of the undeclared war from $530 million last year to $630 million in the current year, and it will reach $1,000 million next year. The United States has also increased the dispatch of modern Stinger missiles to the extremists from 6o units last year to 600 units this year and has started to supply them with 12ϋ mm long-range mortars. The United Kingdom, too, has further increased the dispatch of Blowpipe missiles to the extremists. These weapons have been used to shell cities and villages, carry out terrorist acts and shoot down civilian aircraft, murdering innocent passengers, including children, women and old people. It is clear that our enemies have not abandoned the policy of "war to the last Afghan".\nOur people firmly believe that with the full realization of the policy of national reconciliation, nationwide peace will inevitably be ensured in the country. Unfortunately, however, in the course of the general debate at this session of the General Assembly, there have been some speeches in which attempts have been made to distort the substance of the processes going on in and around Afghanistan and to cast doubts on the policy of national reconciliation.\nI should like to emphasize another very significant development which is at variance with the allegations of those who want to transform the constructive discussion going on in the General Assembly into a battleground of confrontation. I have in mind the fact that it is precisely since the last session of the General Assembly that there has been radical progress at the Geneva talks between Afghanistan and Pakistan, with the participation of the representative of the Secretary-General.\nThe negotiating sides have been able to prepare the main documents comprising a political settlement, and these are virtually complete. The gap between the positions of the two sides on the time-frame for the return of troops has been narrowed down to only eight months. We appeal to the Pakistani side to adopt a constructive stand and demonstrate political realism. This will enable us to solve remaining differences, including those concerning the time-frame, and the next round of talks will prove conclusive.\nThe policy of national reconciliation and the Geneva talks are contributing as two separate processes to the achievement of a single objective. That objective is to ensure peace inside the country and achieve a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan.\nIn this connection, I wish to point to the ineffective nature of the resolutions on Afghanistan adopted by this Assembly over some years now. They have failed to bring about a guaranteed cessation of Interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan as the root cause of the tense situation there. The removal of that root cause could rapidly make possible a comprehensive settlement, I therefore appeal to all in this Assembly to embark upon a move which instead of Impeding will facilitate a settlement.\nI assure representatives that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is fully prepared to take a constructive position and participate actively in the preparation of a truly balanced draft resolution that would contribute to the speediest possible political solution of the situation around Afghanistan.\nit is our conviction that the General Assembly can help bring about a favourable international atmosphere conducive to the political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan and to the process of national reconciliation in the country. Both processes have recently gained considerable momentum. Afghanistan is on the threshold of a crucial historical change. We believe that a political settlement of the situation around Afghanistan is in full accord with the interests of both our people and all the nations of the region. It will ensure peace and security in the region and in the world and in no way prove contrary to the national interest of any other country.
## 31 It gives me great pleasure to express to Mt. Dante Caputo my sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly. We are confident that his wisdom and experience will ensure constructive and fruitful deliberations on the very important, indeed vital, issues before the Assembly. I assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation to that end. \n\nMay I also express our deep appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the deliberations of both the Assembly's forty-second session and its third special session devoted to disarmament. \n\nI should also like to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General,\nHr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his competent and excellent management of the\naffairs of the Secretariat of our Organization. We are particularly gratified at\nhis devotion to the cause of international peace and security, demonstrated in his\nrelentless efforts to ensure the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts in\ndifferent parts of the world. We congratulate him on the outstanding Success he\nhas scored in these efforts. That success testifies to the enhancement of the role\nof the United Nations.\n\n\nThe General Assembly is in session at a time when the world seems to have\nreached a critical juncture in history. Recently, we have witnessed a number of promising developments in different spheres of international relations which, if sustained, will have far-reaching positive consequences for the future of humankind. The general relaxation in relations between the Soviet Union and the United states, progress so far achieved in disarmament negotiations, the intensification of efforts in seeking peaceful solutions to regional conflicts, and greater awareness of the need for multilateral co-operation in solving the conflicts, political, security, economic and ecological ills afflicting our world are all manifestations of a general improvement in the international climate.\nIt is regrettable, however, that the atmosphere of international relations is still plagued with various unresolved problems and conflicts. If not solved in the interests of regional and international peace and security, these problems could seriously jeopardize the progress achieved so far. The danger of war and, worse, of nuclear holocaust still looms large, while the upward spiral of the arms race continues unchecked. The tendency to resort to the threat or actual use of force, interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States and various forms of political and economic coercion is strong in international relations. Old concepts, attitudes, policies and doctrines continue to govern the behaviour of States towards their neighbours and other countries of the world. This is a situation which is of grave concern to the international community.\n\nThe world community has welcomed with joy and relief the signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles. The destruction of an entire class of nuclear weapons is, indeed, a historic achievement and a turning point. Men and women in every corner of the world are awaiting with great hope the successful delusion of ongoing negotiations on a 50 per cent reduction of the strategic nuclear arsenals of the two great nuclear Powers. Their hope is that this will prove a happy prelude to the achieved of the long-cherished objective of general and complete disarmament.\nA comprehensive nuclear-test ban is obviously the most significant step towards building the confidence necessary for the further reduction and total elimination of nuclear weapons. Pending total elimination, a treaty on the Prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, coupled with acknowledgment of the universally accepted dictum that a nuclear war cannot be won, and a solemn pledge by all nuclear Powers not to be the first to resort to the use of such weapons, constitutes an essential first step towards assuring man that the macabre vision of total annihilation may indeed be avoided. The establishment of nuclear-free .ones and measures for enhancing nuclear non-proliferation will also serve this purpose.\nWhile nuclear disarmament is indeed of prime importance, considerable\nattention should also be paid to conventional disarmament. Newly emerging\ntechnologies capable of producing new generations of conventional weapons of mass\ndestruction have highlighted the need for the urgent adoption of measures towards\nthe limitation, reduction and total elimination of conventional weapons, in this\ncontext, a radical reduction in the strength of standing armies is also of prime importance.\nThe conclusion of a treaty banning the development, production, stockpiling and use of all types of chemical weapons, including binary weapons, is also of Paramount importance. We welcome the progress made in the Conference on\nDisarmament towards a chemical-weapons-ban treaty and the successful review of the Convention on biological weapons.\n\nThe global economic situation is of particular concern to all the developing countries, while the scientific and technological revolution has provided mankind with the know-how and tools to deal successfully with the problems of underdevelopment, such as hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy,\nthe prospects the steady progress of the developing countries remain bleak. Inequitable conditions for Participation in international trade, coupled with the burden of\nforeign debt and debt servicing, are frustrating their efforts towards development and progress.\nThe sharp decline in commodity prices, the deterioration in the terms of\ntrade, high interest rates, the protectionist measures adopted by developed countries and the reverse flow of financial resources have deepened the economic crisis that threatens the future of the developing countries. The least developed countries in particular are in a very precarious economic situation. in view of this reality, the need for the establishment of a new international economic order on a Just and equitable basis acquires greater urgency. It is also important to recognize the relationship between disarmament and development. Only the additional human, technological and financial resources released through disarmament can successfully cope with the development needs of the world.\nWithout any doubt one significant manifestation of the general improvement of the international climate is the positive trend towards solving regional conflicts through political means. In the Geneva talks between Iran and Iraq, in Angola, Kampuchea, Nicaragua, Cyprus and Western Sahara dialogue and negotiations have raised high hopes for lasting peace and tranquility for the people of the various regions. These noble efforts deserve full support by the international community.\nIn the Middle East, the situation remains tense owing to the policy of aggression, military occupation and expansionism pursued by Israel. Complete and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Palestinian and other Arab lands, including the Golan Heights and Jerusalem, is the key to a lasting peace in the Middle East. It has been universally recognized that the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem, without full restoration of the undeniable rights of the Palestinian people, inc1uding their right to statehood, no just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem is conceivable.\n\n\nWe who1e-hearted1y welcome the cessation of hostilities and the commencement of the cease-fire in the Iran-Iraq war. We wish both sides every success in the\nGeneva talks, under the auspices of the united Nations, in establishing lasting\npeace and normal relations between the two neighbouring Islamic countries.\n\nIn South Africa, the abhorrent polio, of apartheid continues unabated, depriving millions of human beings of their elementary human rights and freedoms. The Pretoria regime also poses a grave threat to International peace and security through constant acts of aggression against the front-line States, particularly Angola and Mozambique. The negotiations between the interlocutors aimed at resolving the problems of southern Africa by peaceful means are to be commended. The cessation of aggression against Angola and of interference in its internal affairs is the key to normalization of the situation in that country.\n\nWe support the immediate independence of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization, SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, through the full implementation of the united Nations plan for the independence of Namibia endorsed in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).\n\nThe Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan also warmly welcomes the dialogue among the Kampucheans. It is our hope that this dialogue will soon result in peace and tranquility in Kampuchea and co-operation between the countries of Indo-China and members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).\nThe talks in Nicaragua have also raised high hopes of the restoration of peace\nand normal life in that country, if this is to be achieved, it is essential that outside interference in its internal affairs be ended.\n\nThe dialogue in Cyprus is also encouraging, we reaffirm our support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus.\nMy Government also supports the independence , woeful reunification and national unity of Korea through dialogue and reconciliation.\nWe welcome and support Security Council resolution 621 (1988), on preparations for holding a referendum in Western Sahara, under the supervision of the United Nations in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity.\n\nIt is our firm conviction that constant renewal of our faith in the purposes and principles of the United nations Charter is the only firm guarantee of an improved international climate. The role of the United Nations in safeguarding international peace and security and proofing global operation is indeed vital. The Organization has played a unique and outstanding role in codifying the norms of international conduct, with the aim of making the world an orderly place\nin which to live. It has also demonstrated its vast potential for the peaceful\nsettlement of conflicts, we believe that it is time for the United Nations to play a central, primary role in the field of disarmament as well.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan, as a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement. It is firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the Movement. The Movement's recent ministerial Conference at Nicosia demonstrated once again the validity and relevance of the principles of non-alignment in the contemporary world and their positive impact on positive trends in international relations. The Republic of Afghanistan will continue to play a positive and constructive role in the Movement.\n\n\nThe signing of the Geneva Agreements on the situation relating to Afghanistan has been welcomed by the international community as a historic achievement. Statements made so far in the general debate at the forty-third session of the General Assembly have clearly indicated that international support, for which we are grateful, we are particularly grateful to the Secretary-General. Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and his Personal Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, for their all-round efforts in the Geneva process. Based on the principle of the United Nations Charter, particularly those of non-interference and non-intervention, the Agreements map out a comprehensive political settled which is in the interest not only of the people of Afghanistan but also of the peoples of the entire region and the cause of international peace and security.\n\nThe Republic of Afghanistan signed the Geneva Agreements in good faith and with a firm resolve to implement all its provisions in letter and in spirit.\n\nTrue to our good intentions, the Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union have strictly abided by the provisions of the agreements. The return of Soviet troops from Afghanistan commenced on 15 May 1988. and 50 per cent of the troops had been withdrawn by 15 August, as provided for in the Agreements. The republic of Afghanistan has given every assistance to the united Nations Good offices Mission for Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNGOMAP) in performance of its duties.\n\nMuch to our regret, however, four and a half months after the entry into force of the Agreements the hope of the people of Afghanistan - indeed, the hope of the entire international community - for the restoration of peace in our country has not yet been fulfilled. War and bloodshed have not subsided. People are being killed, public and private property destroyed and acts of terror perpetrated by armed extremist edition. Kabul and many of other cities have come under a\nconstant barrage of rockets with a range of from 20 to 36 kilometers, 136 such\nrockets were fired on the City Of Kabul in the course of a single day. These blind\nrocket attacks have claimed 760 innocent victims, including women and children, while 346 houses and 45 public buildings have been destroyed. Only two days ago 25 rockets were fired on Kabul. One of them hit a bus station in front of the Ministry of Education, claiming the lives of 35 persons and injuring 163.\n\nWhy does this situation continue after the signing of the agreements? From where are all these lethal weapons pouring into Afghanistan? The sole reason for this situation is the non-implementation of the Geneva Agreements and their open violation by the other main signatory.\n\nIn contravention of the explicit provisions of the instrument on mutual\nrelations, particularly those relating to non-interference and non-intervention, centers on its territory for training, arming and equipping extremist groups have not been dismantled. The earmarking of modern weapons, including Stinger missiles, long-range artillery and mortars and ground-to-ground rockets for the extremist opposition groups and their transfer to Afghanistan are continuing. A guarantor of the instrument on non-interference and non-intervention is continuing to send\nweapons and equipment to armed extremist groups. The events at Spin Boldak demonstrated that Pakistani militia even participated in the attack carried out by\nthe extremists. At the present time similar situations exist in the provinces of\nKandahar and the Kunars.\nAt the same time I should like to point out clearly that the Government of Afghanistan is directing all its efforts to the implementation of the Geneva Agreements and the settled of the internal situation t, rough dialogue and the establishment of a broad-based Government, with the participation of the seven commanders inside Afghanistan and other influential personalities within and outside the country, with this in view, Afghanistan is firmly in favour of improving its relations with all its neighbours and strongly opposed to any action that could heighten tension in its relations with them. Afghanistan has never\n\nresorted to small- or large-scale border violations either on land or from the air, and has nothing to do with the internal incidents occurring in neighbouring countries. We firmly believe that such actions not only are contrary to the Geneva Agreements but will delay and complicate the solution of existing problems.\n\nOn the other hand, the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan has so far brought to the attention of the government of Pakistan 547 cases of open violations, by means of 87 notes presented to UNGOMAP. However, the other side has created serious obstacles to UNGOMAP'ss investigation of these violations. On the pretext of the existence of tribal conflicts and a lack of security,\nprevented from visiting areas which are used for the transfer of weapons to Afghanistan and where large depots of such weapons are located. Contrary to clear provisions of the Geneva Agreements. UWGOMAP has not been granted freedom of movement in the territory of Pakistan. On the contrary, UHGCMAP has to request prior permission from the Pakistan authorities before it can visit areas where violations are taking place, while the Agreements provide that inspections should he completed within 48 hours, it takes two to three weeks to get permission for UNGOMAP visits. Obviously, that is time enough to transfer weapons depots to other\nareas or to transform a military training centre into a school.\n\n\nThis being the case, can it still be claimed that violations have in fact been investigated in accordance with the provisions of the Agreements? In such circumstances no one can really talk about investigations, because the fact is that Violations are taking place and the Agreements are not being implemented.\n\nFurthermore, in spite of our continued requests, meetings between the two sides to\nreview violations have yet to take place, although the Agreements provide that such\nmeetings should take place within 48 hours.\nWe recently proposed a meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the two\nmain signatories and the two guarantors to review the process of the implementation\nof the Agreements. Regrettably, however, Pakistan and the United states have not responded positively to this practical request.\n\nAgreements, mixed commissions for facilitate the return of Afghan refugees should have been established a long time ago. However, four and a half months after the entry into force of Agreements, the other side has shown no readiness to implement this important provision. If the\nAfghan refugees are such a heavy burden, then why have such commissions not been\nestablished on the basis of the provisions of the third instruct of the Geneva\nAgreements, as is the wish of the Republic of Afghanistan and of the Afghan\nrefugees? On the contrary, conditions and prerequisites being created with\nrespect to their return.\n\nAs to the Government of Afghanistan, it has taken all the necessary steps to receive the refugees. A ministry has been established for this purpose, which has so far welcomed 152,000 returnees. To assure the refugees, and with due respect to the traditions of our people, border areas have been proclaimed non-military zones. An agreement has been concluded with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and its office has been opened in Afghanistan. A similar agreement has been concluded with the International Committee of the Red Cross.\nIn this connection, we sincerely appreciate the initiative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to launch an appeal for international relief assistance to the people of Afghanistan. We warmly welcome the designation of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, an internationally renowned personality with rich experience in international humanitarian efforts, as the co-ordinator of such assistance. I should also like to express our gratitude to all those countries which have shown readiness to assist in the reconstruction of Afghanistan.\n\nAlthough in the present circumstances internal efforts for peace and\ntranquility inside Afghanistan are adversely affected by continued interference\nfrom outside, the policy of national reconciliation has opened its way in the minds\nand hearts of the Afghan people, inside and outside the country. After an interval\nof 15 years, an elected parliament, in which different parties are represented, is\nfunctioning in the country, A new coalition Government, including 18 non-party\nmembers out of a total of 31 meters, has received a vote of confidence from the parliament.\nIn this connection, let me reiterate that we deeply believe in negotiations and reconciliation and it is our conviction that, through dialogue, agreement on the mechanism for the formation of a broad-based coalition government could be achieved. The fact is that if the Geneva agreements are implemented and interference from outside is thereby stopped, the Government and people of\nAfghanistan, through the continuation of the national dialogue establish peace and national accord in their country. Tired of years of fratricidal war. the people of Afghanistan, both inside and outside the country, will join hands in a coalition government to reconstruct their land, which has suffered through 10 long years of war and destruction.\nThe Government of the Republic of Afghanistan is making every effort to ensure that, on the one hand, the situation relating to Afghanistan is through\nstrict implementation of the Geneva Agreements and. on the other, that on the basis of the establishment of a genuine coalition inside. Afghanistan, as a non-aligned and neutral country, will pursue a policy with regard to the improvement of\nregional and international relations that will correspond to the balance of interest of all the other countries of the world, including the Soviet Onion, the United states, Pakistan, India, China, Iran, the Islamic countries and members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. At the same time, we hope that the new leadership in Pakistan, taking into consideration the existing realities, will adopt a constructive position towards the elimination of the existing tense situation, and will play its role\nimproving the relations between the two countries and the situation in the region through the strict implementation of the Geneva Agreements. These agreements constitute a firm basis for this purpose, which is in the interest of all the peoples of the region and the cause of international peace and security.\nIt is profoundly clear that it was in the light of increasing interference from abroad that the Government of Afghanistan had called for Soviet assistance, to enable the people of Afghanistan to repulse the threat from outside. At present the withdrawal of Soviet troops is in place in accordance with the time-frame envisaged in the Geneva, Agreements, but, at the same time, interference has not ceased. If this situation is not corrected in time, South West Asia will continue\nto remain a region of conflict, tension and a threat to international peace security, m such cases, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union reserve the right to adopt coordinated measures as called for by the situation. \n\nIn the light of the signing of the Geneva Agreements and the continued implementation of the policy of national reconciliation, we do not see any need for the discussion of item 30 on the agenda of this Assembly. It is our conviction, however, that any such discussion should focus on the need for the strict implementation of the Geneva Agreements. We are ready to work towards a consensus resolution, taking into consideration the concerns of all the sides. Nicosia proved that, given the political will and the existence of a genuine resolve to make a constructive contribution to the restoration of peace, stability and security in our region, it should not prove difficult to reach such a consensus.\nRecently, our world has arrived at the threshold of a new era of understanding, of mutual efforts for peacefully resolving conflicts and for promoting peace and disarmament. It is the great hope of the world community that this trend will not prove ephemeral but acquire a permanent character. We are ready to co-operate towards this noble end. We are particularly willing to co-operate in turning our own part of the world into a region of peace, stability, co-operation, understanding and good-neighbourliness in the interest of all our Peoples and of the cause of international peace and security.\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 32 \nIt gives me pleasure at the very outset to convey to Major-General Garba my sincere congratulations on his election to the prestigious position of President of this world body at its forty-fourth session. His election is a tribute both to his country, Nigeria, which has demonstrated its unflinching loyalty to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, and to his own vast ability, skill and experience.\nLet me also pay a tribute to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, for his outstanding record at the helm of the General Assembly at its forty-third session.\nI should like also to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his relentless efforts to enhance the role of the Organization in the maintenance of international peace and security and the solution of global problems. We urge that his role in finding peaceful, comprehensive solutions to regional problems receive full support from the Security Council and the General Assembly. Today's world, fortunately, is marked by a general relaxation of tension in international relations and improved prospects for finding peaceful and lasting solutions to global and regional problems. New vistas of co-operation or. the multilateral, regional and bilateral levels have been opened, facilitating the solution of common-security, political, economic and environmental problems that have plagued our world. Mutual relations between the United States and the Soviet Union are improving, and confrontation between the two has eased considerably. Progress has been made also in negotiations on the reduction or elimination of various types of nuclear, chemical and conventional weapons, while the destruction of at least one category of nuclear weapons is already under way.\nThe need for speedy solution of regional problems has been universally acknowledged, although the process of achieving this has been painfully slow. Peoples in various parts of the world, including our own region, are still the victims of senseless wars and destruction because old policies based on confrontation have not been abandoned in the interest of regional peace and harmony.\nIn the Middle East, we condemn the continued Israeli occupation of Palestinian and other Arab lands, including Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan Heights, and Israel's iron-fist policy against the heroic Palestinian intifadah. The convening of an international conference with the full participation of all parties concerned, including the State of Palestine, on an equal footing, remains the only possible avenue for resolving the Middle East conflict.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the cessation of war and the commencement of talks between Iran and Iraq. We sincerely hope they will find an honourable and lasting solution to all their differences in the near future. \nIn Cyprus, we welcome meetings between the President and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, and we support a peaceful solution achieved through dialogue and based on the independence, territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Cyprus.\nWe welcome the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea and demand that an end be put to all forms of interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. All efforts should be made to restore peace in the country and to let Kampucheans themselves solve their internal difficulties.\nWe also support the Korean people's quest for peaceful reunification and national unity through dialogue and reconciliation.\nIn southern Africa, the continuation of the abhorrent policy of apartheid is the source of great human suffering, destabilization and conflict. We demand the full implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and believe the Secretary-General and the United Nations Transition Assistance Group should be rendered full support so they may supervise a free, democratic and unhindered election and the achievement of full independence for Namibia. We welcome the high-level meeting between Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, and support the efforts of the Secretary-General and the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity towards the holding of a fair referendum without administrative or military constraints.\nWe support the accord reached among five Central American countries on putting an end to war and destruction in Nicaragua and hope for its unhindered implementation.\nIt is also our hope that the question of the Malvinas may be promptly resolved on the basis of General Assembly resolutions, eliminating the differences between Argentina and the United Kingdom.\nThe disparities in economic development between developed and developing countries is deepening constantly, while the economic and social situation in most developing countries continues to deteriorate further. The plight of the least developed countries has reached a particularly distressing level because the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries has not been implemented. Growth and development in developing countries continue to be mostly stagnant or to register negative rates. Commodity prices remain low and terms of trade are worsening, and protectionist measures on the part of developed countries have been on the increase. The problem of debt and debt servicing has become unbearable for developing countries, resulting in a net flow of financial resources from developing to developed countries. We welcome the convening in April 1990 of a special session of the General Assembly and hope the fourth United Nations Development Decade will reverse the adverse trends experienced during the Third Decade.\nIt is also our earnest hope that the Second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, scheduled for 1990 in Paris, will adopt adequate measures for implementing General Assembly resolutions on acceleration of the development process in the least developed countries in the 1990s. Despite our sincere wishes and concerted efforts, and contrary to the general trend of improvement in the international climate, the situation in our region remains far from satisfactory. If anything, it has deteriorated further. Aggression against Afghanistan and interference and intervention in its internal affairs have acquired new dimensions. The complete withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and our sincere compliance with the provisions of the Geneva Agreements notwithstanding, these Agreements have been sabotaged by Pakistan. Prom 15 February to the end of August 1989, 18 different types of weapons have been put in the hands of extremist groups trained in Pakistan to continue the blood-bath in Afghanistan. These weapons include 250 ground-to-ground rocket launchers, 110 pieces of field artillery and mortars, 120 recoilless artillery, 550 air-defence missile complexes, 2,950 heavy machine-guns, 4,500 manual rocket launchers and 200,000 different types of ground-to-ground rockets.\nThe number of military training centres for the extremists in Pakistan has now reached 180, marking an increase after the entry into force of the Geneva Agreements. Each week between 30 and 35 armed groups, comprising 1,200 to 1,500 people trained in these centres, are infiltrated into Afghanistan to bring death and destruction. Units from Pakistan's 11th Division are directly participating in the fighting inside Afghanistan. So do mercenary Wahabis from Saudi Arabia, which is also putting generous financial assistance in the hands of the extremists. Similarly, from 15 February to the end of August 1989, a total of 413,102 rockets and heavy artillery shells have rained down on the inhabitants of the cities of Afghanistan. What has been the result? Thousands of civilians killed and thousands more injured. In Kabul alone, 1,383 rockets have claimed the lives of 671 people and injured another 1,014. Recently even the aeroplane used by the representative of the Secretary-General was not spared such rocket attacks. As recently as 22 and 23 September, a total of 40 rockets were fired on Kabul - on the\newe of the General Assembly - killing 41 people and injuring 59. One of the rockets hit a crowded market-place. This is blind terrorism perpetuated by the interventionist policy of one of the signatories to the Geneva Agreements.\nThe resort to rocket attacks on cities and the blind and indiscriminate terrorist attacks against civilians testify not to the strength of the extremists but to their weakness. It is the result of crushing defeats of these groups in Jalalabad, Khost, Kandahar and elsewhere in Afghanistan. The heroic armed forces of Afghanistan defending the independence, territorial integrity and national sovereignty of the country, as is their patriotic duty, have dealt these hirelings of the aliens so crushing a blow that they do not dare any more, even with the direct assistance and participation of the Pakistani army, to face the defenders of Afghanistan. The result has been desperate rocket attacks on cities and the indiscriminate murder of innocent men, women and children. These attacks cannot, however, compensate for the moral, political and military bankruptcy of the extremist groups, nor can they revive in the rank and file of the opposition the lost hope of a military victory. Many commanders inside the country have by now realized the need for ending this fratricidal war and restoring peace through national reconciliation.\nWhat Pakistan is continuing against Afghanistan is State terrorism, which has been condemned by the Assembly as well as by the Non-Aligned Movement in a resolution adopted at the Belgrade summit meeting.\nIf internal problems in a neighbouring country should be taken to constitute a basis for policy towards that neighbour, who can predict what could happen to Pakistan and what its future would be? The Punjabis, Sindis, Pashtoons and Baluchis are all tired of the increasing domination of the Pakistani military. However, these are Pakistani problems and we, as neighbours, do not arrogate to ourselves the right to get involved in them. Nor do we believe in creating Governments for others outside their country.\n\nThe hope for military victory which was crushed at Jalalabad has been further lest during what was termed the sunnier fighting season. No new deadline of 12 or 18 months will accomplish through military means what was supposed to happen weeks or even days after 15 February of this year but did not.\nBut the question is; How many more Afghans have to go down the drain of a senseless fratricidal war for the planners and executors of the war to realize the futility of the military option? How much more must Afghanistan, a least developed country, be destroyed before a military solution is abandoned in favour of a political solution?\nThe time to bring peace to Afghanistan is now. Every day that passes claims the lives of more of its people and brings more havoc to its economy. The grounds for peace, for reconciliation, for the establishment of a broad-based government exist in Afghanistan. What is required is the abandonment of old policies, of intransigent positions and of disregard for reality.\nThe path to arrive at peace in Afghanistan is clear. Full and faithful implementation of the Geneva Agreements by the parties and guarantors and the implementation of consensus resolutions of the General Assembly are the most important and basic steps in that direction. Putting an immediate end to interference and intervention in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, as clearly stipulated by the Agreements, can and must play a cardinal role in realizing peace. Pakistan's sincere co-operation with the United Nations good Offices Mission to Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNQ3MAP) can turn it from its present ineffectiveness into one that fully supervises the implementation of all the provisions of the Geneva Agreements. So far, the Government of Afghanistan has brought to the notice of UNGOMAP 6,492 cases of flagrant violations of the Geneva Agreements through 827 notes delivered to its headquarters in Kabul. These cases cover violations of every single provision of the Geneva document on non-interference and non-intervention, such as, among other things, the dismantling of bases, refraining from the dispatch of armed groups and the transfer of arms and not committing acts that would undermine the stability of the other high contracting party. None of these violations has been investigated exactly as stipulated in the Geneva Agreements, owing to Pakistan's complete disregard for the accords. The continuation of war, destruction, great human suffering and loss of life in my country is a telling testimony to the complete neglect of all the provisions of the Geneva Agreements by Pakistan. When the flames of war, aggression and intervention are still increasingly swallowing up lives and properties of the people of Afghanistan, any claim that the Geneva Agreements' provisions on non-interference and non-intervention are being implemented can obviously not be taken seriously.\nThe people of Afghanistan and the international community are beginning to question the sincerity and good will of Pakistan in signing the Geneva agreements, as well as the actual observance and supervision of their implementation. The statement made at the opening of the general debate by the President of the United States of America, Mr. George Bush, and his words on the need to work together in the framework of the United Nations to bring peace to those who have fallen victim to regional conflicts are encouraging. A positive change in United States policy, from putting the means of war and destruction in the hands of extremists to assisting and contributing to the peace process in Afghanistan, would play a significant role in putting those words into effect.\nWar cannot accomplish any policy goals and the so-called interim government, illegally established by Islamabad, cannot gain even a grain of legitimacy. The situation has already disintegrated into infighting and armed clashes inside Afghanistan. The policy of supplying them with huge quantities of advanced weapons cannot serve the United States interest in the region, while in the long run the continuation of war, destruction and human suffering in Afghanistan will further damage its standing among the Afghan people. Peaceful ways of arriving at policy objectives are certainly there and must be sought.\nThe situation in Afghanistan has changed since 15 February 1989. The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan has abandoned the monopoly on power. Therefore, the continuation of previous policies by the United States Administration is not realistic. This has been reflected in the United States mass media and also in the United States Congress. We are ready to welcome in Kabul a special envoy of the United States Administration for a fact-finding mission and an exchange of views. We believe that such a trip would allow the United States to get first-hand knowledge of the present reality in Afghan society and of our goodwill in regard to restoring peace and for a democratic system based on political pluralism and a free economy.\nAs is the case in most other parts of the world, in our region too the traffic in arms and narcotics go hand in hand. The involvement of Afghan extremist groups in the production and smuggling of drugs during the past 10 years has brought about a very dangerous situation. The Republic of Afghanistan stands ready fully to co-operate in eradicating this serious problem.\nWe welcome the positive and realistic trends in the policy of our neighbour to the west, the Islamic Republic of Iran. From the great country of China, another neighbour of Afghanistan, we expect a more positive contribution to the restoration of peace in our country. We, on our part, are ready to have normal, friendly relations with all the countries of the world, particularly our neighbours.\nThe question of the safe, voluntary and honourable return of Afghan refugees requires urgent attention. Those who perpetuate the war in Afghanistan must not cite the continuation of the war as a pretext for their policy of hindering the return of the refugees. While we express our gratitude to all these countries, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other organizations and agencies for having provided for our Afghan brothers while they were refugees, we believe the time has come for such assistance to be geared towards their repatriation to their homeland and reintegration in the life of their country. We urge Pakistan to co-operate in the establishment of mixed commissions. The establishment of these commissions, which according to the Geneva Agreements should have occurred immediately after the entry into force of the Agreements 16 months ago, is long overdue.\nThe reconstruction of Afghanistan requires urgent international, governmental and non—1governmental assistance. Unfortunately, 3wever, a number of countries have refrained from putting at the disposal of the United Nations Coordinator for Economic and Humanitarian Assistance to Afghanistan the assistance they have already pledged. Assistance to the people of Afghanistan should not fall victim to political considerations.\nAs regards the internal aspect of the difficulties of Afghanistan, our stand has been set forth on several occasions, most recently by the President of the Republic, Mr. Najibullah, in his address to the Ninth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade. Allow me to reiterate briefly the main contents of the position of the Republic of Afghanistan.\nWe believe that dialogue should start among all Afghan political forces inside and outside Afghanistan aimed at holding a nation-wide peace conference with the participation of all forces concerned. The conference should agree on a leadership council and declare a six-month-long cease-fire. During that period the leadership council should establish a broad-based coalition government and create a commission to draft a new Constitution and the law on general elections for its approval. Following the adoption of the new Constitution and the law on elections by a traditional Loya Jirgah called by the leadership council, general elections through direct, secret ballot should be held. A new government formed by one or more political parties enjoying a majority shall govern the country in accordance with the new Constitution. We stand ready for the supervision of the general elections by an international commission.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan believes that a peaceful political solution must be comprehensive and just, and one in which all political forces must participate. Leaving any political force, including the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan out of the coalition, not only will not solve the problem but will create serious obstacles. The level of participation in the State structure should be subject to negotiation, but participation itself should not. Peace in Afghanistan must come through rational concessions accepted by all. These concessions should be aimed at eradicating all the grounds for conflict and war and not at sowing the seeds of yet another war.\nIt is an open secret that a great number of commanders have boycotted the leadership of organizations based in Pakistan, realizing their servitude to the enemies of our homeland. A number of commanders have opened talks with the State and they are observing cease-fires in areas under their control. Contacts with others are continuing and, sooner rather than later, cast negative feelings and mistrust will give way to friendship, brotherhood and unity.\nThe leadership of the Republic of Afghanistan has faith in armed opposition commanders because it is they who will bring the blessings of life and tranquillity to the people in the areas under their control. Similarly, the leadership of the Republic of Afghanistan will continue its policy of national reconciliation despite the irrational position adopted at present by the leaders of extremist organizations based in Pakistan. For us, the national interests of Afghanistan and the restoration of peace in our country are above any group, tribal, ethnic, political, party or ideological interests.\nThe external aspects of the situation around Afghanistan could best be resolved by convening an international conference with the participation of Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, India, China, the United States, the Soviet Union and the Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The conference, which at the outset would agree on putting an end to the delivery of weapons to all factions in Afghanistan, should guarantee Afghanistan's permanently neutral and demilitarised status, which would be enshrined in the new Constitution. Because of Pakistani aggression, interference and intervention, the Republic of Afghanistan came before the Security Council in April this year. Except for a very few delegations, the overwhelming majority of countries which participated in the debate supported a political solution and the need for the implantation of the Geneva Agreements. If armed intervention and violation of the Agreements continue. Afghanistan will have no choice but to come before the Security Council once again.\nIn conclusion. Mr. President, let me reiterate our conviction that by renewing our faith in the principles and goals of the United Nations Charter, we together, under your leadership, can contribute significantly through our deliberations and decisions in this Assembly, to the establishment of a better, safer and more orderly world for all of us to live in. My delegation stands ready to co-operate with you in reaching this goal.
## 33 Allow me, first of all, Sir, to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the high post of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. I wish you every success in the fulfilment of the great tasks before you. Your experience, wisdom and skills make us confident of the fruitful outcome of the work of the current international gathering. \nI wish also to express my gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Joseph Garba of Nigeria, for his outstanding contribution to the work of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly.\nMay I also take this opportunity to extend to the delegation of Liechtenstein my warm congratulations on its joining the United Nations as the newest Member of the Organisation. Liechtenstein’s application and admission are yet another testimony to the universality of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations.\nUnder the qualitatively new international conditions, the United Nations has taken great steps towards achieving a wide range of international goals. The personal efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in furthering those goals deserve our praise and gratitude. He want the role of the United Nations and its Secretary-General to be further enhanced in the maintenance and consolidation of international peace and security, understanding among nations and the political solution of regional conflicts.\nIn recent years, we have been witness to tremendous changes in the world. This change is characterised by the emergence of an atmosphere of understanding and co-operation in East-West relations as a whole and in relations between the United States of America and the Soviet Union in particular. The democratic changes in Eastern Europe, the reunification of Germany, the democratic gains in Nicaragua and the impetus in efforts to resolve regional conflicts by peaceful means are indicators of the scope of these transformations. The continuation of this process in the light of the restructuring of international relations gives reason to hope for the establishment of a world community living together in peace, harmony and co-operation.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the continuing summit meetings between Soviet and United States leaders and the understandings that have been reached in those meetings, and it calls on other countries to join in the process.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan believes that it is necessary to strengthen the regime for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We believe that the cessation of nuclear tests in the sea, underground and in the atmosphere is an important step towards general disarmament and that the United Nations is capable of promoting the process widely.\nWe call for the elimination of stockpiles of chemical and bacteriological weapons and for the creation of nuclear-free zones in different regions of the world. The work of the Ad hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean and the conversion of that ocean into a zone of peace and co-operation must be expedited. We applaud any reduction in military budgets and the consequent transfer of huge funds to socio-economic development.\nWhile the international political atmosphere has improved, the present international economic order does not meet the needs of the developing and the least-developed countries.\nThe increasing deterioration of the terms of trade, to the detriment o£ the developing countries; high interest rates and the unfavourable terms of foreign loans; the fall in the income from raw materials; and the high price of imported goods, particularly of advanced technology - these factors have further widened the gap between the developed and the developing countries. This calls for the introduction of reasonable changes in international economic relations.\nFor more than a decade Afghanistan - a war-stricken, least-developed and land-locked country - has received no assistance or credits from a number of countries and international financial organisations. That is why we welcome the results achieved at the eighteenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, devoted to International Economic Co-operation, in particular the Revitalisation of Economic Growth and Development of the Developing Countries, and at the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which was held in Paris in September 1990. We call for the solution of the existing problems in international economic relations and for specific action by the United Nations.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan has followed with great concern the recent grave developments in the Gulf region. As a Muslim country, we are concerned at the negative effect that these developments have had on the unity of the Arab world. They have also provided grounds for military confrontation in this sensitive region. As a country that, unfortunately, has gone through a decade of war, we are aware of the human suffering and material destruction that war can bring about. Therefore, we earnestly hope that the explosive situation in the region will be resolved by peaceful, political means. We urge the Arab and international communities to exert every effort to find a peaceful solution. Such a solution would be in the interests of all sides. War should be avoided by all possible means.\nIn the Middle East, the occupation of Arab and Palestinian lands, including Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan Heights, continues. We support the Palestinian intifadah and condemn the illegal settlement of Jewish refugees in the occupied lands. He call for the convening of an international conference in which all the sides concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, would participate on an equal footing. We welcome recent improvements in the relations between the two Islamic countries of Iran and Iraq.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan supports the unity, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and wants to see the Lebanese people given the chance to put an end to the civil war without foreign intervention. The Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the good offices of the United Nations for the settlement of the Cyprus problem in conformity with Security Council resolution S49 (1990).\nThe Republic of Afghanistan welcomes the latest accords resulting from the Jakarta talks on the political settlement of the Kampuchean problem and supports the participation of the United Nations in the process. In this regard, we should like to see a resolution adopted unanimously at the current session of the General Assembly.\nWe welcome the unification of Yemen, and we support the reunification of the Korean peninsula, in accordance with the desire and will of its people, without interference from the outside.\nIn Latin America, we support the continuation of the talks aimed at the political settlement of the situation in El Salvador.\nWhile welcoming the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela and the beginning of talks between the African National Congress of South Africa and the South African Government, we note that the abhorrent apartheid regime has not yet been dismantled. We believe that further dialogue can lead to a political and peaceful solution of the situation in South Africa.\nWe stress the need for continued talks between the POLISARIO Front and the Government of Morocco and for their joint co-operation with the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity.\nDespite our earnest wishes and specific, practical efforts, and despite the very welcome improvement in the world atmosphere, the situation in our region is far from desirable. In fact, it has deteriorated further. The intensification of interference and aggression and the rude sabotaging of the Geneva Agreements not only has turned Afghanistan into a bleeding wound for the Afghans but also poses a serious menace to peace and stability in our region. In blatant violation of the agreements and with disregard for the good will of the Republic of Afghanistan, which wants to achieve peace and good-neighbourly relations based on non-interference by countries in each other's internal affairs, Pakistan retains on its territory all the ways and means of interference and aggression against the Republic of Afghanistan. In fact, by spreading new types of weapons of mass annihilation, such as cluster rockets, it has given the war a new dimension and a new quality.\nThe armed extremists - people trained and armed in Pakistan - continue to massacre inhabitants of cities, with total disregard for human and moral norms. From 19 January to 22 September 1990 alone, 1,662 rockets were fired on different parts of Kabul city. As a result, 74 women, 115 children, 225 elderly people, 36 teachers and students, 76 public-service personnel, 1 physician, 112 peddlers, 39 Government employees, and others - totalling 728 persons - were killed. The persons injured in these incidents include 21 women, 112 children, 90 elderly people, 11 students, 36 public-service personnel, 5 physicians, 640 peddlers, and others - totalling 954.\nAs a result of rocket fire during this period, 155 residential houses, 8 mosques, 1 hospital, 2 colleges, 1 girls' school, the steam house of the third micro-rayon and 1 high school were destroyed. The private enterprises that have been damaged by rockets include a confectionary factory situated in the industrial park, where 3 workers were killed and 20 others were severely injured. \nCity bus stops are not safe from opposition fire either. On 10 October 1988 when a rocket landed on the Timor Shahi bus stop in Kabul City, 25 women, children and young persons were killed and another 78 injured. Another shocking incident was the shooting of rockets by the opposition on the Khair Khana bus stop which caused the death of 30 persons and injuries to 81 others.\nAmong the numerous shocking, sorrowful and sad incidents of opposition rocketry are the destruction of residential houses which have caused either the total or the partial elimination of the families living in them. In a rocket incident on 21 May 1990 in Deh Bori area, the third district of Kabul City, the house of Maliha, daughter of Mohammad Zaman, was destroyed. Shah Hali, her husband, and Hadia and Khatera, her daughters, were killed. Khaled, her son, and Hasira, her daughter, were severely injured and disabled. In another rocket incident, in the Etefag mosque of Shall Shaheed, Kabul City, three daughters and a son of Mohammad Naser, named Pari, Nooria, Fahima and Kawoon were killed.\nSuch is the everyday, painful destiny of our children, women and youth who are swallowed by death. In the name of human rights, freedom, democracy and justice, we should devote all our efforts to putting an end to the horrible tragedy of Afghans killing Afghans in a war, the futility of which is evident to all. The cessation of the tragedy of Afghanistan and help for rebuilding the country should not be made conditional on developments in Eastern Europe, on the Gulf crisis and on ending other regional conflicts, because for over a decade our country has been a scene of confrontation.\nIn the past 10 years war has inflicted huge material and human losses on our country. The total losses amount to billions of dollars. The war has left behind 1 million killed and over a million wounded. A considerable number of our compatriots have taken refuge owing to the pain and misery of war. For this very reason the people of Afghanistan have become fed up with the war and it was to answer this substantial need of the Afghan people that we declared the policy of national reconciliation.\nWe know from whence come the lethal weapons which are stockpiled on the territory of Pakistan and are then dispatched to the Republic of Afghanistan to bring death and destruction. However, the Geneva Agreements in particular and international law in general forbid Pakistan to give refuge to the opponents of its neighbouring country, and to equip and send then for the brutal killing of the inhabitants of its neighbour. He signed the Geneva Agreements for the termination of such interference, not for its intensification. The Republic of Afghanistan notified the Office of the Secretary-General in Afghanistan and Pakistan (OSGAP) about these aggressive acts by 1,545 notes, reporting 11,657 cases of violations. We do not know how many more notes are required to complete the list of violations and how many more Afghans will fall victim to this imposed war in order to quench the thirst of the designers of the policy of force and military pressure. In our opinion, the mandate of OSGAP should be organised in such a way as to handle the task required by the Geneva agreements.\nThe military circles of Pakistan, who have time and time again sabotaged the democratic will of the people of Pakistan, have also arrogated unto themselves the right to talk on behalf of the Afghan opposition controlled by them. However, the assertion that the people of Afghanistan are not ready for peace and national reconciliation is a manifestation of the designs of those circles and is not a reflection of the will of the Afghan people, who, after a decade of suffering from war and destruction, desire nothing more than peace. In fact, in the years 1989 and 1990 as a result of contacts between the Government and various commanders of the armed opposition groups inside the country, over 922 armed and unarmed groups comprising 88,269 armed men have given up war. Protocols have been signed with 604 armed and unarmed groups of 114,332 men on ceasing combat activities. Talks are being carried on with 109 groups of 17,411 armed men and 35,381 warmed men. Indeed, talks on national accord between the State and the leadership of almost all the opposition groups have been continuing discreetly for quite some time. We hope that sooner rather than later these talks will come into the open, culminating in full inter-Afghan understanding. It is also our hope that our neighbours will assist in facilitating these talks rather than stand in their way. Unfortunately, however, the attitude of those in the Pakistani military circles as a factor of instability in our region remains unchanged. Hot only in Afghanistan but also in India's Kashmir and Punjab they continue to interfere in the internal affairs of their neighbours.\t\nWhile international efforts are directed towards solving regional conflicts, including the situation in Afghanistan, we regret the fact that Saudi Arabia's attitude of complicating the situation in our country remains unchanged. Even with the crisis in the Gulf region, in which the country is also involved, we have recently witnessed fresh steps on its part towards encouraging tension in our country. He believe Saudi Arabia could and should concentrate its efforts on resolving differences which, unfortunately, exist among Islamic and Arab countries and on putting an end to the fratricidal war in Afghanistan.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan has lately proposed a new mechanism for peace, the main points of which are the followings in the first stage, a period for cooling down the situation is envisaged in order to provide the prerequisites for talks on topics that include a referendum, a general or partial cease-fire and the return of refugees. With the beginning of negotiations between the conciliating sides a transitional period would start and would last until the formation of a new, elected government. During this period, a national peace conference could be called and the co-ordinating commission for elections and the commission for drafting the constitution and the law on elections would be set up in order to draft the said laws. The Loya Jirgah, as Grand Assembly, would approve the new constitution and elect the President of the Republic. Parliamentary elections would be held on the basis of general, free, equal, secret and direct ballot and an elected government would be formed. The Republic of Afghanistan stands ready to accept United Nations-supervised elections.\nIn order to solve the external aspect of the situation related to Afghanistan, United Nations-sponsored international conference could be held to reach an agreement on stopping the supply of arms to the warring sides, to determine the permanent neutral and demilitarised status of Afghanistan and to provide for international assistance for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Afghanistan. The Republic of Afghanistan is of the opinion that proposals for a political and peaceful solution of the Afghanistan issue could be different, but its most important elements should be a cease-fire, intra-Afghan dialogue and free and democratic elections. The political settlement should have a constant, comprehensive and just characteristic and should be organised on the basis of the existing realities of Afghan society.\nIt is unrealistic to give the same, parallel status to the position of the Republic of Afghanistan and to that of the opposition.' In stark contrast to the position of the opposition, the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan has ruled out a military solution, having proclaimed the policy of national reconciliation which it puts into effect persistently. The Government of the Republic of Afghanistan on several occasions has put forward specific constructive proposals in this regard. \nIt has declared unilateral cease-fires, calling on the other side to adopt a similar approach. The opposition, however, has rejected those proposals, issuing ultimatums and demanding the transfer of political power to them with the total negation of the Homeland Party. The irrational stand of the opposition has left the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan with no choice but to defend itself. Thus the responsibility for the continuation of fratricidal war rests with the leaders of the opposition and their supporters and sponsors.\nTo the State of the Republic of Afghanistan, its leadership and the Homeland Party no interests or privileges have priority over the supreme national interests of the people of Afghanistan, the ensuring of peace and the reconstruction of the country. Vast national efforts and huge international assistance are necessary for the reconstruction of our devastated, war-stricken country. It is a deeply humanistic obligation to co-operate with a country that has suffered heavily from war.\nIn the difficult conditions of the continuation of the war and its intensification, the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan is carrying out great and constructive tasks. Decisively staying away from the unsound line of past leadership, it follows a policy that is in conformity with the realities of Afghan society. It is deeply faithful to the sacred religion of Islam. The free market economy is currently dominant in the country. Fundamental measures are being taken to democratize the country's political life and to observe the principles and norms of human rights. Our efforts and achievements in this regard have been reflected in the reports of the Special Reporter of the Commission on Human Rights, Professor Feliz Eraacora, to the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session and to the Commission at its forty-sixth session. Concerning the human rights question, the doors o£ our country are open, not only to the Special Reporter: non-governmental organizations such as Asia Watch and the International Committee of the Red Cross also enjoy our full co-operation. As a result of those measures the authority and influence of the State have been further enhanced and it has demonstrated its capability to survive.\nWhile welcoming the efforts made by the international community and by the countries concerned and the talks between the Soviet Union and the United States of America as guarantors of the Geneva Agreements towards resolving this issue through political means, we reiterate that the key to the restoration of peace is in the hands of Afghans themselves, who can attain it through talks and dialogue.\nIf an improvement in the stand of the United States regarding the political solution of the Afghan issue is possible and probable, it is our hope that its practical manifestation would soon become evident and that the United States policy can play an effective contributing role in ensuring peace in our region. At the same time, Pakistan's position vis-à-vis the situation in Afghanistan must not stand in the way of United States policy, postponing the solution of the situation because of its political designs.\nAs an Islamic and non-aligned country and because of its sensitive strategic location in the heart of Asia, the Republic of Afghanistan calls for the further expansion of relations with all the countries of the world, particularly Islamic and neighbouring countries. These relations should be based on the principles of good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of each other, and mutually beneficial co-operation in different spheres for coexistence, peace, disarmament, development and the reduction of international tension. \nWe believe that the expansion of the consolidation of relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran - a brotherly neighbouring country with which we enjoy deep religious, historical and cultural relations - is in line with the interest of our peoples and the people of the region. While we are in favour of friendly relations with our great neighbour, China, we expect it to contribute further to ensuring peace in our country. The Republic of Afghanistan is for improving our relation with our neighbour, Pakistan, and we believe that such an improvement is in the interest of our peoples and of peace and security in our region.\nOur traditionally friendly relations and economic co-operation with the Soviet Union and India are developing and expanding to our satisfaction. The Republic of Afghanistan receives sufficient economic assistance from the Soviet Union on the basis of bilateral agreements and international norms which plays a significant role in improving economic conditions of our country and the stability of the situation in our region.\nI would like once again to draw the attention of the world public to the point that, as far as the Republic of Afghanistan is concerned, there is no obstacle to the voluntary return of the Afghan refugees to their ancestral country. Availing myself of this opportunity, I would like to express my thanks to Mr. Sadruddin Agha Khan, Co-ordinator of the United Nations Humanitarian and Economic Assistance to the People of Afghanistan and to Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), for their efforts to assist the Afghan returnees. I take this opportunity to express my thanks to the Heads of the World Health Organization, the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations for their assistance.\nIn the course of the implementation of the plan of the High Commissioner for Refugees and the Co-ordinator for the return of 40,000 families of Afghan refugees - 250,000 persons - in a period of three months, it has become evident that the irreconcilable armed extremist groups and the military intelligence circles of Pakistan, particularly after the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto's government, create serious obstacles to the implementation of the programme. The establishment of Jam post located on the Torkhan-Peshawar main road belonging to the Khales group Shah Gai post in Ali Masjid, Khaiber agency, belonging to Gulbuddin group and Meechi post in Lowar Gai, Khaiber agency, belonging to Wahabi Sayaf and the creation of a 30-member mobile post attached to Gulbuddin’s extremist group have not only hampered the return of refugees; they have also led to arresting and interrogating refugees and plundering the property of refugees who have registered for repatriation. Mining of the routes by the opposition is another serious hurdle in the way of repatriation. For instance, the return of refugees has been stopped owing to the mining of routes in Kandahar Province.\nOur opponents do not even have mercy on the personnel of relief agencies and international organizations that have rushed to help the Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Afghanistan. They threaten, loot and even kill them. The international community should therefore exert pressure on Pakistan not to hamper the implementation of the UNHCR programme.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan is situated in a region that has been turned into one of the dangerous centres on the illicit cultivation, production, processing and trafficking of narcotic drugs. The fact is that the continuation of war against the Republic of Afghanistan and the wide participation of the leaders of the Afghan opposition groups based in Pakistan and some Pakistani circles have given an extensive dimension to this grave situation. The leaders of Afghan opposition groups not only do not deny their contribution to the smuggling of narcotic drugs; but they consider it the source of financing for the so-called Jihad - Holy War - against the Muslim people of Afghanistan. \nThe illicit cultivation, production, smuggling and trafficking of narcotic drugs, which are also tied in with the smuggling of weapons and terrorism, pose a serious threat not only to our country and our region but also to the present and future generations of Europe and the United States of America. To combat this threat requires the joint efforts of all countries, the United Nations Organization and its specialised agencies.\nAlthough facing difficult economic conditions and a complicated military situation arising from intervention and aggression by Pakistan, the Republic of Afghanistan has taken specific steps to attack the problem. We have formed a high commission to combat the production, smuggling and use of narcotic drugs and we have approved a national programme to this effect.\nIn the course of the last four years, the organs for the struggle against narcotic drugs have seized and eliminated 9,432.1 kilograms of opium, 10,231.7 kilograms of hashish and 13,316 kilograms of heroin. Similarly, 134 arrests have been made in the course oil five months and narcotics crops cultivated in hundreds of hectares of land have been destroyed. \nThe Republic of Afghanistan has already presented proposals for joining the efforts of various countries and the United Nations in combating narcotic drugs. I would like to bring them to the attention of the international community.\nWe propose that a special commission should be set up to draw up a comprehensive plan of action to eliminate and prevent the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs in the border areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan known as the Golden Crescent, where 80 per cent of the world's opium is produced. A commission of that kind could be formed with the participation of the Republic of Afghanistan and the neighbouring countries, and also of representatives of the Western European countries and the United States.\nI would like to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations and also the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UNFDAC) for drawing the attention of other countries to the matter of the establishment of this commission. We expect the United Nations to take practical steps in this direction.\nI should like to reiterate the proposal of the Republic of Afghanistan on holding a regional conference and on reaching regional agreements acceptable to all sides with a view to intensifying the campaign against narcotic drugs, with the participation of experts from the interested countries in the region, the Western European countries, the United States of America and the United Nations related specialised agencies, under the supervision of the United Nations and with its co-operation. In addition, I propose that an office of UNFDAC should be set up in Afghanistan in order to co-operate closely with the Government of Afghanistan and assist it in combating narcotic drugs.\nIn conclusion, allow me once again to express the loyalty and commitment of the Republic of Afghanistan to the principles and objectives of the Charter. \nI am confident that under your leadership, Mr. President, the discussions of the current sessions, which have been free of ideological influences, and the decisions and resolutions of this session, while I hope will be adopted with full backing, will play a significant role in the emergence of greater understanding and co-operation between the nations, of the world, in the finding of solutions to the problems facing the world community, and in creating a safer world for us all to live in. The delegation of Afghanistan is prepared to render you all co-operation in achieving these goals.
## 34 At the outset I wish to convey to Ambassador Shihabi my warmest congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session, and to wish him every success in carrying out his high and responsible duties. It is a source of satisfaction that an experienced diplomat of such high calibre and distinguished qualities has been elected to this prestigious post. The fact that the President comes from Saudi Arabia, a country so close to the hearts of all Muslims, has a special significance for us.\nI should like also to express our appreciation for the valuable services of his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Guido da Marco of Malta, in successfully guiding the affairs of the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly.\nThe Republic of Afghanistan sincerely congratulates the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia on joining the community of nations. It should be pointed out that our country was among the first officially to recognize the independence of the Republics of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia.\nMy visit to Haw York and my presence in this Hall are not in pursuance of the established tradition of utilizing this world rostrum to promote and publicize Government and State policies. I appear here in the name not only of a Government but also of a nation, a nation which for 13 years has been burning in the flames of war. That war has posed a grave danger to the spiritual and physical existence of our nation. \nDuring those fateful 13 years my country, Afghanistan, has been dragged into the abyss of a conflict so wild and merciless that it has sent one tenth of its valorous and patriotic people to annihilation and another one third into a miserable life of exile. This conflict has plundered Afghanistan's cultural values and heritage and wasted its material wealth to the value of the labour and money invested over the past 50 years in social and economic development. Above all, the fabric of our society and our national unity, the products of thousands of years of coexistence between inseparable elements of our people and of their common struggle to safeguard the independent national identity of the Afghans, have been subjected to a dangerous game.\nWhy has a nation that lived by the toil of its hands and the sweat of its brow - a nation that bowed to none but its Creator and harboured animosity towards none - suffered such a terrible destiny? Who is responsible for all the sufferings of the Afghan people? What are the reasons behind all those miseries? He must accept that responses to these questions vary. Some consider that awful poverty, the socio-economic policies of previous Governments and Afghanistan's unbalanced reliance on one of the world's blocs are the main factors. Others blame the sensitive strategic and geopolitical location of Afghanistan and the cut-throat competition of the cold-war Powers and their regional allies for the expansion of their spheres of influence. The degree to which these and other factors influenced the situation may vary. But what is certain is that the fingers of accusation and blame point in more than one direction.\n\nThe main question now is this: is it now the time for us to bring each of the relevant factors before the tribunal of history and to sit in judgement, measuring and apportioning the extent of their respective roles and responsibilities? Alas, not yet.\nHow can one deny that the bulk of the documents and evidence related to external and internal developments concerning Afghanistan since April 1978 are still being kept confidential? How can one claim that the Afghans and the world public have full knowledge of all the facts as they were, not as they were portrayed? Are we in a position impartially and fairly to evaluate and analyse the events and their implications or to judge whether the continuation of the present situation makes it inevitable that new factors will emerge to protract the bloodshed?\nI sincerely believe that under the present circumstances no one can say the final word on the actual reasons for and causes of the bloody adventure in our country, and that no one has the moral right to delay an early end to the crisis on that pretext.\nConsidering the interests of the Afghans and the dominant world trends, narrow-minded and revanchist notions and attitudes must be set aside. Instead, we must find a solution that will promote the salvation and the good of the Afghans and further the interests of regional and world peace and stability. There can be no doubt that this must be a peaceful political solution in conformity with humanism and the ethics of civilized man, with Afghan traditions and with Islamic teachings and tenets. The use of force and the settlement of problems through war have become rejected and abhorrent. Notwithstanding the pain and wounds of the afflicted body and soul of the\npatient people of Afghanistan, there Is no reason to doubt the futility of attempts to gain military superiority.\nFurthermore, some of the important reasons for the emergence and aggravation of the Afghan problem either have ceased to exist or have been downgraded. The principles and foundations of cold-war-era international relations have been drastically altered, and the bloodstained arenas of East-West rivalry have become more and more limited. Two years have now passed since Soviet troops left our country: there have been considerable transformations in Afghanistan's State policies, functions and legal, political and economic structures. Similarly, there have been palpable changes in the composition of the parties to the conflict and in the policies of their allies. Afghans - each of whom has lost at least one dear one - have grown fed up with the destructive and fratricidal war. Nor is the world prepared any longer to provide money and weapons for Afghans to kill Afghans. Those changes, which result from the new way of thinking at the world level and from the policy of national reconciliation within our country, have provided conditions conducive to ending our people's pain and hardship. \nMy Government assumed the heavy responsibility of administration and received the vote of confidence of the Parliament at one of the most sensitive and critical junctures of our country's history. However, I have not hidden the fact that the main mission of my Government, as a government of national accord, is to help facilitate the task of transition towards the establishment of an elected new government in conformity with the aspirations of the vast majority of the Afghan people. Therefore, it is not accidental that two thirds of the present cabinet members are influential, non-partisan personalities and experienced technocrats trained in the West.\nI must state clearly that in the present conditions of our country only an insane person can cultivate the feelings of ambition and lust for power. But what has compelled me and my colleagues to shoulder the heavy and exhausting burden of government is our recognition of the awesome responsibility which lies before us and all other patriotic Afghans for the destiny of our downtrodden people.\nWe know that in the present circumstances no government has the right to claim that it enjoys the support of all Afghans. But this fact can in no way deny us the right to serve all segments of our people. We consider this not only as our right but also as our humanitarian obligation and our patriotic and Islamic duty. We have earnestly taken it upon ourselves to serve as an instrument of conciliation and compromise among the Afghan warring factions of the Government. Hence, we have adopted policies which place the supreme national interests of Afghanistan above all partisan, ideological, tribal, linguistic and religious considerations. We believe that peace has become the highest aspiration and the most urgent need of our people. Therefore, we consider it our honourable and immediate duty to strive for the fulfilment of that aspiration. But we can accomplish this mission successfully only if there is a real will and determination to bring about the cessation of war and the establishment of peace on the part of all effective forces of Afghan society. Such a determination could convincingly be demonstrated only by the practical readiness for the commencement of negotiations among the main parties concerned. In defiance of Afghan and world public opinion, unfortunately, some circles still harbour unrealistic hopes of achieving military supremacy, hopes which impede the commencement of intra-Afghan dialogue that could serve as a key for solving other problems.\nHow can one claim to be a proponent of peaceful, political settlement and, at the same time, refrain from holding negotiations with the main parties? Afghans throughout history have preserved the innocent name of Afghans and have lived honourably as a united whole, fraternally and with independence of judgement. Afghans have a common home; in order to salvage it from the scourge of war, they should unite and find a sound formula. If we Afghans in the peace process, we shall commit a mistake as grave as those who wish to negate the role of Afghans inside the country. The defeat of repeated military efforts is indicative of certain hard and objective realities which should be recognized and properly understood.\nThere is no doubt that the supreme interests of the nation will provide a solid and firm basis for conciliation and harmony among the conflicting realities. We fully understand that the years of confrontation and the ensuing suffering have created a wide gulf of mistrust and hard feelings among the sides. But the present and future interests of the country and of its people make it absolutely necessary to put aside feelings of vengeance and revenge. To attempt to settle scores and embark on a vendetta would result in a vicious circle. Mutual courage, graciousness and forgiveness are required to reduce the deep sorrow of yester-years in anticipation of the happiness and tranquillity of the morrow and to heal the psychological and physical injuries of our devout people with the balm of national accord and unity.\nThe Government of the Republic of Afghanistan has made serious and sincere efforts to eliminate the reasons and causes of disagreements and to endeavour to bring ever closer the positions of the sides.\nThe following statement was made in continuation of several proposals offered by Kabul on a political settlement on the seventy-second anniversary of the country's independence:\n"We are in favour of direct, face-to-face and unconditional talks with opponents of the State of the Republic of Afghanistan, because setting prior conditions would result in delaying the talks. The process of negotiations with a number of opposition groups continues at different levels, while other opponents still have reasons which prevent them from holding direct negotiations. We propose that talks between the representatives of the Republic of Afghanistan and the opposition groups take place in the presence of neutral third parties. In other words, the Republic of Afghanistan is prepared to negotiate with the opposition groups through the mediation of the United Nations or of the countries interested in the Afghan problem."\nThe Afghan president, in reaction to the United States-Soviet joint declaration last week, proposed as a first step the enforcement of a cease-fire throughout Afghanistan and the commencement of talks between the State and the Council of the Internal Mijahideen Commander, leader of the parties and groups based in Peshawar and Tehran, the former king and his followers, and Afghan intellectuals living in Europe and America. \nAfghanistan is a traditional society. In Afghanistan people hold their aged and elderly in high esteem. In the present conditions when the flames of war are ablaze in the country, our people expect their elders, wherever they may be - among them His Majesty Mohammed Zaher Shah, the former king of our country - to take an active part in extinguishing this fire. We know that all Afghan personalities abroad are also concerned about their country, but as a proverb goes in the Pashtu language, "The ground burns where the fire is set". The country and its people are awaiting them. Silence and indifference in the present situation would be an unforgivable sin.\nFrom this authoritative world rostrum, I wish to communicate to the Assembly and to the people of the world the silent cry of the millions of tired and war-ridden Afghans whose lives have become a dreadful nightmare. The international community, and in particular the permanent members of the Security Council, should recognize their moral responsibilities in the face of the disaster in Afghanistan by making use of the mechanism provided in the Charter of the United Nations and lay the groundwork for negotiations and a political settlement. Silence and indifference in the face of this tragedy of blood, tears and fire would reflect a lack of conscience and an abandonment of moral responsibility. Such inaction should not continue. \nHere I wish to express the appreciation and gratitude of the people and Government of Afghanistan for the serious and untiring efforts of His Excellency Javier Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General of the United Nations and his personal representative, Mr. Benon Sevan, in helping to achieve a peaceful political settlement of the Afghan problem.\nThe Secretary-General's statement, which contained the five main elements of a political settlement of the Afghan problem, represents the international consensus and was supported by the Republic of Afghanistan and all interested countries. These documents guarantee the preservation of national sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, the right of the Afghan people freely to choose the political and socio-economic system of their country and other values on which all Afghans are in agreement. The Secretary-General's statement takes into account the nature of the Afghan conflict and contains elements of a comprehensive, practicable, just and honourable settlement for all the warring parties. These qualifications make it possible to achieve a national accord around the Secretary-General's statement, an understanding that has emerged among the concerned external parties. One of the salient elements of the statement is that, at the end of the transition period and peace process, the basic need of car people, namely, security, stability, democracy and development will be ensured. \nI urge this great assembly of nations to utilize its moral authority and prestige to call upon all the Afghan parties and the governments concerned to take steps towards implementing the Secretary-General's statement and to begin negotiations to that end without any further delay. I strongly believe that in the warmth of the national unity of the Afghans and world solidarity, the ice of misunderstanding and hard feeling will break and, by virtue of their traditions of thousands of years, the Afghans will find peaceful ways and means of settling their problems and will embark on rebuilding their ruined country. Our sisters and brothers who are away from their homes and hearths will return to their relatives and friends; all Afghans will join hands and adopt a socio-political order that will regulate their interactions with the government of the State in accordance with their own wishes. \nI believe that if we put aside' the personal interests of a few in the Afghan plain, and curb the illegitimate influence and hidden intentions of certain circles in some countries, the remaining differences are not so substantial as not to admit o£ a solution. \nThe joint declaration of the United States Secretary of State Mr. James Baker and the Soviet Foreign Minister Mr. Boris Pankin at the end of their talks on Afghanistan in Moscow is in fact a gigantic step towards removing one of the barriers in the way to ensuring peace in our country. We strongly hope that this constructive position on the part of the two guarantors of the Geneva accords will receive the practical support and cooperation of other involved countries.\nWe also hope that the recent visit of the Secretary-General to Teheran and Riyadh and his discussions with the leaders of Iran. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and with the two Mujahideen leaders, namely. Hasrat Saheb Sebghatullah Mujaddidi and Jenab Pir Saheb Sayed Ahmad Gailani may bring an added impetus to the peace efforts and prepare the ground for negotiations on the launching of a transition process. In the course of my visit to the Secretary-General, we discussed all practical and logical options and possibilities towards that end.\nAfghans have repeatedly proved that they will not hesitate to sacrifice their personal interests for the sake of the supreme interests of their country; but they will not allow others to take advantage of the present-day problems of the Afghans in order to impose their hidden intentions upon them. Afghans, whether inside or outside their country, are extremely sensitive about their national interests and will not accept any interference in, or infringements upon, their internal affairs.\nWe hope and expect that the United Nations will take some new initiatives for political settlement and devise, through consultations between Afghans, a vengeance and vendetta, in line with the Secretary-General's statement.\nWe are not speaking here about the so-called rights of minorities. Residents of Afghanistan are Afghans and Muslims. In fact, the question of minorities, as perceived in the political literature of other countries, is irrelevant in the case of Afghanistan; what should lie at the centre of our thoughts and actions is the need to ensure and safeguard the human rights of all citizens of Afghanistan regardless of their previous affiliations and deeds.\nThe transition mechanism must guarantee this matter in a comprehensive and reliable manner. I urge all peace-loving nations of the world that, while continuing their endeavours towards a peaceful end to the Afghan conflict, they should also provide generous assistance to our people with a view to eradicating the sad and grim consequences of the war from the life of the present generation throughout the country.\nOur people long for peace, but they also need food, medicine, fuel and other basic items. Our country is rich in natural resources and its people are hard-working, but the monster of war has limited the possibility of their proper utilisation. Once peace is restored, there is no doubt that large-scale resources will be diverted from the war budget towards meeting the needs of the people and exploiting our natural wealth to ensure their prosperity. However, we cannot and, surely, must not wait for peace to come to solve some of those problems, such as the severe shortage of fuel and food supplies.\nAfghans are patriotic, religious, theistic, brave, proud and peace-loving people. They wish to strengthen friendly ties and all-out cooperation with their neighbours and all countries of the world on the basis of the recognized principles of international law. In so far as they devotedly safeguard their national interests and honour, they also pay tribute to the rights and legitimate interests of other nations. They want to live in peace among themselves and with all nations of the world and to be the enemy of none and the friend of all.\nOur country is in favour of having good relations with Pakistan, as a co-religionist, neighbouring country. We are always prepared to negotiate with Pakistan about ways and means to invigorate our friendship and bilateral cooperation. I fully believe that this very aim is in conformity with the interests of the two nations and the whole region.\nWe have historic common ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The common language, culture, customs and our common religion have strongly linked us to each other. We have wide-ranging opportunities to expand mutual cooperation. We recognize Iran as a big country with influence over the changes taking place in the region. We wish to promote and develop our friendship and our mutually beneficial cooperation with Iran.\nWe also regard the People's Republic of China as a major neighbouring country; in the past and in the present, China, as a friend of the people of Afghanistan, has greatly contributed to our country's economic projects, such as the Parwan irrigation project, the Bagrami textile mill in Kabul, the 300-bed hospital in Kandahar and so forth. Today, past limitations in Sino-Afghan relations have been done away with. Our journalists, sportsmen and private entrepreneurs travel to China, and a noticeable improvement is evident in the two countries' relations, which is according to the wishes of the two nations.\nWe are sure of our ever-growing traditionally friendly relations and\neconomic cooperation with the Soviet Union and the Republic of India, which have always assisted the Republic of Afghanistan in its efforts to achieve peace in the country.\nThe people of Afghanistan attach special importance to their relations with Saudi Arabia, as a big Islamic country where the Muslim sanctuary is located. The house of the Lord and the holy shrines of Mohammed, the great prophet of Islam, and of the Caliphs have drawn our Muslim people to that land for hundreds of years. We wish that our Saudi brothers would not only respond favorably to our call for a normalization of relations with Afghanistan but would also make use of their moral influence and significant role in order to restore peace in Afghanistan.\nThe peoples of Afghanistan and Turkey are traditional friends to one another. We hold in high esteem the memory of our genuine cooperation with Turkey through tens of educational, cultural, medical and defence projects. The Government of Afghanistan will make use of every opportunity to expand and further develop friendship and cooperation between the two countries.\nOur ties with Syria have always been friendly, and the efforts of the Governments of the two countries to extend bilateral cooperation are convincingly increasing.\nKuwait, which has recently put a tormenting page in history behind it, has always been a friend of our country. We are seeking necessary avenues to promote out mutually beneficial cooperation with Kuwait.\nLong ties of friendship and cooperation closely link the peoples of Afghanistan and Egypt. I believe that our endeavours to strengthen and develop the traditional relations between the two countries will achieve a desirable outcome.\nAfghanistan strives equally strongly to develop good relations and mutually beneficial cooperation with other Arab and Islamic countries, relying upon the principles of the international law.\nNormal and friendly relations with the United States of America are in our national interests and are very important to our people. The many manifestations of our multilateral economic, scientific and cultural cooperation with the United States include such projects as Helmand valley, the Kabul-Kandahar highway, Kabul university establishments, the academic affiliation system and the training of hundreds of Afghans in specialised fields in United States educational institutions. These are well appreciated in our country and evince the solid and friendly relations between our peoples. We hope the United States Administration will take the hand of cordial friendship that we have extended and will move towards the normalisation of relations with Afghanistan.\nSwitzerland, to which our country has been compared by some tourists and historians, has had a special interest in the destiny of the people of Afghanistan. The latest instance of this was the innovative visit of Mr. Kiaus Jacobi, State Secretary for Foreign Affairs of that country, to Kabul and the surrounding region. This visit was aimed at helping to establish understanding and peace between the conflicting parties. We are sincerely grateful to Switzerland for this bold act.\nWe also desire ever broader relations with the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Austria and other West European countries, as well as Canada and the United States. Each of these countries has assumed a noteworthy role in the socio-economic development of Afghanistan, which is recalled by our people with deep gratitude.\nEven during the very hard years of war, we maintained commercial relations with Japan, the Republic of Korea and other countries of South-East Asia and the Far East. The restoration of peace establishes more propitious circumstances for the association of Afghanistan with the economic foundations of this region. In line with its economic policy, the Republic of Afghanistan reiterates its demand for membership in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation and is prepared to set up suitable economic associations with neighbouring countries.\nAttracting foreign investment constitutes an integral part of my Government's economic policy. Afghanistan stands ready to provide legally guaranteed facilities for foreign investments from countries throughout the world, without discrimination, in such varied fields as banking, air and land transportation, industry, construction, communications, the exploration and extraction of mines, the establishment of agricultural and livestock farms, irrigation systems, energy-generating complexes, and so on.\nAs one of the founders of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the Republic of Afghanistan wishes further to promote and strengthen its friendly relations with the members of the Movement and OIC, and will strive to achieve their common ideals. Together with other countries, we will make our contribution to increasing and upgrading the role of the United Nations in settling global issues and safeguarding world peace, as well as implementing the objectives of the United Nations Charter to the benefit of all mankind.\nAfghanistan is a peace-loving, non-aligned and neutral country and does not intend to pose any threat to, or commit any aggression against, any other country. We emphasize that Afghanistan is genuinely and earnestly striving for good relations with all countries. States and Governments on the basis of mutual respect and interests, and to live in peace and tranquillity with all nations of the world.\nThis is our sincere message to all Afghans and from all Afghans to the entire world. The Afghan nation has gained worthiness, respect and honour for its struggle for peace and justice. Any feelings of solidarity and sympathy towards this free-born and independent nation should be applied towards ending its agonies and not to perpetuating and heightening its miseries and pains.\nI ask the representatives of free and independent nations to extend their cooperation and earnest solidarity in assistance, and I pray God Almighty to grant happiness to the Afghans and peace and prosperity to all humanity.
## 35 I shall read out the following statement\non behalf of the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Afghanistan.\n"Allow me to express my warmest congratulations on your election as President of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly. I am fully confident that the work of the Assembly will yield fruitful, indeed radiant, results under your wise guidance, and with the endeavors of the Secretary-General.\n"It is a source of pleasure for the delegation of the Islamic State of Afghanistan to see the new Bulgaria, having renounced communism, taking its place in the international community with new principles and values in line with the true aspirations of the Bulgarian people.\n“The wise and effective stewardship of your predecessor.\nAmbassador Samir Shihabi, will always be remembered by those who participated in the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. He were glad to see a record of such high quality placed at the disposal of the General Assembly by a skillful diplomat who represented the brotherly country of Saudi Arabia.\n"The universality of this Organization has been further strengthened this year by the admission of 13 new Members. He welcome them to this world family and assure them of our cooperation in the realization of the purposes of this Organization.\n"It is the grace of Almighty Allah that gives me the great honor of conveying this message to the General Assembly for the first time since the establishment of an Islamic State in Afghanistan. \n"The forty-seventh session of the General Assembly is convened in conditions where the remnants of the cold war and a polarized world are melting, where colonial structures are falling apart and where a new and just order is being forged on our planet.\n"The 14-year resistance of the heroic Afghan mujahideen, of the liberation movements of nations under tyranny, and of reform movements in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, coupled with the unjust and unrealistic nature of communism and totalitarianism, contributed to the collapse of those systems and consequently to smashing the myth of world-power polarization. This weakened the concept of military pacts and to some extent changed the political map of the world. The years of cold war came to an end and the hope of a new and fair world order emerged. Such positive developments and their subsequent outcomes have given shape to new horizons for the world order, and also to the role of the United Nations in world affairs.\n"For my delegation, the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly session has two significant features. First, the representatives of the Afghan nation are taking their seat once again in this Organization and, secondly, we are participating in this session with the expectation that the United Nations and other international organizations, as well as international financial institutions and Member States will continue to extend their assistance to the second phase of our struggle:\tthe\teconomic reconstruction and social rehabilitation of\nour country.\n"I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to express, on behalf of the people and the Islamic State of Afghanistan, my profound appreciation to all those Member States that firmly stood by our side in condemning the aggression of the former Soviet Union and supported the righteous struggle of the Afghan people for the restoration of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Afghanistan, and its non-aligned and Islamic character. Their dynamic political and generous humanitarian support has been a source of encouragement during the entire years of our struggle, in which we have never felt alone, believing that God Almighty and righteousness were on our side.\n"In this respect, our special heartfelt thanks and gratitude is extended to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Arab Republic of Egypt. We will always remember the strong political and generous humanitarian assistance of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, the United Kingdom, Western European countries and Japan.\n"We thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations, his Special Representative and the Office of the Coordinator for United Nations Humanitarian and Economic Assistance programs Relating to Afghanistan (UNOCA) for playing a conciliatory role for bringing peace to Afghanistan, as well as channeling assistance to our people.\n"We would expect that this Organization may continue to assist Afghanistan in the realization of the noble aspirations of our people.\n"Speaking for the first time after the establishment of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, I deem it necessary to make a brief reference to a matter that concerns the circumstances that culminated in the collapse of the previous regime and the establishment of an Islamic State in the country.\n"The understanding reached between the leaders and commanders of Jihad with the regular and irregular forces of the previous Government in the country contributed to a smooth and peaceful transition of power from that Government to the newly established Islamic Government of Afghanistan on 28 April 1992, avoiding, perhaps, a blood-bath in the capital.\n"Based upon the high objective of avoiding further loss of life and bloodshed, the newly established Islamic State has tried to solve existing political problems, which are the legacy of the 14 years of war and destruction in the country, through peaceful means of dialog, negotiations, tolerance and understanding, thus preparing the ground for holding free and fair elections as a viable procedure of guaranteeing democracy and social justice.\n"It should be obvious that holding a general election in a country requires, first and foremost, an atmosphere of complete peace and security. Unfortunately, the recent irresponsible non-stop three-week rocket attacks on Kabul resulted in the tragic loss of some 2,400 innocent people, as well as 9,000 injuries. These senseless attacks have also seriously disturbed the speedy and final resolution of the present political problems. This situation, as well as the ongoing program of repatriation of refugees and that of the resettlement of displaced people, as well as the lack of adequate security and financial resources, and facilities that are essential requirements for holding a general election, brought the Government to the point of taking a preliminary step, which would prepare the ground for the holding of a free and fair election. This first step is the convening of a traditional Loya Kirgah"\na Grand Council, a Council of Representatives:\tin\tother words, a\nShura-i-Ahli-Hal-wa-Aqd, a term used for the same gathering, in Arabic "comprising the representatives of the people of Afghanistan. This assembly is to be held at the earliest convenience, probably within the next two months. \n"During the past month, some assemblies have been convened in different parts of Afghanistan to deliberate on the present political situation in the country. On 8 September 1992, an assembly consisting of 2,500 Jihad commanders, heads of tribes, ulama" religious scholars "and influential Afghan personalities representing 16 of the 29 provinces of Afghanistan was held in the city of Ghazni, somewhere near Central Afghanistan. After discussing various issues pertaining to security conditions, the political situation and basic needs in the provinces, and especially in Kabul, the assembly made a request to the Government to call a Loya Jirgah, which would be the best and shortest path for resolving the present crisis. Their deliberations call for convening, by the end of October, a Shoura, that is, a Jirgah or a Council, of all segments of Afghan society, including Afghan refugees living abroad.\n"On 12 September 1992, another assembly was convened, in the city of Kandahar. In this gathering. Jihad commanders and heads of several tribes of southern and southwestern Afghanistan called for the convening of a Loya Jirgah. It is noteworthy that the participants in this assembly, among other things, requested the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United Nations jointly to supervise the convening of such a grand assembly.\n"In addition to the above-mentioned assemblies, there have been a number of other gatherings throughout Afghanistan that have asked the Islamic State to convene a Loya Jirgah as the only authoritative platform to decide on the political future of the country.\n"The position of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, which reflects the righteous demands and suggestions of the valiant people of Afghanistan, obligates it to ensure that all ways and means and are utilized in seeing that this wish of the nation, echoed through the convening of various assemblies, is heeded.\n"The safeguarding of the unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Afghanistan could only be ensured if the will of the nation, which is the source of sovereignty, is expressed. Such aspirations, under prevailing conditions, could be reflected through the convening of a Loya Jirgah, which in the absence of the possibilities of holding elections is the only authoritative and inclusive body to determine the political destiny of the country.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan is exerting every effort to bring about appropriate safeguards and guarantees for facilitating the speedy transition of power to an elected government through Loya Jirgah.\nHowever, for the purpose of ensuring appropriate safeguards and guarantees, the Islamic State of Afghanistan, if necessary, may request the United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic Conference to supervise the proceedings of such an assembly.\n"Our struggle has been victorious because of the 14 years of continuous, valiant and dedicated sacrifices made by our Muslim nation against a super-Power and its supporters. This victory is a brilliant milestone and turning-point in our history. But the price of victory has been very high.\n"To portray the extent of death and destruction in Afghanistan, it is perhaps sufficient to quote the first paragraph of the 'Consolidated Appeal by the Secretary-General of the United Nations for Emergency Humanitarian Assistance for Afghanistan', which says:\t'Few countries in\nhistory have suffered to the extent Afghanistan has over the past 14 years. Aside from the physical destruction, which was often nothing short of cataclysmic, the results of the war include over 1 million people killed, over 2 million disabled, nearly 6 million refugees in neighboring countries and 2 million internally displaced persons'.\n"The total destruction of most of the villages and towns has been estimated at 200.000 hectares of forest. 8.000 water arteries. 6 million cattle.114 medical centers. 2.700 kilometers of main roads and more than 2,000 school buildings. Almost all our power stations and communications systems have been either totally destroyed or very badly damaged. The real estimate of losses is to be reckoned. There are about 10 million mines implanted by the Soviet occupying forces all over Afghanistan. Perhaps the coming Afghan generations may not be able to walk without fear on their own soil. And this is the saddest part of it.\n"The completion of the repatriation program is directly related to de-mining. According to United Nations reports, in recent months there have been many returnees who were killed or injured by the mines. Medical clinics in the border town of Peshawar in Pakistan are overcrowded with the mine-affected returnees. In this respect, we call upon the international community to respond positively to the appeal of the Secretary-General in supporting financially the related projects of\nthe United Nations.\n"While the international community is celebrating the end of the Decade of Disabled Persons, there are 2 million people who fall into the same category in my country, and their destitute and meager existence deserves special attention.\n"Our problems are so great that we, with our limited capabilities, cannot address the critical needs of disabled persons. The Islamic State of Afghanistan, with its war-shattered economy as one element affecting its rehabilitation programs, has prioritized the construction of new hospitals and clinics which need to be financed by international assistance programs.\n"The efforts of this Organization in adopting principles for the purpose of ensuring the implementation of measures and a monitoring system for the rights of disabled persons is commendable. However, the problem in my country is of a different nature. We have to create appropriate national machinery to support almost 2 million disabled persons, victims of armed conflict. Without appropriate international assistance, that objective cannot be achieved.\n"As for the orphans of war, if we estimate that each Afghan killed in the 14 years of war had one child, there are 1.5 million orphans in Afghanistan. Because of that great number, the Islamic State of Afghanistan is in critical need of international assistance for the rehabilitation of orphans of war.\n"In appreciation of the severity of the problems of orphans of war and armed conflicts and their deserving of particular international attention, my delegation proposes the establishment of a special fund in the framework of the United Rations Children's Fund (UNICEF) for the rehabilitation of orphans as a result of armed conflicts, wherever they are and to whatever country they belong. In this regard, it may also be appropriate to declare the year 1994 the international year of the orphan.\n"There can be no political stability in any country without economic viability. The Islamic State of Afghanistan has inherited a country that is physically devastated, psychologically battered, economically depleted, and politically and socially tormented; the population is in dire need of moral and material support. The Islamic State was established as a result of immeasurable sacrifices and the great suffering that the Afghan nation has endured for the sake of its freedom and its conviction to its faith. Our people's struggle has had international significance in general and has had wide-ranging impact on the promotion of freedom and the emergence of new States. Without a sound economy, the peace that has been achieved at such a terrible cost cannot be guaranteed, and instability in Afghanistan is sure to affect the region.\n"The war has destroyed the economic infrastructure of Afghanistan. Rebuilding the country's economic structure is crucial for the future existence of Afghanistan as a productive and self-supporting member of the world community. Comprehensive and methodical economic programs, with the assistance of friendly countries and the United Nations, will ensure the reconstruction process, a solid foundation upon which future economic progress can be built.\n"At the. moment, however, the issue of emergency humanitarian relief efforts takes priority because of the obvious food shortages, lack of clean water and electricity and inadequate medical care, which are threatening the survival of the nation as a whole and the capital in particular. Unfortunately/ the Islamic State of Afghanistan has not received adequate support from the international community in this regard.\n"The United Nations Special Representative on Afghanistan recently expressed dismay at the lack of enthusiasm on the part of the international community in responding urgently to meet the $180 million target of assistance proposed by Bis Excellency the Secretary-General of the United Nations in his appeal of 5 June 1992. So far, almost $40.5 million has been received in response to that appeal. The positive response of some countries is greatly appreciated by the Islamic State of Afghanistan.\n“Aside from the human calamities, in the first week of September of this year a natural disaster hit Gulbahar and other neighboring towns of Parwan Province of Afghanistan. That flood was of a severity unmatched for many decades. According to reliable reports, about 3,000 people were killed, and hundreds of houses were totally demolished. It is astonishing that international authorities have not addressed their attention to that large-scale calamity. He are requesting the international community to provide emergency humanitarian assistance for the flood victims and their families.\n“The Islamic State of Afghanistan wishes to solicit the support of United Nations Member States in ensuring due consideration of item 141 of the agenda of the current session of the United Nations General Assembly, entitled 'Emergency international assistance for the reconstruction of war-stricken Afghanistan'- It is our sincere and earnest hope that Member States will consider extending their full support to the two separate draft resolutions that are to be submitted by the delegation of the Islamic State of Afghanistan on agenda item 141. \n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan is of the opinion that, in spite of many positive changes in international relations, some of the main objectives of the United Nations, such as total disarmament - especially with respect to nuclear arms settlement of conflicts through peaceful means, the observance of human rights and the establishment of a new and just international economic order, have not been fully realized. Perhaps it would be more in line with the aim of realizing the purposes of this Organization for the positive new climate of international understanding to be utilized for the purpose of strengthening the role of the United Nations in bolstering the socio-economic advancement of the developing countries, especially the least developed ones. The willingness of the developed countries to ensure greater cooperation with the needy countries could contribute positively to the realization of this objective.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan holds the conviction that the multidimensional problem of the environment already threatens the future of our world. At the recent summit of Heads of State or Government in Rio de Janeiro, this global problem was discussed extensively, and a credible document entitled Agenda 21 was adopted, providing a sound basis for solving global environmental issues.\n"It is promising to see that dependence on ideology in the settlement of regional conflicts is vanishing and a tendency is emerging in favor of strengthening international cooperation for the settlement of existing conflicts.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan will work for international peace in full cooperation with the United Nations and stand by and respect the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and all accepted norms of this world body. In the arena of international relations, the Islamic State of Afghanistan, as one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, will continue to pursue an active non-aligned policy, free judgment on international issues, sincerely supporting the objectives of the Non-Aligned Movement and of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, strengthening friendly ties with all countries on the basis of parity and mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and non-interference in each other's affairs. The Islamic State of Afghanistan pledges sincere adherence to all international agreements, stands against every form of colonialism and all racial ideas, supports the elimination of nuclear weapons and will help in erasing international and regional tensions.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan welcomes the current negotiations between the concerned parties in the Middle East and hopes that they will result in the realization of the legitimate right of the people of Palestine to establish their own independent State. Without an immediate halt to Israeli settlement in the occupied territories, there can be no firm assurance that those negotiations will lead to permanent peace and stability in that region. Afghanistan, in conformity with the principle of the right to self-determination and in compliance with the resolution of the Islamic Conference of Istanbul, supports the rights of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and asks for an immediate halt to the massacre of the innocent population of that Republic. We denounce the heinous policy of 'ethnic cleansing', which, in spite of world-wide condemnation, is still taking place. Afghanistan, as one of the sponsors of draft resolution A/46/L.76 of the resumed forty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, advocates decisive action, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, aimed at ensuring the rights of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to self-defense and to the protection of their territorial integrity and sovereignty. \n"While supporting the right of all people to self-determination, the delegation from the Islamic State of Afghanistan believes that the question of Kashmir should be settled through negotiations and dialog on the basis of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan, while desiring friendly relations with all countries, attributes special importance to its relations with the neighboring countries Pakistan and Iran, as well as with the fraternal country of Saudi Arabia.\n"We have a sincere desire to maintain and strengthen our traditional friendship with the United States of America. Afghanistan seeks friendly relations with Japan and with Western European and other Far East countries.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan aspires to positive and friendly relations with the new Muslim Republics of Central Asia and wishes to strengthen its commercial, economic and cultural ties with those republics.\n"The Islamic State of Afghanistan also wishes for friendly relations with non-aligned India and hopes that India will cooperate with the people of Afghanistan in the needed areas.\n"Our country desires close and friendly relations with the People's Republic of China and hopes that technical cooperation and trade with that neighbor will be expanded.\n"Afghanistan wishes for the improvement of friendly relations with the Russian Federation and expects that the Russian Federation will participate fully in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Afghanistan. The Russian Federation, as the inheritor of the former Soviet Union, has the responsibility to compensate for the destruction caused by armed aggression of the former Soviet Union against Afghanistan.\n"It is also necessary to express our concern for the suffering families of more than 30,000 Afghans still missing after the years of the former Soviet Union's aggression in our country. This tragedy has seriously affected the sentiments of all Afghans, and they expect that the Commonwealth of Independent States will address this issue urgently and seriously. Believing that a sincere desire based upon goodwill and mutual trust between the parties concerned could positively contribute to resolving this important humanitarian issue, the Islamic State of Afghanistan will try to use bilateral channels as a first step towards resolving this issue, unless circumstances require otherwise.\n"In closing, I deem it necessary to point out that the United Nations, which plays an increasingly important role in the settlement of regional conflicts and world problems, should increasingly focus its activities on overcoming global problems and difficulties. As a Member of the United Nations, the Islamic State of Afghanistan is prepared to extend its full cooperation to the Organization in overcoming the world's existing difficulties and will spare no effort in implementing the resolutions and decisions of the present session.\n"May Allah Glory Be Unto Him bestow ever greater successes to all participants of this current session of the Assembly."\n\n\n\n
## 36 Permit me, first of all, to\ncongratulate Ambassador Insanally on his unanimous\nelection as President of the United Nations General\nAssembly at its forty-eighth session. I am confident that,\nunder his dynamic and wise leadership, coupled with the\nsupport of that able and consummate diplomat, His\nExcellency Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General of\nthe United Nations, the deliberations of this Assembly will\nproduce constructive and fruitful results in meeting some of\nthe major challenges our world is facing at this time and in\nlaying a sound foundation for international relations in the\nforeseeable future.\nOur appreciation is also extended to His Excellency\nStoyan Ganev, the President of the General Assembly at its\nforty-seventh session, for his successful conduct of that\nsession of the Assembly.\nI would also like to take this opportunity to welcome\nthe new Member States that have joined us. I expect that\ntheir participation at this session will contribute significantly\nto international peace and cooperation.\nThe world has witnessed phenomenal changes within\nthe last two or three years. With the collapse of Soviet\ncommunism, many new independent States have emerged,\nand several countries whose citizens lived unwillingly behind\nthe Iron Curtain for almost half a century have rejoined the\nfree world. The bipolar world has disappeared and the cold\nwar has practically ended. These great changes provide an\nopportunity for us to reduce international tensions, to attain\ntrue parity among nations, to put an end to wasteful\ninvestments in destructive and devastating armaments and to\nfree up our resources for more productive use by all our\ncitizens.\nOn the other hand, however, we also see that these\nchanges in the world have created substantial uncertainties\nand in many instances have given rise to extremely tragic\nregional, local, ethnic and religious conflicts which, unless\naddressed by the international community, will endanger\nworld peace. These conflicts, combined with the continuing\nproblems of poverty, the widening gap between the rich and\nthe poor, and the scourge of drug use and drug trafficking\ncould offset the advantages we all hope to gain from the\nrecent changes. Do we have the vision, the creativity and\nthe resolve to ensure that the world takes positive advantage\nof the new realities for the benefit of all countries and\npeoples? Or will we continue to be myopic, dogmatically\nblind and self-centred, and risk losing this great opportunity?\nThe Afghan people have a special stake in the choice\nwe collectively make. We wish to ensure that our choice is\nthe right one and that all countries, including Afghanistan,\nshare fully in the benefits that should flow from the new\nrealities. Our special stake is based on our belief that the\nchanges that have taken place in the world are partly the\nresult of the enormous sacrifices made by our nation during\nthe 14 years of struggle against Soviet occupation and\ncommunist rule.\nIn this context, I would like to say a few words about\nsome of the issues confronting the world community today,\nissues which we must address in this Assembly. I will then\ndiscuss the situation in Afghanistan and state what our\nexpectations are of the United Nations and the world\ncommunity.\nOne of the issues confronting us is that of Bosnia and\nHerzegovina. The country’s situation is indeed tragic, and\nwill be a test case to determine whether we in the\ninternational community have the sense of justice and can\nmuster the resolve to end this tragedy successfully and\nForty-eighth session - 11 October l993 21\njustly. The continuing occupation of Bosnian Muslim\nterritories by the Serbs, backed by the armed might of\nSerbia, the intransigence of the Serbians vis-à-vis the\nSecurity Council resolutions, and the untold atrocities\ncommitted against the innocent Bosnian Muslim population\nis not only an affront to this Organization but also an insult\nto humanity. The delegation of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan believes that aggression must not be rewarded\nand that any territorial gains that were made as a result of\nforce should and must be rectified. A definitive time limit\nshould be set by which the Serbs should agree to the terms\nof the London Conference and withdraw from the seized\nterritories. Otherwise, the current arms embargo against\nBosnia should be lifted and other urgent and effective\nmeasures, including the use of force, should be considered\nby the United Nations and the international community to\nensure that the Bosnian tragedy is ended and the Serbian\naggression repulsed.\nThe Palestinian people have suffered long. The Islamic\nState of Afghanistan would like to see peace finally achieved\nfor these people in a way that meets their national objectives\nand satisfies their right to self-determination. We believe\nthat the declaration of principles on Palestinian self-rule\nsigned in Washington on 13 September 1993 will serve as\nthe basis for a long-term solution to the Palestine problem\nand ensure peace and stability only if it is followed by\nearnest negotiations that lead first, to the withdrawal of\nIsraeli forces from the occupied territories; secondly, to the\nestablishment of an independent Palestinian State that\nincludes the Holy City of Jerusalem, one of the three most\nsacred cities of the Islamic world; thirdly, to the return of\nthe Palestinian refugees; and fourthly, to a resolution of the\nproblem of Israeli settlements in a manner acceptable to the\nnew Palestinian State.\nKashmir is another tragic issue that requires urgent\nattention. This issue has not only caused substantial\nsuffering to the people of Kashmir, but has become the\nsource of friction between two important neighbouring States\nin South Asia and has prevented the full realization of the\neconomic and trade potentials that exist within and outside\nthe region. The Islamic State of Afghanistan therefore urges\nthe resolution of this issue by these two States through\nnegotiations under United Nations auspices or under any\nother arrangements that may be acceptable to both sides,\ntaking into account the wishes and aspirations of the people\nof Kashmir.\nIn the case of Somalia, the Islamic State of Afghanistan\nis distressed by the chaos which has resulted from increasing\ncivil upheaval. We support the peace-keeping efforts of the\nUnited Nations and hope that international participation can\nensure a safe end to the turmoil in Somalia and the\nestablishment of a viable government to protect the interests\nand rights of the Somali people. We believe all peaceful\navenues that might help in solving this problem should be\nexplored.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan supports every\nequitable international effort to prevent the proliferation of\nnuclear weapons. However, given that most of the tragedies\naround the world are caused by the massive increase in the\navailability of conventional weapons, my delegation would\nwelcome and support a resolution to control the production\nand sale of such weapons. Such a resolution should also\nprovide for effective arms collection programmes in\ncountries which are saturated with weapons that are causing\ninternal and regional instability.\nNow I would like to focus the attention of the\nAssembly on my own country, Afghanistan. As all of you\nknow, Afghanistan has suffered enormously within the past\n15 years. I do not wish to go into the details of the\ndestruction that has taken place, but I would like to highlight\na few points very briefly.\nThe Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has\naptly summarized the tragedy of Afghanistan:\n"Few countries in history have suffered to the\nextent Afghanistan has over the past fourteen years.\nAside from the physical destruction, which was often\nnothing short of cataclysmic, the results of the war\ninclude well over a million people killed, over 2 million\ndisabled, nearly 6 million refugees in neighbouring\ncountries, and 2 million internally displaced persons."\nAlmost the entire transportation, communication, and\npower infrastructure in Afghanistan has been either wiped\nout or severely damaged. The agricultural system is in total\ndisarray, with the irrigation system destroyed, much\nlivestock killed and the agricultural credit and extension\nservices totally defunct. The placement of millions of mines\nthroughout the country makes it impossible to revive the\nagricultural sector. Forests are denuded and the environment\nspoiled. Attempts to provide health care, medicine,\nimmunization and so on are stymied by the destruction of so\nmany hospitals and clinics. Mental health problems resulting\nfrom many years of war and bombings have no relief. In\naddition, thousands upon thousands of amputees require\nartificial limbs. Thousands of schools have been destroyed\nand many of our teachers and professors have been killed or\nexiled. Indeed, illiteracy has overtaken almost our entire\npopulation. A whole generation of Afghans has no\nexperience of normal life or of education in any form.\n22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session\nThe other two urgent problems we have are both linked\nto the lack of jobs and of economic alternatives within\nAfghanistan: the problem of large numbers of weapons in\nprivate hands and the problem of illicit drugs. I shall return\nto both of these matters a little later.\nLet me describe the plight of one individual, Abdul\nRahim. This man escaped to Pakistan from the war in\nAfghanistan nine years ago. He was newly married, with\none baby, and during his years in Pakistan he had two more\nchildren. Two of his brothers were killed in battle, and the\nthird died of disease that went untreated because of poor\nmedical facilities. He is responsible for two of his widowed\nsisters-in-law and their five children. Thus, as he returns to\nhis village in Afghanistan he is the head of a family of\ntwelve. He finds that his parents, who had refused to leave,\nare no longer there. It will be some time before he learns of\ntheir fate. His home is reduced to a pile of rubble, as,\nobviously, are those of his neighbours. The shops of the\nvillage are gone. The once-paved road that came almost to\nthe village is an unrecognizable path of dust and rocks.\nThere is no water and no electricity. Worse, there are no\ntrees or source of wood, and winter’s shadow grows longer\nwith each cold night. In his once productive fields lie\nburned tanks and odd pieces of metallic rubble. His cousins\nnervously talk of land mines, one of which killed an old\nneighbour the day before his return. His family is concerned\nabout lack of flour, tea and sugar. This person is just an\nexample; there are millions of people like him in\nAfghanistan.\nOne of the most damaging legacies that Afghanistan\nhas inherited from Soviet occupation, Communist rule and\nthe long, drawn-out war is a substantial break-up of our civil\nand military administration and the virtual collapse of our\neconomic and financial institutions. In the past year the\nGovernment has taken substantial steps to correct the\nsituation. Indeed, progress has been made in re-establishing\ncentral authority and in reviving public and private economic\nand financial institutions. None the less, considerable work\nand much assistance will be required before we begin to\novercome those shortcomings.\nIn addition, given the destruction that has taken place,\nwe are in need of a massive reconstruction programme\nwhich we are unable to undertake unless we are assisted by\nthe international community. Last year the General\nAssembly adopted a resolution calling for reconstruction\nassistance to Afghanistan. Not much has happened since\nthen. A similar draft resolution will be presented to the\nAssembly this year, and we hope that it will be supported\nand that many can take part in putting it into effect.\nWhen we raise the question of assistance for\nreconstruction and revitalization of the economy, our request\nis gently dismissed with the reply that once security is\nestablished, Afghanistan will be helped. While granting that\nsecurity is important for a full-fledged reconstruction\nprogramme, I would suggest that a reasonable degree of\npeace and security does exist in large parts of Afghanistan.\nIn these areas reconstruction is possible and, if started, could\nserve as a catalyst in revitalizing the entire Afghan economy.\nThere are only a few areas where tensions exist and where\nthere may be intermittent fighting. We should also bear in\nmind that it may not be possible to have full peace and\nsecurity in the country unless we are able to start the process\nof reconstruction and provide people with productive\neconomic opportunities to make it attractive, and indeed\npossible, for them to give up their arms. The vicious circle\nof security first and then reconstruction or economic revival\nfirst and then security must be broken if we are to make any\nprogress.\nAnother dimension of security is obviously political.\nTo ensure that the entire Afghan nation participates in\ndetermining the country’s future political structure, we plan\nto hold elections in the course of the coming year. We have\ntherefore requested the United Nations to help organize and\nsupervise the election process.\nNow I should like to come back to the two or three\npoints which I mentioned earlier.\nOne issue worth mentioning here and which has had\nboth regional and international implications is that of\nnarcotic drugs. At the present time the illicit cultivation,\nproduction, stocking, smuggling of and trafficking in narcotic\ndrugs are without a doubt critical problems that face\nhumanity. Regrettably, one of the legacies of the long war\nis the transformation of some parts of our country into\nstaging areas for illicit drug activity. This phenomenon,\nwhich is the result of the unavailability of economic\nalternatives, is a source of great pain to us. The Islamic\nState of Afghanistan, despite its scarce resources, has\nundertaken serious measures in the struggle against illicit\ndrugs. We shall spare no efforts in combating these illegal\nactivities. However, we must not overlook the reality that\nAfghanistan, with its extremely limited means and massive\neconomic and financial needs, is not in a position to\naccomplish effectively this task on its own. Afghanistan\nneeds urgent support from the international community to\nintensify the struggle against cultivation and of trafficking in\ndrugs.\nAnother area where we require cooperation is that of\nland mines. Last year the Secretary-General’s report brought\nForty-eighth session - 11 October l993 23\nto the attention of the world the fact that there are more than\n10 million land mines in Afghanistan. It should also be\nmentioned that, on average, about 300 people fall victim to\nland mines each month. The agricultural sector, the\ntraditional base of the Afghan economy, will never be\nrevived until these mines are cleared. We of course express\nour gratitude for the past and ongoing mine-clearing\nprogrammes of the United Nations and experts from other\ncountries. However, there is an urgent need for greater\nassistance by interested countries both in actual\nmine-clearing operations and in training Afghan citizens so\nas to enable us to complete this task in as short a time as\npossible. In this connection, the delegation of the Islamic\nState of Afghanistan wholeheartedly supports the new item,\nintroduced by the European Community, on the current\nagenda of the General Assembly concerning mine-clearing\nprogrammes for war-stricken countries.\nWe Afghans want to reconstruct our country and to\nheal the wounds of the war that was imposed upon us. We\nlook forward to a normal life in which all our citizens\nparticipate fully in the political, economic, and social life of\nthe country, without any prejudice and without\ndiscrimination based on ethnicity, religious sect, language or\ngender. Here we consider it particularly important that\nAfghan women play an effective and positive role in the\nprocess of rebuilding Afghanistan. We want to raise the\nstandard of living of our people. We want to live in peace\nwith all our neighbours and to cooperate fully with them so\nthat we can use the vast resources of our region to the\nmaximum advantage of all our peoples. Indeed, we want to\nserve as a transit and trade route in our region. To this end,\nthe Islamic State of Afghanistan intends to devise a\nreconstruction and development strategy that takes into\naccount not only Afghanistan’s own requirements, but also\nthe requirements of the region.\nWe are of course distressed by the recent upheavals in\nTajikistan. We have made every effort to ensure that\ntensions along the Tajik-Afghan border are reduced. For this\npurpose, official visits at the highest levels have been\nexchanged between the two countries. These visits have\nresulted in mutual understanding on important issues.\nAppropriate communiqués to this effect have been issued in\nKabul and Dushanbe. We welcome the decision of the Tajik\nauthorities to solve their internal political problems through\nnegotiations so that the Tajik refugees now in Afghanistan\ncan return to Tajikistan voluntarily with confidence, in\nsecurity and with honour, in accordance with international\nnorms. To this end we are planning to reach a trilateral\nagreement between Afghanistan, Tajikistan and the United\nNations High Commissioner for Refugees.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan stands firm in support\nof human rights. This we consider not only an international\ncommitment, but also a religious conviction. The fact that\nafter the collapse of the communist regime in Afghanistan\nand the takeover by the Mujahideen, no policy of revenge\nagainst the former regime members was pursued is a good\nindication of this commitment. It is true, however, that due\nto the massive number of weapons now in private hands in\nour country some individual incidents of human rights\nviolations have taken place, and skirmishes between different\narmed groups have regrettably led to the loss of innocent\nlives. Therefore, the Islamic State of Afghanistan is taking\nmeasures to collect heavy arms from various armed groups.\nWe seriously hope that these efforts will bear fruit in the not\ntoo distant future.\nI also want to make it clear that, having been the\nvictims of terrorism ourselves, the Afghan nation opposes\nterrorism in any form or shape. We will never tolerate\nterrorism or allow Afghan territory to be used for such acts.\nTerrorism and the killing of innocent people is abhorrent to\nour religious beliefs and to our traditions. God Almighty\ncondemns the killing of innocent people and says that when\nanyone kills an innocent person, it will\n"be as if He slew the whole people". (The Holy Koran,\nV:35).\n24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session\nThe world is also witness to the fact that throughout the\nunequal war against the former Soviet Union the Afghans at\nno point carried out any acts of terrorism against Soviet\ncitizens or Soviet property.\nI would like to conclude by stating that the international\ncommunity will draw maximum advantage from the changes\nthat have taken place in the world if we assume\nresponsibility for, and become committed to, working\ncollectively towards improving the lives of all peoples, while\neach country maintains its full independence and enjoys\nequal rights and privileges as a separate nation. All\ncountries represented in this body should be thinking not\nonly of the prevention of conflicts, but also of engaging our\nenergies to uplift the economic, social, and political lives of\nevery nation and citizen so that all are safe, secure and free.\nIt is with such vision, such commitment, such sense of\nsharing, that we will be able to realize the objectives for\nwhich this Organization was founded. For the attainment of\nthese goals, we must ensure that new opportunities in the\nworld are not wasted and that the sacrifices of millions of\npeople who gave their lives for freedom and dignity, as well\nas the silent suffering of those who despaired under years of\npoverty and oppression, were not in vain.\nFor our part, I would like to assure the Organization\nand the international community that Afghanistan will be a\nfull and cooperative partner in all constructive collective\nefforts aimed at ensuring international peace, stability,\nprogress, freedom and justice.\nMay God bless everyone present and help us all in our\nefforts.
## 37 It gives me great\npleasure to convey on behalf of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan our warm felicitations to Mr. Amara Essy on\nhis unanimous election to the high office of President of\nthe forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The\nAfghan delegation assures him of its full cooperation\nduring his term of office.\n23\n\n\nI cannot fail to express the gratitude of the Afghan\ndelegation for the effective leadership shown by\nAmbassador Samuel Insanally, the President of the General\nAssembly at its forty-eighth session, in guiding the\nproceedings of that session.\nHis Excellency Professor Burhannudin Rabbani,\nPresident of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, has instructed\nme to convey to the Assembly a message he has addressed\nto it. I am privileged to read out that message now:\n"Your Excellencies, Heads of State and\nGovernment participating in the forty-ninth session of\nthe General Assembly,\n"His Excellency the Secretary-General,\n"His Excellency the President of the General\nAssembly,\n"I convey my best wishes for the prosperity,\nwelfare and progress of your nations, and wish the\nUnited Nations and the current General Assembly\nsession ever more success in furthering the cause of\npeace and social justice.\n"I had desired to personally attend the current\nGeneral Assembly session and avail myself of the\nopportunity to meet and extend to you, and through\nyou to your Governments and peoples, the message of\nthe Islamic State and the Afghan nation. However,\nimportant State engagements, particularly some\nongoing developments concerning the consolidation of\nthe political process in my country, prevented me\nfrom doing so. Therefore, I have asked the Chairman\nof the Afghan delegation to convey this brief message\nto the General Assembly.\n"This message raises the cry of a nation which,\nwith its unprecedented sacrifices, has played its\nhistoric role for the cause of world peace and stability\nand for the collapse of the hegemonistic and\nexpansionist system of the former Soviet Union, as\nwell as for the defence of freedom, social justice and\ndemocratic values. A nation which suffered more\nthan 1.5 million sacrifices and immeasurable\ndestruction in all spheres of its life has contributed to\nthe ending of the cold war and to a considerable\ndiminution of the threat of nuclear confrontation. It\nwas the ending of global polarization that enabled East\nand West to attain positive understandings that\nproduced assurances and trust leading to the\nestablishment of extensive cooperation and the\nrecognition of democracy as an accepted value and\nconcept, irrespective of any bloc interest.\n"We are mindful of the fact that our friends are\nequally grieved as a result of the prevailing\nsufferings imposed upon our innocent nation. We\nappreciate their readiness to endeavour to find an\nend to those destructive events.\n"I would like to make it known that as far as\nthe Islamic State is concerned, we have proved our\nsincerity and our dedication to a peaceful settlement\nof the present problems. To allow the political\nprocess to consolidate, I have announced my\nreadiness to transfer power to a responsible and\nlegitimate authority. I have even declared that I\nwould not be a candidate during the transitional\nperiod.\n"It is the warmonger elements who have taken\nadvantage of our flexibility and conciliatory\ngestures, including our unilateral cease-fire\ndeclarations, to strengthen their political and military\npositions and please their outside supporters with\nmoves towards the realization of their heinous\ndesigns. These are elements whose merciless rocket\nattacks on innocent civilian targets and the continued\nviolation of international humanitarian law are\nmatters of everyday life.\n"The Afghan nation is astonished to continue to\nsee a lack of adequate enthusiasm on the part of the\nworld community to act effectively towards the\nrealization of the following legitimate aspirations:\n"First, an extensive collective endeavour to provide\nrealistic and effective assistance to accelerate the\nongoing political process inside the country;\n"Secondly, an immediate start of practical assistance\nfor the reconstruction and rehabilitation of war-torn\nAfghanistan, as well as mine clearance, to facilitate\nand speed up the repatriation of Afghan refugees;\n"Thirdly, effective international measures to stop\nforeign interference, particularly in the form of the\nsupply of weapons and ammunition to those who\ncontinue to cause immeasurable loss of life and\ndestruction of property.\n24\n\n\n"Finding a solution to the existing problems of\nAfghanistan necessitates the taking of realistic and\ncourageous action by the world community, the United\nNations and, in particular, the United Nations Security\nCouncil.\n"We are confident that clear and decisive action\nin continuation of the support extended to us during\nour 14 years of struggle would enable the Afghan\nnation once again to live in peace, equality and\nbrotherhood, free from any form of racial, ethnic,\nlinguistic and religious prejudice. It is in such an\natmosphere of peace and tranquillity that Afghanistan\ncould play its positive and effective role in the\nconsolidation of regional peace and stability as a\npositive element, defending democracy and social\njustice.\n"As history recounts, a disturbed Afghanistan has\nalways been a source of regional instability, just as its\nstability has had a positive impact on the tranquillity\nof the region.\n"It is expected that those concerned with peace in\nAfghanistan, especially our fraternal neighbouring\ncountries, will be supportive of the ongoing political\nprocess in our homeland.\n"The tenets of Islam guide us towards honesty,\njustice and mutual respect among members of the\nhuman community, irrespective of any form of\nprejudice. Islam calls upon all Islamic nations to\nserve the cause of the peace and security of mankind.\n"The United Nations, as a source of hope for\nmany suffering nations around the world, can play a\ndecisive role in the return of peace to our shattered\nand war-stricken country.\n"We are appreciative of the personal efforts of\nHis Excellency the Secretary-General of the United\nNations and the special mission under the leadership\nof His Excellency Mahmoud Mestiri. We also value\nthe efforts of His Excellency Mr. Hamid Algabid,\nSecretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic\nConference, for his continuous search to put an end to\nthe conflict in Afghanistan. We wish them every\nsuccess in coordinating their efforts with our national\nendeavours based upon realistic approaches.\n"Let us hope that our future generations will\nrecall the efforts of our friends and those interested in\na stable and peaceful Afghanistan as the continuation\nof our just struggle for the cause of peace.\n"Wishing the current session of the General\nAssembly every success,\n"Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani,\n"President of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan."\nLet me begin my own statement by referring to the\nmiseries being inflicted upon our people and country and\nby letting members of the Assembly know about some\nrecent political developments in Afghanistan.\nSince the last session of the General Assembly three\nmain political developments have taken place in our\nnational efforts aimed at further consolidation of the\npolitical process and in the international action in favour\nof peace and stability in Afghanistan:\nFirst, the completion of the first two rounds and the\nbeginning of a third round of peace efforts by the United\nNations special mission to Afghanistan;\nSecondly, consideration of the situation in our\ncountry by the Security Council;\nThirdly, major developments in the political process,\nhighlighted by the convening in August 1994 of a\nSupreme Islamic Council in Herat and by its significant\nresolutions.\nFollowing the first round of its visit to Afghanistan\nthe special mission submitted its report (A/49/208) to the\nSecretary-General. Before making some comments on\nthat report, I wish first to express the gratitude of the\nIslamic State of Afghanistan to the Secretary-General,\nMr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his personal concern and\nthe attention he continues to pay to Afghanistan. We\nassure him of our continued cooperation and support. I\nshould also like to reaffirm the commitment of the\nIslamic State to support the special mission and to\ncooperate with it to enable it to discharge its mandate\nsuccessfully.\nHere, I should like to draw the attention of the\nAssembly to some elements in the report that are of\nparticularly importance. Paragraph 13 states that the\nmission found most of the country - at least two thirds of\nit - to be at peace. I would also draw attention to the\n25\n\n\nrealistic conclusion of the mission in paragraph 31, which\nstates, inter alia, that the\n"mission believes that reconstruction assistance should\nnot be seen as separate from but integral to a lasting\npolitical solution." (A/49/208, para. 31)\nEmphasizing the interrelationship between political and\neconomic activities to promote peace, the report says:\n"Political and economic activity are interrelated and\ninterconnected forces, which must be linked in\nAfghanistan in ways which encourage peace." (Ibid.)\nWe appreciate this positive assessment of the mission.\nIn the light of the above conclusions of the United\nNations mission as well as its recommendations, and based\nupon the critical need of the Afghan people for outside\nassistance, we believe the notion of peace first and\nreconstruction assistance second is no longer justifiable or\nplausible. The beginning of reconstruction assistance in\nthose parts of the country where peace prevails will\ncertainly encourage and persuade those who are illegally\ncarrying arms to abandon their weapons for shovels and\nbegin rebuilding their agriculture and farms.\nSince the beginning of the abortive coup of 1 January\nin Kabul, the United Nations Security Council has\nconsidered the situation in Afghanistan on three separate\noccasions. This consideration, which was in conformity\nwith the Afghan nation’s expectations of the Security\nCouncil, was timely and appropriate.\nIn its Presidential Statement dated 23 March 1994,\n"The Council stress[ed] the importance that it\nattaches to full compliance with international\nhumanitarian law in all its aspects and recall[ed] that\nthose who violate international humanitarian law bear\nindividual responsibility." (S/PRST/1994/12)\nThat Statement was just, positive and realistic.\nRecently, another Security Council Presidential\nStatement, dated 11 August 1994, was issued in reference\nto certain developments including the progress report of the\nUnited Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan and the\nrecommendations therein. This Presidential Statement too\ncontains some positive, important and realistic elements, in\nparticular the fourth paragraph, wherein\n"The Council calls on all States to take the\nnecessary steps to promote peace in Afghanistan, to\nstop the flow of weapons to the parties, and to put\nan end to this destructive conflict."\n(S/PRST/1994/43)\nThe Statement also urges the international\ncommunity to assist Afghans in rebuilding their shattered\ncountry.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan expressed its\nappreciation to the Council for addressing an important\naspect which is the core of the problem. However, we\nnote with astonishment the reluctance on the part of the\nCouncil to condemn the aggressors, who continue to\ninflict inhuman atrocities on innocent civilian populations\nand continue to violate international humanitarian law.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan once again states\nthat the present crisis in the country is not a civil war but\nrather an imposed armed conflict fueled from abroad.\nThe Security Council’s good intentions for\nAfghanistan can be realized only if the Council addresses\nthe actual cause of the fighting. It should not limit itself\nto the mere issuance of statements, but should consider\ntaking some specific enforcement measures.\nIn this connection, it would be appropriate to refer\nto resolution 48/75 H, adopted at the forty-eighth session\nof the General Assembly on 16 December 1993, on\nmeasures to curb the illicit transfer and use of\nconventional weapons. The Assembly, considering the\navailability of massive quantities of conventional weapons\nas a contributing factor to armed conflicts around the\nworld and recognizing the excessive quantity of\nconventional weapons in a number of countries as a\nsource of destabilization of their national and regional\nsecurity, invited Member States to take appropriate\nenforcement measures directed at ending the illegal export\nof these weapons from their territories.\nThe continued illegal flow of conventional weapons\nto Afghanistan represents a violation of the provisions of\nresolution 48/75 H by some of our neighbouring\ncountries. We hope that the report of the Secretary-\nGeneral to the General Assembly at the current session,\nrequested by that resolution, will suggest effective ways\nand means of stopping the illegal flow of these weapons\nand of collecting weapons illegally distributed in the\ncountry.\n26\n\n\nNow I should like to turn to the recent major political\ndevelopment which is a source of hope for bringing an end\nto the crisis in our country:\nAt the beginning, it would not be inappropriate to\ndraw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that the\ncurrent situation in Afghanistan is a legacy of 14 years of\nprotracted war stemming from the invasion unleashed by\nthe former Soviet Union, as well as of a series of\ninterferences in our internal affairs over the last two years.\nTo eliminate the manifestations and effects of such a\nprotracted war, which aimed at erasing all spiritual,\nhistorical and cultural values of Afghan society, is not\nfeasible in a short period of time.\nEarly last month on the initiative of the south and west\nzone of the country and its leader and general commander,\nGeneral Mohammad Ismail Khan, a Supreme Islamic\nCouncil convened in the ancient city of Herat, with the\nparticipation of more than 700 delegates representing\ndifferent strata of Afghan society, including governors and\nthe main commanders of various provinces, religious\nscholars, tribal leaders, technocrats, intellectuals and other\nscholars, as well as 150 representatives of Afghans living\nabroad. That important gathering was also attended by the\nrepresentative of the Office of the Secretary-General on\nAfghanistan and Pakistan as well as by a number of\nrepresentatives of friendly countries. At the end, the\nSupreme Islamic Council adopted an eleven-point\nresolution. Due to the important contribution the realization\nof the objectives of the said resolution would have in the\nconsolidation of peace and the political process in the\ncountry, I should like to take the liberty of shedding light\non some of its most important points.\nGiven the fact that on the basis of Islamic law and\ninternationally accepted principles, the will of a nation is\nthe source of national sovereignty, the Supreme Islamic\nCouncil decided:\n- To convene a traditional Grand National\nAssembly - Loya Jirgah - by the end of October 1994, in\nthe capital, Kabul, in order to determine the future political\nleadership of the country; adopt and ratify the future\nconstitution; and settle other important national issues yet\npending;\n- To reject and condemn any Government created\nagainst the will of the nation and under the patronage of\noutsiders;\n- Strongly to condemn foreign interference in the\ninternal affairs of Afghanistan, calling upon the\nOrganization of the Islamic Conference and the United\nNations to act resolutely to put an end to that interference\non the basis of the provisions of their Charters;\n- To reaffirm the fact that Afghanistan is a\ndistinct and indivisible political entity.\nThe participating members of the Supreme Islamic\nCouncil in Herat committed themselves to standing firm\nagainst any rejection of this national accord. The full text\nof the Herat resolutions can be found in the official\ndocument of the Security Council (S/1994/943).\nIt is gratifying to note that based upon those\nresolutions, a preparatory commission for the Grand\nAssembly convened on 30 August in Kabul and at its first\nmeeting unanimously elected Mawlawi Mohammad Nabi\nMuhammadi, the leader of the Herakat-Inqalabi Islami\nparty, as its Chairman.\nGiven the fact that the resolutions adopted in Herat\nmarked a major new stage in the political evolution of our\ncountry, with the emphasis on the broad participation of\nAfghans, in that national gathering, and taking into\nconsideration the effective role that the special mission of\nthe United Nations could play in the acceleration of the\npeace process, it would be relevant to say a few words\nabout the need to coordinate and merge these two series\nof efforts into components of a unified political process.\nGuided by its mandate, the United Nations Special\nMission should try to find common ground with a view\nto ensuring a compromise approach that would lead to\nnational rapprochement among Afghans. We are fully\nconfident that Ambassador Mestiri will keep this in mind\nas the core of his mandate. If the Afghans, in keeping\nwith their traditional way of solving problems, come\ntogether in a national gathering and adopt resolutions\naimed at preserving the national sovereignty and territorial\nintegrity and at realizing the right of the people to decide\ntheir own political future without foreign interference and\ninvolvement, the United Nations will be left as a neutral\nparty with a complementary role.\nAs an additional measure, the United Nations Special\nMission could support an initiative that would avoid any\nloopholes and would ensure fairness and impartiality in\nthe proceedings. Otherwise, attempts to create a parallel\ninitiative will only produce further complication and\naggravation of the situation and, consequently,\n27\n\n\ndisappointment for our nation in the peacemaking efforts of\nthe United Nations.\nI should like to make it clear that at no stage in its\nexistence has Afghanistan constituted a source of threat to\nits neighbours. Nor has it allowed any third country to use\nit for the advancement of that country’s political differences\nwith Afghanistan’s neighbours. We shall continue to act in\nthis manner. Today, we yearn for peace more than for\nanything else, for only in an atmosphere of peace can we\nstrive for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of our\nwar-shattered country and heal the wounds and relieve the\npain and suffering resulting from 14 years of war. We\nsincerely and seriously expect our neighbours to be\nsupportive of our national efforts to these ends.\nIn principle, the legitimate interests of States should be\nrecognized and respected by their neighbours. However, if\nthe expectation of a State, under the pretext of preserving\nits interests, violates the supreme interest of another State -\nnamely, its national sovereignty and territorial integrity and\nthe principle that the will of a nation should govern its\ndestiny - this expectation becomes illegitimate.\nNot too long ago the world witnessed the former\nSoviet Union, as it pursued its activities in Afghanistan,\ncrossing the boundary of legitimate interest. As a result,\nthe Afghan nation, without regard for the disparity between\nthe military means of the two sides, stood against one of\nthe world’s mightiest military machines. After 10 years of\nimposed war and direct confrontation with the Red Army,\nthe Afghan nation, with the help of the Almighty and the\nsacrifice of more than 1.5 million martyrs, proved once\nagain that it would never allow foreign interference or\naccept dictates - in particular, that it would not permit\noutsiders to impose their will on Afghans.\nThere is no longer a foreign army of occupation in\nAfghanistan, but the legacy of such a presence is still\nkilling our people. Land-mines constitute the most toxic\npollution facing mankind. Referred to as the hidden killers,\nthese do not discriminate between adults and children. If\nthere are 100 million of these deadly devices in 60 war-\nstricken countries throughout the world, at least one fifth of\nthem are in Afghanistan. This cruel threat is a dreadful\nimpediment to the return of the refugees.\nWe need a great deal of help from the international\ncommunity if we are to promote and finance land-mine\nawareness and clearance programmes. We appreciate\nhighly President Clinton’s very important proposal, voiced\nhere, concerning the need for international action to clear\nmines in the war-stricken countries of the world.\nNo international effort in the war against poverty\nand in support of sustained growth and development will\nbe effective if account if not taken of the continuing\ndeterioration in the socio-economic situation of the least\ndeveloped countries, identified as such by the United\nNations system. Among these countries are those that\nexperience frequent natural disasters and those ravaged by\nwar.\nSpecific action to deal with the particular needs and\nproblems of land-locked developing countries - I refer in\nparticular to assistance for the land-locked States of\ncentral Asia - is an important matter that requires\ndiscussion during this session of the General Assembly.\nAfghanistan, which is itself land-locked, is the country of\ntransit for many central Asian States. Roads and\nhighways in Afghanistan are damaged as a result of the\nlong years of foreign armed aggression. For this reason\nwe shall propose that the United Nations system assist our\nregion by carrying out a corridor study - a study of the\ntransit roads in Afghanistan, which is situated in the heart\nof Asia.\nTransit and transport agreements between the land-\nlocked States members of the Economic Cooperation\nOrganization, including Afghanistan, and Iran and\nPakistan need to be concluded or updated to take account\nof the new circumstances and the legal and technical\nadvice of the United Nations Conference on Trade and\nDevelopment.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan stands firm in\nsupport of human rights throughout the world but\nparticularly in Afghanistan. Much to our regret, armed\nconflict between various groups has resulted in violations\nof human rights - especially of the right to life, which is\nhumanity’s most fundamental right. To prevent such\noccurrences and to ensure security, the State is\ndetermined to collect the arms currently in the possession\nof certain groups. There has already been noticeable\nprogress in this area. Most of the armed groups realize\nthe need to end conflicts and to relinquish heavy\narmaments. The completion of this task can be ensured\nthrough strengthening of the national armed forces and\nthe national police force. Significant steps will be taken\ntowards this goal.\nAs for civil, political, economic and cultural rights,\nthe Islamic State of Afghanistan, in observance of Islamic\n28\n\n\nteaching and international responsibilities, acknowledges its\nduty to eliminate all discrimination and intolerance, whether\nreligious, linguistic or based on gender. Afghanistan\nrecognizes its Islamic responsibility to ensure the family,\nlegal, cultural, social, political and economic rights of\nwomen. Apart from obligations of principle and morality,\na country that lost 15 per cent of its population during the\nwar cannot be completely successful in the enormous task\nof reconstruction without the active participation of its\nfemale population. Therefore, it is imperative that proper\nmeasures be taken to secure extensive participation by\nAfghan women in the process of rebuilding the nation’s\neconomy, culture and society.\nIn the midst of these conflicts, it is the children who\nsuffer most. In Afghanistan alone there are almost 1\nmillion war orphans. The situation of this precious and\nmost vulnerable category of the population deserves\nparticular attention. To this end, the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan will submit a proposal for consideration by the\nAssembly at its current session to establish an international\nfund within the framework of the United Nations Children’s\nFund (UNICEF) to assist the rehabilitation of orphans of\narmed conflicts. It would be worth considering a\ndeclaration of 1996 as the international year of orphans.\nWe welcome the appointment of Graça Machel by the\nSecretary-General as an expert to carry out the mandate of\nthe General Assembly to conduct a study of the\nconsequences of armed conflicts on children.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan, inspired by Islamic\ninstructions, has no hesitation in taking a firm stand against\nterrorism in any shape or form. As we battle violence in\nour own land, we continue to add our voice to that of the\ninternational community in condemning terrorism the world\nover.\nAt its last session the General Assembly discussed in\nsome detail the plight of disabled people. However, the\npractical achievements do not seem to be adequate. From\nthis rostrum I remind the world community again of the\nstate of the nearly 2 million disabled persons in\nAfghanistan, victims of a war of aggression. We will\nsubmit proposals for securing international assistance for\nthe world’s disabled population in order to alleviate their\nsocial, economic and psychological problems.\nOne issue worth mentioning, with both regional and\ninternational implications, is that of narcotic drugs. The\nillicit cultivation, production, stocking, smuggling and\ntrafficking of narcotic drugs are undeniably critical\nproblems facing humanity today. Regrettably, one of the\nlegacies of the long war in Afghanistan is the\ntransformation of some parts of our country into staging\nareas for illicit drug activities. This phenomenon, which\nis partly the result of the unavailability of alternative\nproductive economic activities, is a source of great\nconcern to us. Afghanistan, despite its scarce resources,\nhas taken serious measures in the struggle against illicit\ndrugs. We will spare no effort to combat these illegal\nactivities. However, we must not overlook the reality that\nAfghanistan, with its extremely limited means and\nmassive economic and financial needs, is not in a position\neffectively to accomplish this task alone. Afghanistan\nneeds urgent support from the international community to\nintensify the struggle against drug cultivation and\ntrafficking.\nThe ongoing internal conflict in Tajikistan, a\nfraternal neighbour of Afghanistan, is a matter of\ncontinued concern to us. We hope that the brotherly\nTajik people, who are opening a new chapter in their\nhistory after the collapse of the former Soviet Union and\ntheir emergence as a new and independent nation, will\nsoon succeed in overcoming their difficulties.\nOne dimension of this internal conflict is the\nperiodic disturbances occurring on the border between\nAfghanistan and Tajikistan. As a result of the conflict\ninside Tajikistan, more than 100,000 Tajik refugees have\ntaken refuge inside Afghanistan. The Islamic State of\nAfghanistan, on the basis of deep feelings of Islamic\nbrotherhood, humanitarian considerations and traditional\nAfghan hospitality, provided shelter to those refugees.\nThe influx of the Tajik refugees to Afghanistan is\ndue to the political circumstances in their own country.\nTherefore, only a political solution to the problems with\nwhich they are faced, with the Government of Tajikistan,\nwill guarantee their voluntary repatriation to their\nhomeland.\nThe dispatch of armed forces of the Russian\nFederation to Tajikistan, especially on the border between\nAfghanistan and Tajikistan, would in our view further\naggravate the problem rather than contribute to its\nsolution.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan has committed\nitself to supporting the peaceful initiative of the Secretary-\nGeneral and his Special Envoy to Tajikistan, Ambassador\nPiriz-Ballon. As far as possible we have encouraged the\n29\n\n\nTajik refugee leaders, in a spirit of conciliation, to help\nUnited Nations efforts to succeed by agreeing to a\nnegotiated settlement. A chief factor in resolving the\nproblem will be the Tajik Government’s heeding the just\nand legitimate demands of the Tajik opposition leaders.\nAfghanistan, in pursuit of its previous commitments,\nis desirous that its border with Tajikistan should be a\nborder of peace, understanding and friendship. Once again\nwe would like to declare that periodic clashes on the border\nbetween Afghanistan and Tajikistan are a manifestation of\nthe internal conflict in Tajikistan, and not a single member\nof the Afghan armed forces is, or will be, involved in any\nborder clashes.\nAs everyone knows, in Bosnia and Herzegovina the\nodious and barbaric "ethnic cleansing" practised by the\nSerbs of Bosnia re-emerged a few weeks ago in Banja\nLuka, Bijeljina and other areas. The Security Council has\njust demanded - in resolution 941 (1994) of 23 September -\nthat the Bosnian Serb authorities immediately cease their\ncampaign of "ethnic cleansing". This demand of the\nSecurity Council is bound to be disregarded and denied by\nthe Bosnian Serb criminals. It is therefore imperative that\nthe Security Council should decide to mandate a United\nNations presence and coercive measures for the protection\nof the Bosnian communities threatened by further "ethnic\ncleansing". Otherwise, the United Nations and the five-\nPower Contact Group will lose all credibility.\nAnother dangerous area calls for the immediate\nattention of the Organization if we want to save the whole\nregion from catastrophe. The grave situation in Kosovo,\naggravated by the daily massive repression committed by\nthe Serbian authorities against 2 million ethnic Albanians,\nand referred to as a time-bomb, remains explosive. We\nalso remind the Assembly of human rights violations in\nSandjak.\nIt is our view that a special United Nations mission\nshould assess war damage resulting from the acts of armed\naggression committed by the Bosnian Serbs. The\naggressors must know that they will have to pay war\nreparations to those who are their victims. This will remind\naggressors always to think twice before firing and\ndestroying.\nOn the basis of its common historical ties with the\npeople of Jammu and Kashmir, especially common\nreligious ties with its Muslim population, the Islamic State\nof Afghanistan is deeply concerned at the exacerbation of\nthe situation in that territory. The sufferings of the Muslim\npeople of Kashmir add to our grief. We continue to\nbelieve that the question of Kashmir, which has always\nbeen one of the prime concerns of the Muslim Umma,\ncan find a lasting solution through peaceful means in an\natmosphere of trust, understanding and good-\nneighbourliness between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan\nand the Republic of India, a solution on the basis of the\nrelevant resolutions of the United Nations and\ninternationally accepted principles on the settlement of\ndisputes.\nDuring these crucial moments of the history of the\nPalestinian people, we reiterate the responsibility of the\ninternational community to support the inalienable\nnational rights of the Palestinians, including their right to\nreturn to their homeland, and the right to\nself-determination, encompassing the right to their own\nindependent State on their national soil, with Al-Quds\nal-Sharif as its capital. The peace process has to be\naimed at the full implementation of Security Council\nresolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) guaranteeing the\nfull withdrawal of occupying forces from all the occupied\nPalestinian territories.\nThe Afghan nation, like other Islamic nations,\nconsiders the occupation of the site of one of the most\nsacred shrines of Islam, in Al-Quds, by authorities lacking\nawareness of its sacred Islamic character, as contempt for\nthe most basic spiritual rights of the Islamic community\nall over the world.\nIn conclusion, I wish to draw the attention of this\nworld gathering to the fact that, as a result of heavy\nrocket attacks on Kabul by the opposition, as well as their\nblocking of the roads to Kabul, the capital has been\nwithout running water, electricity or heating for most of\nthe time since last January. Also, a shortage of food\nsupplies seems to be threatening the city’s most\nvulnerable inhabitants who are suffering. It has been\npredicted that the coming winter will be a harsh one.\nAs the International Committee of the Red Cross\n(ICRC) fears, a large-scale human disaster may be\nimpossible to avert. We request the donor community to\nrespond positively and urgently to the United Nations\nappeal for winter emergency assistance to the city of\nKabul.
## 38 On the eve of the\nfiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, the\nrepresentatives of the world’s nations are gathered here\nwith hearts full of hope for a better future, as well as for\nthe cause of the peace and prosperity of mankind, in an\natmosphere of great enthusiasm and animation.\nThe Afghan nation, in spite of the immense\ndifficulties it has encountered, shares that optimism with\nmany of the nations represented here, as well as\nconfidence in its ability to overcome those challenges.\nWar and conflict always bring with them miseries\nand devastation. The last 17 years have taught our\nchildren only to differentiate the various sounds of guns,\nrockets, tanks and mortars, rather than teaching them\nliteracy or providing them with basic nutrition, security\nand peace of mind.\nWe turn to this world family, as an institution\ndedicated to the cause of humanity, the self-determination\nof nations, human rights and democracy, to pronounce\n6\n\n\nitself opposed to the forces aiming to create a bloodbath in\nan already devastated Afghanistan.\nWhen I return to my homeland — the home of 1.7\nmillion martyr graves, tens of millions of unexploded land-\nmines, 2 million disabled people, hundreds of thousands of\norphans and widows — I am expected to be carrying\nanswers as to why this world, which claims to be\ncommitted to human rights and justice, has remained a\nspectator of the sufferings of Afghans, brought about by\nforeign interference. Why, in spite of the complete peace,\nsecurity and tranquillity prevailing in the capital for many\nmonths past, have the United Nations offices unjustifiably\nabandoned us by remaining outside?\nOur people find it astonishing that in an era of such\ndeveloped mass communication, which leaves no distance\nbetween different corners of the globe, the apparently\ninsurmountable difficulties — in particular, the actual\ncauses of the continuing imposed war — are not\nunderstood. I am confident that there are people who\nclearly see the factors contributing to the continuation of\nthe conflict. There are forces that insist on seeing our\npolitical system subordinated to their political and economic\ndesigns and policies. This is the actual source of the\nconflict.\nThe crisis in Afghanistan is often perceived as a\nsubject of academic studies. Some call this a civil war in a\nsociety that they consider “fragmented”. Others look at it as\nthe scene of a contest, a struggle for power. Yet others try\nto find the roots of the conflict in the ethnic and tribal\ncomposition of the country. The truth is far more clear:\nwhatever it is, it is not a civil war; nor is it a tribal or\nethnic conflict; it is an imposed war.\nWe have learned from history that our existence\ndepends on our unity. We, like many other nations, want to\nlive in peace and security, as well as benefit from economic\ndevelopment, welfare and democracy, which will be\navailable only in peaceful circumstances. We want to live\nin peace with our neighbours and to engage in good-\nneighbourly relations. We leave it up to the astute observers\nof the United Nations and the impartial analysts of the\nworld community to judge the efficacy of the United\nNations in alleviating the sufferings in Afghanistan.\nThe year 1995 opened with good omens for\nAfghanistan. The country witnessed positive changes\ntowards peace and political stability. Following the removal\nof the sources of danger from the southern part of the\ncapital, the people of Kabul found a moment of peace after\nyears of being rocketed indiscriminately. Every day since\nmid-March an average of about 3,500 refugees\nreturned home — mostly to the capital — according to\nthe Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for\nRefugees (UNHCR). Prices fell sharply. Goods and\nservices became plentiful in the markets. The Government\nreopened 156 schools for girls and boys, and the\nuniversities reopened in an atmosphere of security and\npeace.\nOfficial delegations from the United States,\nSwitzerland, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the\nRepublic of Korea, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Pakistan,\nSaudi Arabia, Turkey, Tajikistan, the Russian Federation,\nUzbekistan, the People’s Republic of China and the\nSudan, as well as many international organizations and\nothers, came to Kabul. High-ranking Afghan delegations\nalso travelled abroad.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan even won an\nopportunity to take steps towards peace and regional\nsecurity. Among the Tajikistan peace mediators, Professor\nBurhan-ud-din Rabbani, the President of the Islamic State\nof Afghanistan, accomplished the most. We remember\nthat his peace initiative conduced to unprecedented and\npositive changes regarding the civil strife in Tajikistan.\nKabul city, for the first time, hosted direct talks between\nHis Excellency Imam Ali Rakhmanov, the President of\nTajikistan, and Sayed Abdullah Nouri, the leader of the\nIslamic Revival Movement, representing all the Tajik\nopposition. In a historic press conference the two leaders\nembraced each other and agreed on a longer-term cease-\nfire.\nConfidence-building measures were taken on the\nbasis of domestic endeavours between Afghanistan and\nthe opposition. The Islamic State of Afghanistan, with the\naim of putting an end to all problems in the country,\npresented to the United Nations a peace plan, on most of\nwhose items there emerged, for the first time, a sense of\nagreement among all sides. The plan pledged to the nation\nthe convening of a Grand National Assembly — Loya\nJirga, as we call it — within a year. The Islamic State of\nAfghanistan, while leaving to the United Nations Special\nMission the question of the creation of an appropriate\nmechanism for the convening of the Grand National\nAssembly, promised to agree to the participation of the\nopposition groups in the current Supreme State Council\nand in the present one-year-term transitional Government\nuntil the convening of the Grand National Assembly.\n7\n\n\nAs a result of these proposals the people of our\ncountry and of the region felt more optimistic about the\nreturn of peace to Afghanistan. However, those needlessly\nafraid of an independent, stable and self-reliant Afghanistan\nsought to change the course of events to coincide with their\nown interests. They once again used the made-up Taliban\ngroup — whose actual identity and character and the\nsources of whose funding and arming are yet to be made\nknown to most of the members in this Hall — equipped\nwith arms, light and heavy, from across the border of our\ncountry and with air power. Ironically enough, they recently\nchose to target the west of Afghanistan, which, according\nto earlier statements of Ambassador Mahmoud Mestiri,\nhead of the United Nation Special Mission to Afghanistan,\nwas the best model of healthy administration, order,\nstability and people’s welfare.\nIntent on exposing the Islamic State to instability,\nmilitary intelligence services across the border tried hard to\nunite the opponents of the State under a single command.\nThey boosted the Taliban mercenaries with their own\nfrontier militia. Thousands of those being trained across\nAfghan borders launched attacks against the Shindand air\nbase and a number of other western provinces of the\ncountry, including Herat, as a result of which the peaceful\ncity of Herat was on 5 September turned into a place of\noccupation, chaos and insecurity. A great number of\ncivilians lost their lives. Tens of thousands were forced to\nleave their houses. The bands of the so-called Taliban, or\nreligious students, began their rule by closing schools for\ngirls and the universities, as well as banning women from\nworking in offices or teaching in schools. They have even\nforbidden the use of televisions and videos, and all movie\ntheatres are closed down in the areas under their\noccupation.\nAs the so-called Taliban are said to have the capability\nof jeopardizing any viable peace process in the country, I\ndeem it necessary to register some basic facts about this\nmysterious movement.\nIn Islamic countries there are many religious schools\nor “Madrasas” where several subjects related to Islam are\ntaught. The purpose of these schools is to prepare Muslim\nyouth for religious service to their countrymen. In no\n“Madrasa” in the world is the subject of modern warfare,\nsuch as the use of artillery and rockets, or the flying of\nwarplanes, taught. That is the work of military academies.\nThe only modern items the Taliban mercenaries are\naware of are advanced armaments. As for their links with\nthe outside, the most pertinent and very important question\nis: if their numbers are about 30,000, as they claim, and\neach of them would require $100 for daily and military\nexpenses, who is paying the more than $88 million a\nmonth for their expenses?\nAs for logistical support, for instance, it is calculated\nthat in order for the Taliban to keep their transport\nvehicles, tanks and other armoured vehicles running they\nneed more than 15,000 gallons of fuel each day. That is\nseparate from almost the same amount of fuel that they\nrequire as reserve. Again, who is providing them with\nsuch huge logistical support?\nThe Taliban have no single leader. They claim to\nhave a Central Council in Kandahar. However, no\nplatform or political agenda has been made known yet.\nThe declarations of their many leaders are not consistent.\nOn 20 September one of their leaders, Mullah Mishr, told\nPeter Greste, a correspondent of the Reuters news agency,\nthat the problem of Afghanistan could only be solved\nthrough war.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan expressed the\nintense indignation of its people and Government in its\nletters of 5 September 1995 (S/1995/767) and 14\nSeptember 1995 (S/1995/795) addressed to the Secretary-\nGeneral, calling for immediate measures to end the state\nof occupation in western Afghanistan. We specifically\nrequested the United Nations to send a fact-finding\nmission to the western part of the country to investigate\nand assess the reality of the state of occupation. That is\nthe responsibility of the Security Council.\nThe resistance of our people together with the forces\nof the Islamic State of Afghanistan, against the\nmercenaries and foreign militia, has been further\nstrengthened. As a result, the Province of Ghowr, east of\nHerat, once occupied, has been liberated. The foreign\narmed intervention, however, reached a new dimension.\nThe bands of mercenaries were reinforced west of Kabul\nto attack the capital, the plan of attack being engineered\nand guided from abroad.\nWe strongly demand that the United Nations Special\nMission break its silence regarding those mercenaries and\nanswer the relevant questions, including whether this band\nis a threat to peace. This is particularly pertinent because\nthe Special Mission once considered the Taliban to be a\npositive factor for peace. Is it not time for the Special\nMission to find out the intentions of the Taliban in\nrelation to General Assembly resolutions on Afghanistan?\n\nEvents have proved that the United Nations Special\nMission encountered many difficulties and challenges,\nowing to the lack of an adequate capability to carry out the\nmandate entrusted to it by General Assembly resolutions\n48/208 and 49/140. To enhance the capabilities of the\nSpecial Mission, the Islamic State of Afghanistan submits\nthe following five-point proposal.\nFirst, the necessity to reinforce the Mission requires\nthe formation of a contact group on Afghanistan to speed\nup the peace process. The contact group on Afghanistan\nshould be composed of one representative of the United\nNations Special Mission; one representative of the\nSecretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic\nConference, which is already active in the peace process in\nAfghanistan; one representative from among the member\nStates of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, but\nnot a country directly involved; one representative from\namong the members of the European Union; and one\nrepresentative from among the members of the Non-\nAligned Movement.\nSecondly, the contact group would promote the peace\nprocess in Afghanistan by focusing its endeavours in the\nlight of information, evidence and documents provided to\nthe Special Mission pertaining to the violation of the\nsovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan.\nThirdly, the contact group on Afghanistan would\nsearch for ways and means to end foreign intervention and\ninterference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, and make\neffective and appropriate recommendations to the Secretary-\nGeneral of the United Nations and to the Security Council.\nFourthly, the various proposed programmes to bring\npeace to Afghanistan should be studied by the contact\ngroup in consultation with the involved Afghan parties.\nThese endeavours would have the following objectives:\nCreation of a commission for the convening of the\nGrand National Assembly, or “Loya Jirga”; this\ncommission would also have the mandate to draft the\nConstitution, to include a firm disposition guaranteeing\ndemocracy and human rights for the future\nAfghanistan.\nConvening of the Grand National Assembly, or “Loya\nJirga”, within one year.\nElection of the future leader of Afghanistan for a\nsubsequent fixed term of office.\nAdoption of the Constitution.\nFormation of the first parliament from among the\nmembers of the Grand National Assembly, which\ncould represent the administrative units of the\ncountry on the basis of their proportion of\npopulation.\nFifthly, the contact group on Afghanistan would\nimmediately approach all Afghan groups and invite them\nto participate in the Supreme State Council and\nGovernment, until the formation of the Grand National\nAssembly, or “Loya Jirga”.\nThe contact group on Afghanistan would also play\na crucial role in the reconstruction of the country, as\nrequired by General Assembly resolution 49/140, adopted\non 20 December 1994.\nWe consider that proposal, which has already been\nsubmitted to the Secretary-General of the United Nations,\nto be a secure and short path towards peace, national\nrapprochement and stability, through the cessation of\nhostilities.\nTo those who refuse to accept the one-year lapse of\ntime for that peace process, insisting on an unconditional\nand immediate transfer of power, we say that a period of\none year is not long in the life of a nation. Had there\nbeen an agreement a year ago for the transfer of power\nand for the consolidation of the political process, we\nwould by now have been in the process of transferring\npower.\nWe solemnly ask the General Assembly to take this\nproposal into consideration when discussing the agenda\nitem on Afghanistan during this historic fiftieth session.\nHaving said this, we would like to state — for those\nwho insist on the need for a military solution to the\nproblem — that the Islamic State of Afghanistan, while\nwilling to transfer power to a legitimate and lawful\nauthority, has the capacity and capability to respond to the\nterrorist acts of mercenaries linked to foreign quarters.\nAfghanistan would not allow any circles to\nundermine the process of the peaceful transfer of power\nand the normal political process that is to be implemented\nunder the supervision of the United Nations and the\n9\n\n\nOrganization of the Islamic Conference. Those cliques of\noutsiders who are recruiting, training, arming, and providing\nfinancial assistance to the mercenaries — as well as\nreinforcing them with their own militia — and using such\nreactionary groups to destabilize a moderate Islamic system\nwhich believes in democracy and human rights, are wrong\nin their assessments and calculations. Such foreign circles\nmay think that after the usurpation of power by the Taliban\nall will go well for them. In fact, they will add a further\nproblem, especially by bringing onto the scene a faction\nwhich has no factual presence on Afghanistan’s political\nscene. These circles should be aware that the peace and\nsecurity in the capital, the actual relative peace and stability\nin the country and in the region, would be jeopardized by\nsuch an erroneous miscalculation. The same error was made\nby the former Soviet Union in 1979.\nFor the record, we would like to emphasize that those\nwho ignite a fire in our country will burn themselves. It\nwould then be too late to return to the peaceful political\nprocess on which we are now trying to embark.\nThe statement made by His Excellency the Foreign\nMinister of Pakistan on 27 September 1995 before this\nAssembly pertaining to the relation between Afghanistan\nand Pakistan was itself a clear illustration of his\nGovernment’s unfriendly intentions towards my country.\nThe assertions of His Excellency the Foreign Minister of\nPakistan, as contained in his statement, need to be\nresponded to for the sake of the record.\nFirst, the Pakistani Foreign Minister was trying to\nconfuse our friends and to divert the attention of world\npublic opinion from his country’s own acts of blatant\ninterference in Afghanistan and from the invasion by its\nmilitia in assisting the so-called Taliban in Western\nAfghanistan to the tragic incident in the Pakistani Embassy\nat Kabul.\nIn this regard the following explanations are necessary.\nI express, on behalf of His Excellency the President and the\nGovernment and the people of Afghanistan, profound regret\nabout the very sad and grievous incident that occurred in\nthe Embassy of Pakistan at Kabul on 6 September 1995.\nThis message has also been forwarded by an official note\nof the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan to the\nForeign Ministry of Pakistan. Furthermore, I have conveyed\ntwo messages by telephone from Kabul to His Excellency\nMr. Najmuddin Sheikh, Foreign Secretary of Pakistan.\nThe tragic incident contradicts the traditional\nhospitality of the Afghan people. While we express our\ngrief at the incident, which we consider unjustifiable, at\nthe same time we say that some aspects of the events\nhave been overlooked by the Foreign Minister of\nPakistan, whose Government tried to use different forums\nfor political gains through a distortion of the facts.\nAllow me, for the sake of the record, to point out\nthe sequence of incidents as they occurred. On 6\nSeptember 1995, on the morrow of the occupation of\nHerat City by the so-called Taliban mercenaries, with the\nhelp of foreign militias, the people of Kabul held a\npeaceful demonstration. Tens of thousands of peaceful\ndemonstrators gathered outside the compound of the\nEmbassy of Pakistan at Kabul chanting anti-Pakistani\nslogans. The staff of the Embassy, contrary to all\nrecognized principles of international law, used a firearm\nfrom inside the Embassy premises against the peaceful\ndemonstrators. This caused the death of one of the\nstudents, a student by the name of Badruddin Muslim, an\neleventh grader in the Naderia High School of Kabul.\nThis highly unjustifiable and provocative act of the\nEmbassy staff incited the fury of the demonstrators, who\nin the beginning were non-violent and peaceful, gathered\nonly to express their deep resentment at the occupation of\npart of their country.\nIt is noteworthy that the security forces of the\nGovernment were already active in the early morning,\nhaving observed the spontaneous gathering of people in\ndifferent parts of Kabul city. The security forces formed\ntwo security belts around the Embassy premises.\nHowever, the death of the young demonstrator caused a\nsudden reaction and, unfortunately, the crowd got out of\ncontrol. The security forces tried their utmost to prevent\nthe upsurge of violence and to protect the Embassy and\nits staff. Regrettably, despite the losses suffered by the\nsecurity forces, five of whose personnel were killed while\nprotecting the Embassy, they did not succeed in\npreventing this tragic event. Mr. Ejaz Ali, the Third\nSecretary of the Pakistani Embassy at Kabul, a witness to\nthe event, acknowledged in an interview at Islamabad\nairport on 7 September 1995 that the security forces of\nthe Afghan Government exerted efforts to avert the tragic\nhappening.\nWe declare from this rostrum that the Afghan nation\nnever had recourse to terrorism, even during the long\nyears of resistance against the invasion of their country by\nthe former Soviet Union. That fact clearly shows that,\ndespite heavy sacrifices by the Afghan nation, it never\nhad recourse to terrorist acts against any consulate or\nembassy of the former Soviet Union.\n10\n\n\nSecondly, in his statement the Foreign Minister of\nPakistan referred nine times to the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan as the “Kabul regime” or the “Rabbani\nregime”. We do not intend to reciprocate with similar unfair\nlanguage because of our sincerity and commitment to\nfriendship towards Pakistan.\nThirdly, it is ironic to witness His Excellency the\nForeign Minister of Pakistan prescribing the type, nature\nand characteristics of a government that he would like to\nsee in Afghanistan. My delegation, however, reciprocates\nthe sense of good will and brotherhood he expressed\nregarding our two nations. Moreover, we recall with\nappreciation the strong sense of brotherhood and Islamic\nsolidarity by which the fraternal nation of Pakistan extended\nits support to the just struggle, the Jihad of the Afghan\nnation, against the invading forces of the former Soviet\nUnion. We trust that our Pakistani brothers are also fully\naware of the sacrifices we made when Afghanistan served\nas a shield for the protection of Pakistan territories against\nthe most important mobilization of an army since the war\nin Viet Nam.\nHowever, our complaint is addressed, not to the nation\nof Pakistan, but against the manifest interferences of\nPakistani authorities, especially the Inter-Service\nIntelligence (ISI), which is the Pakistani military\nintelligence. Sometimes the explanations of the Pakistani\nGovernment, which claims to remain impartial, seem to be\njustified owing to the fact that the Pakistani civilian\nadministration is not capable of containing the operations of\nthe ISI, a powerful military-intelligence body which has\nemerged as a State within the State.\nSecondly, we wonder which of the internationally\naccepted norms and principles governing relations between\nnations justify the Pakistani desire to prescribe the type and\ncharacteristics of government for a sovereign and\nindependent neighbour. Could there be any clearer example\nof Pakistani interference in our internal affairs?\nThe Foreign Minister of Pakistan has repeatedly\nclaimed that Pakistan is not interfering in the internal\naffairs of Afghanistan. Let us leave aside all evidence\npertaining to the aggression of the Pakistani frontier militia\non Afghan territory, as set out in the documents of the\nSecurity Council that we have submitted, as well as the\ncomments and statements of independent international\nreporters and scholarly analysts on Afghanistan identifying\nand highlighting the interference of Pakistani military\nintelligence in the internal affairs of Afghanistan as the only\nsource of the present-day conflict in Afghanistan. We need\nonly refer to internationally recognized newspapers: The\nWashington Times, in its issue of 24 September 1995, The\nTimes of London, 26 September 1995, and The Canberra\nTimes, 11 September 1995.\nBoth The Washington Times and The Times of\nLondon quote Ambassador Mestiri’s comments regarding\nthe so-called Taliban and Pakistan’s involvement in\nsupporting them.\nThe Times of London of Tuesday, 26 September\n1995, under the headline “Student army gives notice of\nattack on Kabul”, states,\n“Mahmoud Mestiri, who heads the United Nations\npeace efforts in Afghanistan, said he was convinced\nPakistan was behind the Taliban group”.\nThe Washington Times of 24 September 1995, in an\narticle entitled “Pakistan aid to rebels has Kabul talking\nwar”, states,\n“Even the United Nations special envoy to\nAfghanistan is suspicious ... The power of Taliban\nis mysterious', envoy Mahmoud Mestiri said. I\nthink they are getting money and help, maybe from\nPakistan'.”\nThe same article, written by Ian Stewart of the Associated\nPress, contains a description of a Taliban fighter:\n“One of a new breed of noble fighter in\nAfghanistan, the dust-caked 19-year-old is armed\nwith a Kalashnikov and the writings of the Muslim\nProphet Mohammed and trained, he says, in\nPakistan”.\nIn his statement, the Foreign Minister of Pakistan\ncannot conceal the true intention of his Government with\nrespect to Afghanistan. He inadvertently uncovers the\nintention:\n“provocation will not deter us from our steadfast\npath of neutrality towards the Afghan people and the\nunity of Afghanistan or from non-interference in\nAfghanistan’s internal affairs, nor will it affect our\nabiding friendship and brotherhood with the Afghan\nnation”. (Official Records of the General Assembly,\nFiftieth Session, Plenary Meetings, 8th meeting,\np. 22)\n11\n\n\nHowever, subsequently the Foreign Minister of Pakistan\nnegates the spirit of the above by saying,\n“In the meantime, we would like to assure the people\nof Afghanistan that we shall stand by them in their\nhour of trial. We shall not abandon them.” (ibid.)\nI am certain that the words “we shall stand by them in their\nhour of trial” will raise a question in the minds of the\nMembers of the Assembly: what could Pakistan’s intention\nbe in making such a statement?\nThe former Soviet Union’s aggression in Afghanistan\nis long over. Our nation would like our neighbours and the\nworld to assist us in our endeavours towards national\nreconciliation and peace.\nMoreover, His Excellency the Foreign Minister of\nPakistan promises that they will not abandon the Afghans.\nThe Assembly should realize that this amounts to assuring\nthe opposition of the Afghan Government that Pakistan will\ncontinue interfering in Afghanistan’s affairs in their favour\nuntil the Islamic State is destabilized and a proxy\nGovernment obedient to the will of Pakistan’s Government\nis brought to power.\nThe Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan has cast\ninto doubt the legitimacy and legality of the Afghan\nGovernment and the territory governed by it. We call on\nHis Excellency the Foreign Minister of Pakistan to allow\nany impartial observer to visit the north-western agencies\nand find out if the central Government of Pakistan has any\nadministrative authority over them. Is it not a fact that the\nproduction of firearms has continued, as an ongoing\ntraditional trade, ever since the establishment of Pakistan?\nWhere is heroin, the most dangerous enemy of humanity,\nproduced and refined? John F. Burns of The New York\nTimes wrote,\n“Top army officers have been accused in the past of\nconniving with drug lords, to the extent of running\nheroin shipments to Karachi aboard army-owned\ntrucks”. (“Heroin scourges million Pakistanis”, The\nNew York Times, 5 April 1995, Section A, p. 12)\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan and Pakistan will\nboth be losers if they try to confront each other. The only\nway leading towards securing both countries’ highest\ninterests is to re-establish, broaden and consolidate their\nmutual brotherly relations on the basis of equality of States,\nrespect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty\nand the right of each to determine its own future.\nPresident Rabbani is a strong believer in the\nperpetual necessity for both countries to establish ties of\nfraternity and cooperation. Both countries, and the entire\nregion of Asia where they live side by side, will gain\nthrough Afghan-Pakistani friendship.\nWhile the international community is deploying\nefforts to prevent conflicts and wars, the peace and\nsecurity of individuals and of human communities are\nunder the threat of an undeclared and inhumane war\nwaged by the world’s terrorists. This year the world has\nwitnessed terrible terrorist acts, such as the tragedies in\nOklahoma City, Paris and Tokyo, in which many innocent\ncivilians lost their lives.\nProsperity and the welfare of the human being\ncannot be secured without tranquillity and peace of mind.\nIf the international community does not take drastic\nmeasures to eradicate terrorism, people in different\nregions of the world will continue to live in fear and\nunder the menace of terrorist acts. Islam teaches the\nprinciple of the rights of innocents to live in safety and\ndignity. The Islamic State of Afghanistan considers that\nthere is a great need for the signing of an international\ntreaty ensuring meaningful cooperation between States, in\nthe form of a convention to combat terrorism.\nAfghanistan, as one of the early Members of the\nUnited Nations, contributed to the drafting, discussion and\nadoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights\nand participated in the drafting of both Covenants of\nHuman Rights. We once again reaffirm our deep\ncommitment to these international instruments.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan considers respect\nfor human rights one of its fundamental objectives.\nDuring the year under consideration, however, the human\nrights of a number of Afghan citizens in the country, as\nwell as international humanitarian law, have,\nunfortunately, been violated as a result of the continued\nterror perpetrated by the so-called Taliban. The Taliban\nmercenaries’ closing of schools for girls and depriving\nwomen of their right to work has been a major violation\nof human rights. The Islamic State of Afghanistan has the\nconviction that taking appropriate and effective\ninternational measures towards putting an end to foreign\ninterference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan would\nserve as a major step towards the realization of human\nrights in the country.\nAs far as the issue of women’s rights in Afghanistan\nis concerned, as brought to the attention of Mr. Paik, the\n12\n\n\nnew United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights\nin Afghanistan, during his recent trip to Kabul, such\nconcerns do not seem to be appropriate in the case of a\ncountry where 383 women army officers, ranking from the\nposition of Lieutenant-General to lower positions, defend\ntheir people and country; where women are serving as\npilots in the Army, as well as parachutists; and where\nwomen are representing their country at Afghanistan\ndiplomatic missions and are serving in various branches of\nthe Administration. Women’s rights are guaranteed in the\npresently enforced laws and regulations governing the life\nof our nation.\nI turn now to the question of land-mines. For the first\ntime, an international meeting was held in Geneva on mine\nclearance. This meeting further enhanced international\nawareness of different dimensions of the land-mine crisis\nand contributed to strengthening international cooperation.\nIt is an alarming fact that every year, while 100,000 land-\nmines are removed, more than 2 million land-mines are\nlaid. An estimated 30 people are killed by land-mines, and\nas many as 60 are maimed, every single day. The slow\npace of demining operations is another major concern to be\nnoted. According to the International Committee of the Red\nCross (ICRC), at the current pace of the mine-removal\nprocess, it will take 1,100 years to get rid of existing mines\n- and the laying of mines continues in different regions of\nthe world.\nAs we already stated in the Geneva meeting on mine\nclearance, only the adoption of a convention which would\nban the production, sale and stockpiling of all varieties of\nland-mines, and especially a sincere commitment on the\npart of mine-producing countries to such an instrument,\nwould serve effectively to put an end to this problem.\nAfghanistan, a war-stricken country, where the largest\nnumber of land-mines have been laid, needs further\nassistance from the international community. This assistance\nwould further help the cause of the repatriation of refugees\nand the revitalization of agricultural activities all over the\ncountry.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan expresses its serious\nconcern at the acts of aggression and genocide that continue\nto be committed against the people of the Republic of\nBosnia and Herzegovina. Effective measures should be\ntaken to put an end, once and for all, to this tragic crisis.\nSrebrenica and Zepa must be restored as safe areas and the\nsiege of Sarajevo must be ended. The International Tribunal\non war crimes in the former Yugoslavia should bring to\njustice those Serbian civil and military individuals who\nperpetrated crimes of war and genocide, and crimes against\nhumanity. Afghanistan has repeatedly maintained the view\nthat the arms embargo against the Republic of Bosnia and\nHerzegovina is not applicable de jure. The right of the\nvictim to self-defence has to be respected and restored.\nI would like to draw the Assembly’s attention to one\nof the great threats to the life, health and well-being of\npresent and future generations. This man-made plague is\nnarcotic drugs, and its production, sale and smuggling.\nThe expansion of the poppy fields in my country,\nAfghanistan, as one of the legacies of war, is unfortunate.\nStatistics show that the cultivation of poppy increased\nduring 1994, as compared to 1993. This is in spite of the\nallocation of about $25 million, which the international\ncommunity spent in Afghanistan through non-\ngovernmental organizations. The Islamic State of\nAfghanistan cannot agree to the procedure through which\nthe assistance was channeled. Perhaps an evaluation is\nneeded to correct the procedure. The Islamic State of\nAfghanistan declares its sincere readiness to cooperate\neffectively with regional and international organizations.\nWe are working for the preparation of a master plan to\neffectively combat narcotic drugs on the regional and\ninternational levels. We have invited Mr. Giacomelli, the\nExecutive Director of the United Nations International\nDrug Control Programme, to visit Afghanistan and speed\nup the drawing up of such a master plan.\nWe have had critical episodes in our life, but we\nhave a vision of a peaceful and stable Afghanistan; an\nAfghanistan which it is hoped this Assembly will render\nfree of foreign interference in its internal affairs; an\nAfghanistan where our people come to be blessed with\nbrotherhood and understanding, national conciliation and\nunity; a country to which its 3 million refugees will have\nreturned with confidence and assurance, and where our\nintellectuals, as a source of hope, will dedicate their vast\nenergy and experience and their scientific and physical\npotential to the cause of rebuilding their country; a\ncountry that will once again serve as a major factor in the\nstrengthening of regional peace and stability; a country\nthat will be actively involved in the common efforts of\nthis world family in combating extremism, adhering to a\npositive and dynamic impartial and non-aligned policy,\nand firmly participating in combating terrorism and drug\nabuse. Such a vision takes its source from the heart of our\nnation.\nOur expectation of the world community is that it\nassist us in achieving these goals. The objectives of the\nreconstruction and economic development of Afghanistan\ncannot be achieved without economic assistance from\n13\n\n\nindustrialized nations and other countries that are able to\nfurnish such assistance. Afghanistan has enormous\neconomic capabilities. During the time the former Soviet\nUnion thought of our country as its strategic backyard, the\nworld’s major corporations were prevented from becoming\ninvolved in the exploration of Afghanistan’s natural\nresources and wealth. At the threshold of Afghanistan’s\nreconstruction and rehabilitation, possibilities exist for the\nexploration of our natural wealth, such as natural gas, oil,\ncopper, iron, precious stones and even uranium.\nAfghanistan can become a major producer and exporter of\nfruit. Once the crisis is over, Afghanistan will emerge as\none of the most attractive sites for private investment.\nAfghanistan, a land-locked country, is now vitally important\nat the heart of Asia, connecting Central Asia to the south\nand the Middle East as a historical transit route.\nFrom this rostrum, we invite the industrialized\ncountries, as well as private sectors, to benefit from the\nenormous investment opportunities in our country. In this\ncontext, the Islamic State of Afghanistan warmly welcomes\ndelegations determined to conduct relevant studies, as it is\nexpecting a number of potential investors in the coming\nmonth. This move would itself contribute towards the\nfurther strengthening of stability and an early return of\npeace to Afghanistan.
## 39 At the outset, allow\nme, Sir, to express my delegation’s congratulations upon\nyour election to the high position of President of the\nGeneral Assembly at its fifty-first session.\nThe Afghan trauma, which was imposed by others\nand endured by the Afghan people, continues to have\ndisturbing consequences for our nation. For the world, it\nmay be just another trouble spot. But for Afghans, it\nmeans agony, pain, loss, psychological trauma and an\nunknown future. We must not forget that there is still\nhope. It lies in the international connection between me\nand other representatives and, through them, to their\ncountrymen. The United Nations was built on that dream\nand today, that connection is once again being made —\nit is the fifty-first connection.\nTwo tragic dates will stand out in the recent history\nof Afghanistan: 27 December 1979 and 27 September\n1996. Both were black days that trigger bitter memories\nin the minds of all patriotic Afghans. The first date\nreminds them of the occupation by the former Soviet\nUnion and the second, of another occupying force, backed\nby another neighbour.\nThe force occupying parts of our homeland today is\nknown as the Taliban — a name that became very\nfamiliar to the General Assembly at the previous session.\n3\n\n\nWhat was the Taliban’s first act when it captured Kabul? It\nwas to attack not a military garrison, but the United Nations\noffice in Afghanistan. Its first act was to breach the sanctity\nof the United Nations compound, in violation of all\naccepted international norms and laws.\nThat is the Taliban. As European Commissioner,\nEmma Bonino, said yesterday, the Taliban is a force that\nthreatens to take Afghanistan back to the dark ages.\nNumerous international media reports from Kabul draw a\npicture of an organization supported from abroad, imposing\na draconian system on a terrified people. The Taliban have\nordered schools and universities to close and stopped all\neducation and employment for women. There are numerous\nreports from the media, the United States authorities and\nthe United Nations on the role of the Taliban in a $75\nbillion heroin export industry in Afghanistan.\nOn 1 October 1996, The New York Times said that the\n1 million people who live in Kabul alone had been plunged\ninto the\n“labyrinth that is Taliban rule”.\nOn 3 October 1996 the Reuters news agency said that,\nwhile the Taliban has tried to seek international recognition,\nit has been greeted with “suspicion — and fear”. In just\ntheir first week in Kabul, the Taliban earned the\ncondemnation of Amnesty International.\nThese are not the words of the Afghan Government\ndescribing the Taliban occupation — these are the words of\nAmnesty International:\n“Despite statements from their leadership\nsuggesting moderation, it is clear that Taleban guards\nare busily implementing a reign of terror in Kabul ...\nFamilies are afraid to go out into the streets, afraid to\nanswer their doors, and afraid that their loved ones\nwill suffer the brutal consequence”\nof Taliban rule. Amnesty International accuses the Taliban\nof seizing, in house-to-house searches in the capital, up to\n1,000 prisoners, who were forced to walk over the front-\nline minefields.\nFrench television showed the Taliban storming into the\nKabul museum, where they destroyed many artifacts, relics\nand statues that were unique. Those artifacts and statues\nbelonged to the Buddhist era and are irreplaceable.\nI am talking about the Taliban, which is\noverwhelmed by foreign-fomented hatred, mandated by a\nforeign-crafted agenda and committed to the annihilation\nof the political, social and economic fabric of\nAfghanistan. It is an organization whose display of terror\nin Kabul breaks all records. In short, the Taliban are\nmercenaries — an illegal and illegitimate force that has\nbeen imposed on the Afghan people.\nOnce again, foreign interference is the main cause of\nthe continued conflict in Afghanistan. The current state of\nterror and chaos, touching the lives of every living soul\nin Kabul, is the direct consequence of that interference.\nWe have at our disposal hard evidence that we will\nsubmit in due course to the Security Council for\nappropriate consideration. What could prove that there is\nforeign interference better than the foreign militias, which\ninclude some officers, who were recently captured on the\nbattlefield by the armed forces of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan?\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan firmly believes that\nthe so-called Taliban is a perfect example of a mercenary\nforce as defined by the International Convention against\nthe Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of\nMercenaries, adopted by the General Assembly in 1989.\nWe are not denying the existence among the Taliban of\nAfghan youths who were raised across the border and\nattended religious schools there, but it cannot be stated\ntoo clearly that the main corps of the Taliban military\nstaff consists of officers and militia forces from beyond\nour borders, paid by military-industrial magnates trying to\noverthrow the Islamic State of Afghanistan.\nThe United Nations General Assembly, on 21\nDecember 1995, adopted a resolution which condemned\nany State that permits or tolerates the recruitment,\nfinancing, training, assembly, transit and use of\nmercenaries with the objective of overthrowing the\nGovernment of any State Member of the United Nations,\nespecially that of a developing country.\nThe Charter of the United Nations, in various\nArticles, urges all Members to develop friendly relations\namong themselves and to refrain in their international\nrelations from the threat or use of force against the\nterritorial integrity or political independence of any State.\nOn the occasion of the commemoration of the\ntwenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations on 24\nOctober 1970, the General Assembly approved the\n4\n\n\nDeclaration on Principles of International Law concerning\nFriendly Relations and Cooperation among States. The first\nprinciple declares that States shall refrain in their\ninternational relations from the threat or use of force\nagainst the territorial integrity or political independence of\nany State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the\npurposes of the United Nations.\nThe Seventh Islamic Summit Conference in\nCasablanca on 13 December 1994, the Conference of Heads\nof State and Government of the Non-Aligned Countries on\n18 October of 1995 in Cartagena de Indias, the General\nAssembly resolution on Afghanistan of 19 December 1995\nand the Twenty-third Islamic Conference of Foreign\nMinsters on 9 December 1995 held in Conakry, Guinea, all\ninsist vigorously on the principle of non-intervention and\nrespect for the territorial integrity and independence of\nAfghanistan and on a peace process based on genuine intra-\nAfghan dialogue.\nIt is a matter of great disappointment that persistent\nappeals to the United Nations made by the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan to send a fact-finding mission to inquire into\nand investigate the level, degree and nature of foreign\nintervention in Afghanistan remain unanswered.\nLast year, we presented facts about the Taliban from\nthis rostrum. Our plight went unheard. We are afraid, given\nthe accounts of documented facts by the press and our clear\nstand on the legacy of the Taliban, that our plight might go\nunheard once more. That will be even more catastrophic\nthan the Taliban take-over itself.\nThe latest reports, as recent as yesterday, reveal some\nshocking realities and facts about the Taliban attacks on the\nareas surrounding Kabul, the capital. Allow me to unveil\nthe screened and concealed crime that the Taliban, assisted\nby their outside sponsors, committed very recently. Exactly\n26 days ago, on 11 September 1996, intelligence sources of\nthe Defence Ministry of the Islamic State of Afghanistan\nintercepted and recorded a Taliban radio transmission\nbetween Nangarhar and Kandahar. That transmission says\nthe following:\n“Give regards to the victorious Mullah Shukrullah ...\nTell him that new APR weapons have already been\nbrought to Kandahar. You should immediately send\nthese arms, which are gas weapons, through Torkhan\ntowards Nangarhar because we have organized a\ngroup of Taliban with special gear and are waiting for\nthe said weapons. We can capture large areas with\na single round.”\nOn 17 September, just six days later, I personally\ntook this report, submitted to me by the Ministry of\nDefence, and presented it to the State Supreme Council,\nconvened under the leadership of Mr. Rabbani, the\nPresident of Afghanistan, in Blandage bunker, just north\nof Kabul, the capital. I still remember an overwhelming\nstillness occupied the room after I submitted the report.\nAfter a brief calmness, a member of the Council\nremarked that maybe the report had been passed around\nto demoralize State troops; hence, not enough attention\nwas paid to the issue.\nYesterday, we obtained a shocking — and I repeat,\nshocking — report from the headquarters of the\nGovernment in Taloqan, which reminded me of the\nSupreme Council meeting. Officials of the Islamic State\nof Afghanistan recorded radio conversations by the\nTaliban in the front line around evening on 26 September,\nthe night before the Taliban take-over of Kabul. The\nfollowing assurances were reported:\n“Reassure the leaders that the new weapons have\nhad good results in Lata Band, Bande-Ghazi and\nPuli-Charkhi.”\nThese areas, for the information of the\nrepresentatives, are located to the east of Kabul, the\ncapital.\nMore staggering realities are provided by the\neyewitness reports of those who saw the areas afterwards.\nThese eyewitnesses have reported that they saw most of\nthe corpses of the Government troops laying on the\nground without any sign of injury from a bullet or arsenal\npenetration in their bodies. However, they did reveal that\nthey had noticed that the Government troops had bled\nfrom their noses, eyes and ears. Mr. Muslim, a veteran\ncommander of the Government, who witnessed similar\nsituations during the Soviet occupation, has remarked that:\n“The Taliban advance in the front line completely\nsurprised me. I then realized that the Taliban must\nbe in possession of some kind of weapons more\nadvanced than we had seen, possessed or known.”\nMr. Muslim, the commander, continues:\n5\n\n\n“Chemical weapons hadn’t crossed my mind until\nthe evening of 26 September during the Taliban’s\nfierce attack on Lata Band. I received a radio\ntransmission that a large number of our men were\nbeing lost and even when I commanded the rest to\nretreat, I heard no reply. I contacted my headquarters.\nI was ordered to examine the front line. One hour had\npassed since my initial contact with the front line\nwhen I arrived there. Then I saw Commander Saboor,\nlying dead on the battle ground. I only noticed blood\naround his nose and ears. Saboor was a close friend of\nmine. Suddenly, I had a flashback of the Red Army\nusing similar weapons during the jihad. I really\nwanted to take his body, which had no trace of\nexternal injury, back with me. But the intensity of\nfighting did not give me the chance.”\nBased on this account, it is the strong conviction of\nthe Islamic State of Afghanistan that the foreign sponsors\nof the Taliban have provided them with some type of\ninternationally banned gas or chemical weapon which were\nused in the Taliban onslaught for the capture of Kabul, the\ncapital, where they encountered strong resistance.\nWe are bringing this tragic episode to the attention of\nthis Assembly and therefore appeal to the international\ncommunity immediately to assign a team of inquiry to\ninvestigate the case to which I have referred.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan has continuously\nprovided information to the United Nations Special Mission\nand to the Security Council about the military acts of the\nTaliban, which have systematically refused to accept the\nUnited Nations peace process.\nIn a letter to the Secretary-General of the United\nNations dated 5 September 1995 (S/1995/767), the\nGovernment of Afghanistan warned the international\ncommunity about the dangers of the fragmentation and\ndisintegration of Afghanistan and of the possibility of the\nTaliban military advances getting out of control.\nIn the letter to the Secretary-General dated 14\nSeptember 1995, the Islamic State of Afghanistan\nforecasted\n“the outcome of this new tension as alarming and\nperilous”\nand earnestly called for the prompt dispatching\n“of a fact-finding mission to western Afghanistan in\norder to report during the consultations to the\nSecurity Council”. (S/1995/795, p. 2)\nThe Secretary-General, in a letter dated 22\nSeptember 1995, assured that,\n“The United Nations remains committed to the\nsovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan\nand opposed to all external interference in your\ncountry. I am using the mandates entrusted to me by\nthe Member States to do all I can to resolve the\nsources of conflict which contribute to instability in\nAfghanistan. I shall continue to pursue a\ncomprehensive approach to the overall peace\nprocess, in which the Special Mission will continue\nto play the main United Nations role. I ask that you\ncontinue to cooperate with it.”\nIn a letter dated 27 September 1995 to the Secretary-\nGeneral, the Islamic State of Afghanistan stated that,\n“Taliban not only undermined peace and\ntranquillity in the western parts of the country, but\nin the meantime, posed an external practical menace\nto the territorial integrity of Afghanistan.”\n(S/1995/823, annex, p. 3)\nand that,\n“the most reasonable and practical way to peace, and\nappropriate atmosphere for a peaceful transfer of\npower to an elected authority enjoying the\nconfidence of the people, is first and foremost the\nneed to ease off the present crisis of confidence'”.\n(ibid.)\nIn the general debate of 4 October 1995, we declared\nthat attempts by\n“reactionary groups to destabilize a moderate Islamic\nsystem which believes in democracy and human\nrights, are wrong in their assessments and\ncalculations. Such foreign circles may think that\nafter the usurpation of power by the Taliban all will\ngo well for them. In fact, they will add a further\nproblem, especially by bringing onto the scene a\nfaction which has no factual presence on\nAfghanistan’s political scene. These circles should\nbe aware that the peace and security in the capital,\nthe actual relative peace and stability in the country\n6\n\n\nand in the region, would be jeopardized by such an\nerroneous miscalculation. The same error was made\nby the former Soviet Union in 1979.” (Official\nRecords of the General Assembly, Fiftieth Session,\nPlenary Meetings, 19th meeting, p. 10)\nAs far as the activities of the United Nations Special\nMission are concerned, we suggested, in a letter dated 30\nSeptember 1995, that the efforts of the Secretary-General\n“and those of Ambassador Mahmoud Mestiri, Head of\nthe United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan,\nwould benefit from the establishment of a contact\ngroup on Afghanistan composed of States, but not the\nones immediately involved, as well as of interested\norganizations.” (A/50/510, annex, p. 2)\nIn a letter dated 12 October 1995, we warned that,\n“The different leaders of the Taliban have several\ntimes declared their rejection of the United Nations\nSpecial Mission’s action in proposing to them to\naccept a ceasefire. They have also rejected the\nproposals for peace talks with other parties to the\nconflict.” (S/1995/866, annex, p. 2)\nIn a letter dated 12 November 1995, we informed the\nSecretary-General that,\n“On 11 November 1995, the Taliban launched as\nmany as 170 rockets on the civilian-populated sectors\nof Kabul, as a result of which 37 innocent lives were\nlost and more than 52 civilians wounded, while\nimmense damage was inflicted upon public property.”\n(A/50/748, annex, p. 2)\nThis is why in a letter dated 16 November 1995\n(A/50/760) addressed to the Secretary General, the Islamic\nState of Afghanistan inquired about the identity of the\nTaliban, their ideology and goals, their rejection of the\npeace process and their negative attitude towards the United\nNations.\nAs a result of the heavy bombardment of the capital\nby the Taliban on 26 November 1995, the Secretary-\nGeneral expressed his concern about the escalation of\nfighting and called upon all parties to cooperate with the\nefforts of the United Nations Special Mission, then headed\nby Ambassador Mahmoud Mestiri, aimed at achieving an\nimmediate ceasefire and promoting negotiations among the\nparties on a transitional mechanism for the transfer of\npower, to achieve a just and durable settlement acceptable\nto all Afghans.\nDuring 1996 Afghanistan continued to keep the\nUnited Nations well informed about the atrocities\ncommitted by the Taliban in a letter dated 19 January\n1996 (S/1996/44).\nOn 9 April 1996 the Security Council held two\nmeetings on Afghanistan. During the meetings the\ndelegation of the Islamic State of Afghanistan provided\nadequate information on the role of the so-called Taliban\nin causing turmoil in Afghanistan and threatening the\npeace and stability of the region. This was recognized by\nthe Security Council in a statement to the press on 13\nDecember 1995.\nIn a letter dated 22 August 1996 addressed to the\nSecretary General, the President of the Security Council\nstated that the members of Security Council,\n“express their strong view that the warring parties\nshould renounce the use of force and settle their\ndifferences by peaceful means, through negotiations.\n“The members of the Security Council are\nconvinced that the main responsibility for finding a\npolitical solution to the conflict lies with the parties\nand that all States must refrain from interference.”\n(S/1996/683, first and second paragraphs)\nThe Taliban have consistently taken a rejectionist\nattitude and still act against the letter and the spirit of all\nSecurity Council and General Assembly resolutions and\ndecisions.\nGiven this account, I must say that this is the time\nto look back and see who is responsible for the ongoing\nhuman tragedy in Afghanistan. Was it not the lack of any\nappropriate response by this Organization to the\nintransigent attitude of the Taliban that encouraged and\nenabled them to see the tunnel wide open and to pursue\ntheir designs crafted by military-industrial magnates from\nabroad?\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan had continuously\nwarned the United Nations about the possible outcome.\nWho is to blame, and could we consider it a conspiracy\nof indifference or a conspiracy of victimization?\nRegardless of which one it may be, the blood of Afghans\nhas been spilled. One thing manifested by the indifference\n7\n\n\nthus far is that Afghan blood is not cheap; rather, it is\nworthless.\nLet us go back to the drastic events that took place\nduring the last couple of weeks. The Government forces\nevacuated the capital in order to prevent a bloodbath. The\nTaliban invaded Kabul on the morning of 27 September\n1996. The Government authorities relocated their\nheadquarters and offices in Taloqan, the capital of the\nnorthern province of Takhar.\nResistance against the Taliban is not limited only to\nthe Panjshir Valley, where the Taliban are conducting\nwidespread and extensive battles, targeting civilian areas. In\nmany other parts of Afghanistan, under the rule of the\nTaliban, there exists the potential for resistance. Soon we\nwill hear about uprisings.\nIn today’s circumstances, the objectives of the Islamic\nState of Afghanistan have not changed, and I would like to\nemphasize once again our firm commitment to General\nAssembly resolution 50/88 on Afghanistan, which was\nadopted by consensus on 19 December 1995.\nThe provisional setback of one party in the conflict\nand the territorial gain of one side could not mean that\npeace would prevail in the country. Military occupation\ncannot bring about conflict resolution. On the contrary, the\nescalation of tension once again necessitates a negotiated\nsettlement of the conflict through the mechanism\nformulated in operative paragraph 4 of resolution 50/88 B\nof 19 December 1995. This provides a solution to the crisis\nin Afghanistan through the United Nations peace process.\nA ranking United Nations official expressed his\nconcern by stating in The Los Angeles Times of 5 October\n1996,\n“It’s frightening [that] this is going to be the\nGovernment, because these men have obviously had\nno experience but fighting.”\nThe Taliban, who have invaded the capital city of\nKabul with cross-border military assistance, will not be able\nto ensure the national unity of Afghanistan, especially in\nthe light of what they have done during the first days of\ntheir military rule in the capital. The Taliban, in spite of\nbeing Pashtuns, neither agree with the majority of Pashtuns\nof the country nor with Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras, Turkmen,\nBaluchis, Nooristanis and others.\nThe Afghan leaders, intellectuals and scholars cannot\nagree with the regressive and backward views of the\nTaliban. Many religious leaders of the country do not\napprove of their attitude and deem it incompatible with\nthe needs of Muslims in the modern world. They all\nconsider them unacceptable tools of foreign intervention.\nThe military rule of the Taliban must not be\nconsidered final or accomplished. Those foreign quarters\nwhich have provided financial and military assistance to\nthe Taliban will not be able to subsidize and finance their\nrule permanently.\nThe Taliban are lacking any vision or ability for the\nobjective of economic and social rehabilitation in\nAfghanistan. They lack any coherent and systematic\nthinking or projection of the vast needs of today’s\nAfghanistan. Many of their leaders consider the teachings\nof modern science and technology contrary to religion.\nThey consider science to be sacrilege. The Taliban, who\nstill believe the earth is flat, are not the people for\nAfghanistan, not when we are about to enter the twenty-\nfirst century.\nYet the outside sponsors of the Taliban are\nattempting to cover up their actual identity and nature,\nthus soliciting a kind of legitimacy for this illegitimate,\nobscurantist and terrorist group. Any relation established\nwith the Taliban may be interpreted by the Taliban as\ntolerance by the international community. Allowing this\nto happen would be an affront to the principles of the\nUnited Nations, a seal of approval for terrorism, a\nlegitimization of foreign intervention and, indeed, an\ninsult to the human conscience.\nIn the name of the Islamic State of Afghanistan and\nthe victimized Afghan nation, I express gratitude to all\nthose countries that have expressed their concern and\ndisapproval of the occupation of the Afghan capital,\nKabul, by the Taliban, and the rule of terror in that city.\nDays after the occupation of Kabul, on 2 October\n1996, the Coordination Meeting of Foreign Ministers of\nthe member States of the Organization of the Islamic\nConference (OIC), at which I had the honour to speak,\nconvened at the United Nations in New York. In a final\ncommuniqué, they expressed\n“the hope that the Afghan parties will peacefully\nresolve their political differences and collectively\n8\n\n\nwork for the restoration of peace and stability in the\ncountry”.\nThe practical solution to the Afghan problem needs to\ninclude the following elements, in conformity with General\nAssembly resolution 50/88 B of 19 December 1995 on the\nquestion of Afghanistan: first, an immediate cessation of\narmed conflict and the declaration of a ceasefire; secondly,\nan invitation to all Afghan parties to the negotiating table,\nunder the auspices of the United Nations and with the\ncooperation of the OIC; thirdly, an agreement on the\ncomposition and establishment of a transitional Government\nof national unity and the creation of a credible, authoritative\nbody to which power would immediately be transferred;\nand, fourthly, the consolidation of the political process in\norder to ascertain the views of the people and solve the\nproblem through elections or through the convening of the\ntraditional Grand Assembly.\nOur basic views and main objectives are as follows:\nthe re-establishment of peace and stability, along with the\ncreation of conditions conducive to ensuring that the\npeoples of Afghanistan can live, in an atmosphere of law\nand order, on the basis of democratic values and respect for\nhuman rights, as required by an authentic and truthful\nvision of high Islamic principles; and the establishment of\na strong central Government on the basis of agreement\namong all Afghan sides that have the capacity to mobilize\nmasses and are able to secure the achievement of these\ngoals. This will allow Afghanistan to become once again a\npositive factor for peace and stability in the region to which\nit belongs.\nOnly a transitional Government of national unity\nwould be able to secure the national unity of the country\nand to allow the launching of the major task of\nreconstructing and rehabilitating Afghanistan. Such a goal\ncould not be achieved without the full participation of the\nintellectuals, scientists, experts and technocrats of\nAfghanistan, many of whom now live abroad. We are\nexpecting all countries that are in favour of peace and\nstability in Afghanistan to assist our people in order to\nachieve these noble objectives.\nUpon adopting the Charter of the United Nations 51\nyears ago in the city of San Francisco, the founding fathers\nof this global establishment declared the United Nations to\nbe based on the sovereign equality of all States. They did\nthis at a time when this principle was an ideal. The struggle\nfor freedom by many nations, together with millions of\nsacrifices, on the one hand, and the need in the twentieth\ncentury for natural interdependence between the members\nof this global family, on the other, proved more than ever\nthe righteousness of this principle.\nIt is apropos in this connection to quote His\nExcellency Mr. Hervé de Charette, the Foreign Minister\nof France, who on 25 September stated from this rostrum:\n“If we are not careful, we are going to be living in\na world without criteria, without values, without\nreferences, in which some — the strongest and\nrichest — will be in a position to decide alone on\nthe future of the planet.” (Official Records of the\nGeneral Assembly, Fifty-first Session, Plenary\nMeetings, 8th meeting, p. 18)
## 40 Let me impart at the\noutset the sad news I received early today of the aerial\nbombardment by the Taliban of the city of Mazar-i-\nSharif, the sixteenth consecutive bombardment in just two\ndays. These bombardments have taken as many as 150\nlives among the civilian population of the city, mostly\nwomen and children. I express outrage and condemnation\nat this cowardly act of terror, which typifies the Taliban’s\ngross violation of international humanitarian law and their\nrelentless belligerence against every norm recognized by\nthe world today.\nI stand before the Assembly and the world\ncommunity in the tradition of past Afghan\nrepresentatives — with the exception of those during the\nyears of occupation — representing an independent,\nsovereign and non-aligned Afghanistan.\nOne year ago, our Foreign Minister, the late Abdul\nRahim Ghafoorzai, stood on this podium to explain the\ndark and ominous movement known as the Taliban,\nwhich — backed by foreign forces — had invaded\nAfghanistan. Tragically, Mr. Ghafoorzai died in the\n19\n\n\nservice of his nation. So today it is my duty to stand before\nthe Assembly to explain the struggle the Afghan people\nhave waged against these mercenaries.\nWhen the Taliban entered Kabul on 27 September\n1996 their first act was to storm the United Nations\ncomplex. The past 12 months have seen a seemingly\nendless series of edicts issued by the Taliban in areas of\nAfghanistan that they claim to control. Under those edicts,\nthey have in fact imprisoned every woman and terrorized\nevery man.\nTheir latest ignominious act has been to arrest Emma\nBonino, the European Union Commissioner for\nHumanitarian Affairs, her aides and a group of visiting\ninternational journalists, including CNN’s Christiane\nAmanpour. Outraged by the Taliban’s act, the German\nForeign Minister, Mr. Klaus Kinkel, said that he considered\nit a slap in the face and an act of “cynical disregard for the\nentire European Union”. The group was eventually released,\nbut not before at least two of its members were beaten with\nthe butt of a Kalashnikov rifle. Ms. Bonino told Reuters\nthat the experience had given her a taste of what Afghans\ngo through every day under the Taliban.\n“This is an example of what people here go\nthrough every day: in a situation of random terror.”\n[Reuters News Wire, “EC commissioner released by\nTaleban,” 29 September 1997]\nAn Afghan quoted in The New York Times of 24\nSeptember 1997 stated,\n“Most days I wake up thinking we’d all be better off\ndead than under these fanatics.”\nThese are just a couple of facts to open a small window\nonto the gloom and despair facing our people.\nAs this terror continues in Afghanistan, we are here\ntoday to discuss the Afghan question, which is now an\ninternational issue.\nAs the crisis in Afghanistan continues to unfold, we\nmust ask — and answer — important questions, questions\nto be answered particularly by those who, under the guise\nof neutrality, equate the aggressors with the victims of\naggression. Those questions are: Who is following the rules\nof the civilized world? Whose actions warrant recognition?\nWho deserves to participate in civilized discussion at a\nglobal level?\nOn the battlefield, we continue, of course, to defend\nourselves and our nation. In this imposed war, we are\ntaking what we consider to be the moral high ground of\nnegotiation and dialogue.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan — like many\nothers in the world, including some prominent Pakistani\npoliticians and commentators — still identifies Pakistani\nintervention and interference in the internal affairs of\nAfghanistan as the root cause of the prolonged conflict\nand the subsequent suffering of our people.\nPakistan constantly alleges that the Taliban control\ntwo thirds of Afghanistan, including Kabul, where peace\nprevails. Mr. William Maley, the renowned Australian\nexpert on Afghanistan, stated earlier in the year that the\nTaliban brought peace to Kabul in the same sense that\nHitler brought peace to Warsaw.\nOn 7 August 1997, Mr. Gohar Ayub Khan, the\nForeign Minister of Pakistan, said:\n“In Afghanistan ... the majority in the country is\nPakhtoons, who are 60 per cent. The other groups,\nincluding Uzbeks, Tajiks, Hazaras and Ismailis\ncollectively, constitute about 40 per cent.”\nThe Pakistani Foreign Minister is blatantly inventing\nfraudulent statistics to fuel the flames of ethnic hatred and\nconflict in Afghanistan and to justify Pakistani objectives.\nNo valid statistics could claim that any ethnic group in\nAfghanistan — Pakhtoon, Tajik, Uzbek or other —\nconstituted more than 37 per cent of the population. If\nPakistan continues its irresponsible policy of perpetrating\nethnic hatred in Afghanistan, a consequential escalation of\n“ethnic cleansing” will threaten the national unity of our\ncountry.\nPakistan maintains that it has no favourites in\nAfghanistan. The reality is that the Pakistani\nestablishment has designated one group of Afghans to be\nthe natural rulers over all the rest and conceivably to turn\nAfghanistan into a subservient protectorate State.\nThe reality was best expressed by Fred Halliday, an\ninternational affairs specialist at the London School of\nEconomics, who wrote last November:\n“The capture by Taliban guerrillas of the\nAfghan capital, Kabul, however short- or long-lived,\nhas come after two years of one of the most\nobnoxious interventions by one State in the affairs of\n20\n\n\nanother in many years. Reported in the West as an\nindigenous struggle, in fact Pakistan set up the Taliban\nas a semi-regular fighting force in 1994 ... providing\nthem with ... guns, money, fuel and technical support\n... Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has harboured\nthe goal of dominating its northern neighbour.” [The\nNation, “Kabul’s Patriarchy with Guns”, 11 November\n1996, p. 19]\nAnd, finally, the Pakistani Government, by proposing\nthe dubious “vacant-seat” formula for Afghanistan, strives\nto expel from the United Nations a country that has been a\nmember of this global body since before the birth of\nPakistan.\nMy delegation is grateful to the Secretary-General, Mr.\nKofi Annan, for having summarized the tragic situation in\nAfghanistan in his address to the fifty-second session of the\nGeneral Assembly on 22 September 1997.\nAccording to General Assembly resolution 51/195 B,\nwhich was adopted unanimously on 17 December 1996, and\nfully supported by the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the\nAssembly is\n“Strongly committed to the sovereignty,\nindependence, territorial integrity and national unity of\nAfghanistan”. [resolution 51/195 B, seventh\npreambular paragraph]\nThe General Assembly also stressed\n“the importance of non-intervention and non-\ninterference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan”.\n[ibid., sixteenth preambular paragraph]\nUnfortunately, since last year the supply of weapons and\nammunition from abroad has massively increased and\nconstitutes a very important programme of action by the\npowerful Pakistani intelligence service, Inter-Service\nIntelligence (ISI).\nThe situation has also worsened with regard to what\nthe resolution called\n“actions undermining the security of State frontiers,\nincluding the growing illicit traffic in arms and\nnarcotics by criminal elements and groups from\n[Taliban occupied] areas of Afghanistan and ... the use\nof [occupied] Afghan territory for the training and\nharbouring of terrorists”. [ibid., eighteenth preambular\nparagraph]\nIt is amazing that some of the countries that consider\nterrorism a threat to peace should nonetheless — while\nclaiming impartiality — favour the rejectionist Taliban by\nequating them with the Government of the Islamic State\nof Afghanistan, which shares the mounting concerns of\nthe General Assembly in this matter.\nWith regard to the peace process, we share the view\nthat\n“the main responsibility for finding a political\nsolution to the conflict lies with the Afghan parties”.\n[ibid., paragraph 2]\nThe Taliban, however, favoured, encouraged and assisted\nby the cross-border political and military support,\nconsider their only responsibility to be the waging of an\naggressive war aimed at conquering the whole of Afghan\nterritory by crushing all resistance movements.\nThe Taliban’s intransigence and disregard for United\nNations General Assembly and Security Council\nresolutions calling for a peaceful settlement of the Afghan\nproblem are a fact well known to the international\ncommunity. The report of the Secretary-General dated 16\nMarch 1997 indicates that:\n“The Taliban, judging both from their words and\nfrom their activities on the ground, appear\ndetermined to gain military and political control of\nthe whole of Afghanistan and to establish their\nvision of an Islamic State”. [A/51/838, paragraph 7]\nThe Secretary-General’s report (A/51/929) of\n16 June 1997 equally illustrates Taliban’s choice of the\nmilitary option and its intention to overrun the country by\nforce. This utterly bellicose position of the Taliban, while\nprolonging the suffering of the Afghan people is\naggravating the concerns of the countries in the region,\nwhich views it as a serious threat to the region’s peace\nand security. It is worth mentioning that the Taliban’s\naggressive attitude is encouraged by military intelligence\nservices of neighbouring Pakistan, which still hopes to\ninstall a puppet regime in Kabul, subservient to its\nexpansionist and hegemonic desires. The dull-minded\ninterventionists should read the history of Afghanistan\nonce again and learn from the defeat of previous\naggressors in this homeland of dauntless and courageous\npeople.\nWe are fully aware\n21\n\n\n“that a cessation of armed hostilities ... and political\nstability are indispensable if reconstruction measures\nare to have a lasting effect”. (Resolution 51/195 A,\neighth preambular paragraph)\nThe Taliban have expressed no interest in the urgently\nneeded reconstruction of the country. In fact, starvation by\nblockade is their favourite weapon against Afghans.\nWe express our full\n“support for the continuing efforts of the United\nNations Special Mission to Afghanistan” (Resolution\n51/195 B, thirteenth preambular paragraph)\nled by Mr. Norbert Holl, and the special assignment on\n30 July 1997 of Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi as Special\nEnvoy of the Secretary-General to assess the situation and\nthe role of the United Nations in Afghanistan.\nWe reaffirm the full support of our Government for\nthe\n“activities of the United Nations Special Mission to\nAfghanistan, in facilitating ... in cooperation with\n[neighbouring and] interested States and international\norganizations, the political process towards the goals\nof national reconciliation and a lasting political\nsettlement with the participation of all parties to the\nconflict”. (ibid., paragraph 5)\nBecause of the shortage of time, I am omitting some\nparagraphs from my prepared text.\nThe Taliban have refused to negotiate any political\nsettlement and have insisted on a unilateral military\nsolution.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan honours\n“its commitments regarding the safety and full\nfreedom of movement of United Nations personnel, in\nparticular the personnel of the United Nations Special\nMission, as well as the security of their premises in\nAfghanistan.” (ibid., paragraph 7)\nRecently, however, as a result of the disturbances\nbrought about on 14 September 1997 by Taliban\ninfiltration, the premises belonging to international aid\nagencies and non-governmental organizations in the city of\nMazar-i-Sharif were plundered. This city was previously a\nhaven of peace and security. The Islamic State of\nAfghanistan remains committed to the safety of the\nUnited Nations personnel and the personnel of other aid\nagencies in Afghanistan.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan, in the light of the\nmounting needs of the Afghan people, appeals to all\ndonor agencies not to abandon Afghanistan, particularly\nin the face of the upcoming harsh winter.\nSecurity Council document S/1997/588 of\n25 July 1997 explains the Islamic State of Afghanistan’s\nagreement to a Declaration of the United National and\nIslamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan, the\nfoundation for an enlarged body representing all ethnic\ngroups from all over Afghanistan. The Declaration\naddresses an appeal in favour of the peace process to the\nTaliban and the Pakistani Government.\nWe favour\n“An immediate and durable ceasefire among the\nAfghan parties, to be supervised by a commission\ncomposed of representatives of all the warring\nparties, facilitated by the United Nations”. (ibid.,\nparagraph 8)\nOne of the most important elements in the General\nAssembly and Security Council resolutions on\nAfghanistan is the call for\n“demilitarization of Kabul, with adequate safeguards\nto ensure security and public order”. (ibid.)\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan considers this point to\nbe very important. It could constitute a credible precedent\nthat could be applied in the future in other parts of the\ncountry.\nThe\n“establishment of a broad-based and fully\nrepresentative authoritative council” (ibid.)\nas required by the General Assembly resolution, will be\nfeasible if the appeal of the United Front inviting the\nTaliban to join the Front is heard. The Islamic State of\nAfghanistan, in this regard, extends its full cooperation to\nthe United Nations. It is imperative to secure the\nagreement of the Taliban with the United Nations and to\nensure its full cooperation with such a broad-based\nauthoritative council.\n22\n\n\nWe are ready to cooperate for the creation of\n“a national security force to provide for security\nthroughout the country and oversee the demobilization\nof all the warring parties through the collection and\nsafeguarding of all heavy weapons in the country, and\nto stop the flow of arms and of equipment related to\narms production to the parties”. (ibid.)\nWe are grateful to the leaders and Governments of the\ncentral Asian republics of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and\nTurkmenistan for their respective proposed peace initiatives,\nas well as to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Apart from\nsupplementing each other, these initiatives may be\ncoordinated so as to lead to the convening of useful\nnegotiations with a specific agenda under the auspices of\nthe United Nations. The proposals, however, thus far have\nnot been accepted by the Taliban.\nThe General Assembly deplored\n“the civilian casualties inflicted by the indiscriminate\nuse of landmines.” (ibid., paragraph 11)\nThe Taliban have recently spread landmines in and around\nthe northern city of Kunduz. This is only one example of\nTaliban mass use of landmines.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan shares the General\nAssembly’s deep concern over and denunciation of\n“the discrimination against women and girls and other\nrecurring abuses of human rights in Afghanistan ...\nemphasizing the importance of democracy and of the\nrealization of human rights in any future political\nprocess in Afghanistan”. (ibid., ninth preambular\nparagraph)\nMr. Lloyd Axworthy, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of\nCanada, said in his statement of 25 September in this\nAssembly:\n“Canadian women, appalled at the treatment of their\nsisters in Afghanistan, have started a letter-writing\ncampaign. I will be delivering some 5,000 letters\ntoday to the Secretary-General, which call on him to\ntake the lead in exposing the gross human rights\nviolations of women in Afghanistan as unacceptable in\nthe eyes of the world’s citizens.” [See Official\nRecords of the General Assembly, Fifty-second\nSession, Plenary Meetings, 12th meeting]\nWe draw the attention of the General Assembly to\nthe recent document (A/52/384) containing the\nDeclaration of Principles made by the United Islamic and\nNational Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan, adopted\non 20 September 1997 by the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan. The Declaration, systematizing a political\nframework for the country, contains the following\nprinciples: first, the principle of Islam; secondly, the\nprinciple of independence and international cooperation;\nthirdly, the principles of democracy and pluralism;\nfourthly, the principles of election and delegation of\nauthority to local administration; and, fifthly, the principle\nof human rights.\nThe General Assembly last year called on\n“all States strictly to refrain from any outside\ninterference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan,\nincluding the involvement of foreign military\npersonnel”. (Resolution 51/195 B, paragraph 15)\nRegarding the involvement of Pakistani military personnel\nin Afghanistan, the Government of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan has transmitted amply documented\ninformation to the United Nations.\nThe book, entitled The Not-So-Hidden Hand —\nproduced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the\nIslamic State of Afghanistan — has been distributed to\nthe members of the Security Council, some other\ninterested countries and the Secretariat of the United\nNations. This book — I will not go through it; it is a big\nbook — documents directly and proves the physical\npresence of Pakistani paramilitary and military personnel\ninside Afghanistan, fighting alongside the Taliban against\nthe Islamic State of Afghanistan.\nThe book includes, first, identification photos of\neach Pakistani captive, prisoner registration forms with\ndetailed descriptions, fingerprints and other data\npertaining to each; secondly, identification cards taken\nfrom some prisoners that illustrate their membership in\nextremist Pakistani organizations responsible for terrorist\nacts in South Asia, such as Anjuman-i-Sipah-e-Sahaba\nPakistan; and thirdly, correspondence from most of the\nprisoners to their families in Pakistan, written mostly in\nUrdu — the official Pakistani language, which is not\nspoken in Afghanistan.\nI should like to remind the Assembly that on 3 July\n1997 Mr. Francis Okelo, the Deputy Head of the United\nNations Special Mission to Afghanistan, together with a\n23\n\n\nUnited Nations military adviser, paid a visit to Maimana\nprison in northern Afghanistan and verified the physical\npresence of Pakistani military prisoners in the prison. And\nThe News of 6 September 1997 — printed in Islamabad —\ncontains an article entitled “Pakistanis in Masood’s captivity\nplead for release”.\nThe General Assembly called upon all States\nimmediately to end the supply of arms, ammunition,\nmilitary equipment, training or any other military support\nto all parties to the conflict in Afghanistan. Furthermore,\ndocument A/52/403, dated 29 September 1997, confirms the\nrecent dispatch of some 600 additional military personnel\nand that shipments of arms from Pakistan to Afghanistan\nhave significantly increased.\nThe General Assembly has reiterated that the\ncontinuation of the conflict in Afghanistan provides a fertile\nground for terrorism and drug trafficking, which destabilize\nthe region and beyond. The United Nations Information\nService reported on 11 September 1997 a rise in opium-\npoppy production in Afghanistan to 2,800 metric tons in\n1997, an estimated 25 per cent increase over 1996.\nMr. Derek Fatchett, a Minister in Britain’s Foreign Office,\npointed out in The Guardian of 25 June 1997 that the\nTaliban war chest is financed by drug money. Furthermore,\n96.4 per cent of Afghanistan’s total opium production\noriginates in provinces currently under Taliban control,\naccording to the United Nations Information Service report.\nAfghanistan, as a State party to the Convention for the\nProtection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage of\n23 November 1972, has recognized its primary duty to\nensure the identification, protection, conservation,\npreservation and transmission to future generations of, inter\nalia, the cultural heritage situated in the country. The\nGeneral Assembly has called upon all Afghan parties to\ntake appropriate steps to prohibit, prevent and, if necessary,\nput a stop to any form of theft, pillage or misappropriation\nof and any acts of vandalism directed against, cultural\nproperty of the Afghan nation. The Taliban, however, on 17\nApril 1997, out of fanaticism expressed its intention to\ndemolish the two largest statues of Buddha in the world. In\nspite of great concern by the Secretary-General and\nMr. Federico Mayor, Director of the United Nations\nEducational, Scientific and Cultural Organization\n(UNESCO), and many Buddhist leaders throughout the\nworld, the Taliban did not exhibit any change of attitude.\nFortunately, its military push was repulsed and the colossal\nstatues remain intact.\nIn this context, reference should be made to the\nancient artifacts plundered from the rich Kabul National\nMuseum. According to Pakistani press reports, the\nartifacts have been added to the personal collections of\nthe former Pakistani Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, and\nthe former Minister of the Interior, Nasirullah Babar. On\nbehalf of the people of Afghanistan, I call upon the\nPakistanis to return these irreplaceable Afghan artifacts,\nwhich are also part of the world’s cultural heritage. I urge\nUNESCO to investigate the matter.\nI should like to announce that the delegation of the\nIslamic State of Afghanistan, together with some other\ncountries of the third world, will co-sponsor the draft\nresolution entitled “Towards a culture of peace,”\nsubmitted under agenda item 156. My delegation also\nsupports the resolution of the Economic and Social\nCouncil adopted in Geneva entitled “Proclamation of the\nYear 2000 as the International Year for the Culture of\nPeace”.\nWe want to establish the best fraternal relations with\nPakistan and other neighbouring countries. Afghanistan’s\npivotal location places it, as always, at the crossroads of\ndifferent corners of Asia. Naturally, no regional economic\ncooperation — in the context of the transit of goods,\npetroleum and natural gas — can succeed without a\npeaceful Afghanistan enjoying administrative unity.\nAfghanistan must cease to exist as a country of\nconfrontation, discord and clashes. Rather, it must turn\ninto a land of interrelation, association, joint action and\ncooperation. This is the genuine desire of all patriotic\nAfghans and of the true friends of Afghanistan.\nFifty-two years ago, the United Nations was founded\non the paramount ideals of a safer world and on\nparameters of global peace and collective security. The\nForeign Minister of Italy, His Excellency Mr. Lamberto\nDini, said in his speech last week before the General\nAssembly:\n“We no longer live in a world of purely\nnational interests. More and more, policy-making is\ninformed by global concerns such as human rights,\nsolidarity and social justice. At the threshold of the\ntwenty-first century, let us pledge to settle religious\nand ethnic conflicts through dialogue, tolerance and\ncultural exchange, and to find collective answers to\ninternational terrorism, organized crime, drug\ntrafficking and the degradation of the environment.”\n\nLet me from this rostrum remind all of us here, as the\ngeneral debate draws to a close, that we must ask ourselves\nabout the level of our commitment to the implementation of\nthe ideals I have mentioned.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 41 The urgency of the\nalarming situation in Afghanistan, particularly given the\nevents of the past few months, requires me to explain why\nand how that situation continues to pose major threats to\nthe peace and security of the world.\nThere is an evil triangle that is haunting our region.\nThis evil triangle has imprisoned and terrorized an entire\nnation. It has almost engulfed our region in a major\nconfrontation. The spread of this evil triangle like a plague\nis about to contaminate the entire area, setting off alarm\nbells from the Far East to the Far West, even echoing in\nfaraway capitals of the world. The evil triangle I am\nreferring to is one between: first, the Pakistani military\nInter-Service Intelligence (ISI); secondly, branches of\ninternational terrorism and drug traffickers operating from\nAfghanistan; and thirdly, the infamous Taliban militia.\nOn 7 August 1998, two African capitals suffered\nmajor explosions, sending a shock wave of international\nterrorism throughout the world. The following day, nine\nIranian diplomats and a journalist were ferociously\ngunned down inside the Consulate-General of the Islamic\nRepublic of Iran in Mazar-i-Sharif. According to Amnesty\nInternational, from 8 to 10 August thousands of ethnic\nHazara civilians were killed in Mazar-i-Sharif. On 21\nAugust 1998, Lieutenant-Colonel Carmine Calo, Military\nAdviser to the United Nations Special Mission to\nAfghanistan, an Italian national, was brutally murdered by\ntwo Pakistani terrorists on assignment in Kabul. All of\nthese shocking events have one thing in common: the\nimplementation of an anachronistic socio-political agenda\nby means of destructive force and violence and the\nadventurous hegemony of the Pakistani army in the\nregion. These things pose a direct threat to regional peace\nand security.\nThree major concerns — namely, terrorism, drugs\nand the violation of human rights — are originating in the\nTaliban-held areas of Afghanistan, but they are being\ninstigated from across the border. During the twelfth\nsummit of the Non-Aligned Movement, on 3 September\n1998 in Durban, South Africa, President Burhanuddin\nRabbani brought these issues to the attention of the\nsummit. In its paragraphs on terrorism the Final\nDocument of the summit says it is imperative that no\nState organize, assist or participate in terrorist acts in the\nterritories of other States or encourage activities directed\ntowards such acts, including permitting the use of national\nterritory or the soil of a neighbouring country for\nplanning and training for such a purpose and or the\nfinancing of terrorist activities. Paragraph 153 of the Final\nDocument states that the heads of State or Government\nsolemnly reaffirmed their unequivocal condemnation of\nany political, diplomatic, moral or material support for\nterrorism. We fully agree with the generally expressed\nview that the global phenomenon of terrorism requires a\ncollective and concerted response.\nAfghanistan, along with other members of the Non-\nAligned Movement, also condemns the practice of\nrecruiting, financing, training, using or supporting\nmercenaries as a violation of the purposes and principles\nof the Charter of the United Nations. Let us make it clear\nonce again here that the Taliban are Pakistani\nmercenaries.\n26\n\n\nOn 28 August 1998, pursuant to the deterioration of\nthe situation stemming from a whole new series of military\nactivities evidently directed by the cross-border ISI officers,\nthe Security Council adopted an important resolution, 1193\n(1998), for which President Rabbani voiced his firm support\nat the Durban summit. However, the response of the\nTaliban mercenaries and their cross-border patrons to the\nresolution — a major assault on Bamyan valley on 14\nSeptember, during which the most atrocious acts were\ncommitted against the civilian population of the valley —\nwas yet another vow to continue their military agenda.\nPresently, the only country that takes pride in\nrecognizing the Taliban and in fact urges others to do the\nsame remains Pakistan. The Pakistani meddling in\nAfghanistan — which has direct consequences for Pakistan\nitself and the entire region — has best been summarized in\nthe Pakistani daily The News on 25 September 1998. I\nquote:\n“North-West Asia is in great trouble and the Taliban\nare the catalyst behind it. The Taliban have not just\ndragged Iran and the Central Asian republics into the\nconflict, they have also pushed Pakistan into a tense\nrelationship with all its Muslim neighbours. What was\nsupposed to provide Pakistan with strategic depth'\nhas turned into a quagmire. Islamabad is now faced\nwith yet another critical choice between either cutting\nTaliban to size or siding with them against friendly\nneighbours.”\nThe article continues, and I quote,\n“If somebody thinks that with the Taliban victory\na lasting peace will be restored in Afghanistan and\npeace dividends will start flowing in, he is sadly\nmistaken.”\nHeadlines such as “Crises push Pakistan to the brink\nof disaster” in the Washington Post of 26 September are\nearly warnings about a state of affairs that will affect the\nentire region. In fact, when a fragile and vulnerable country\nlike Pakistan involves itself in a great game, as the Afghani\npeople say, it digs its own grave.\nArticle 1 of the United Nations Charter calls for\neffective and collective measures for the prevention and\nremoval of threats to peace. Consistent with this, the\nIslamic State of Afghanistan, over the past three years, has\nrepeatedly warned the international community of the\nmounting threat to regional peace and security posed by the\nPakistani Government?s military intelligence service, (ISI),\nand its mercenaries, the Taliban, in Afghanistan.\nUnfortunately, these early warnings have all gone\nunheard.\nToday, the exacerbated situation in Afghanistan and\nits menacing implications for the region and beyond are\nexactly what we deserve. The international community\nmust admit that it has done too little in the face of the\nincreasingly bold and aggressive ISI policy towards\nAfghanistan and has gone too far with its policy of\nappeasement towards the Taliban in their fight against the\nrest of the world. The Security Council must determine\nthe existence of this threat to peace, breach of the peace\nand act of aggression by Pakistan, and should take\nappropriate measures against the perpetrators in\nconformity with Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter. The\nalarming situation in Afghanistan requires definitive\naction by the Security Council. It is time that the presence\nof about 28,000 armed Pakistanis in Afghanistan was\ndealt with in accordance with Article 39 of the United\nNations Charter.\nThe Taliban?s obstinately rejectionist and\nintransigent attitude towards peace and human rights is\nwell known to the international community. Let us recall\nonce again how the Taliban?s retrograde militia, helped\nand patronized by their cross-border allies, visualize and\nconceive the events in Afghanistan.\nThe Taliban have their own answer to every issue\nraised by the United Nations and the international\ncommunity. When asked to establish a broad-based\nrepresentative Government, the Taliban reply that they\nhave brought many parts of Afghanistan under their\nmilitary domination and that this is a broad-based\nrepresentative Government. When requested to hold\nelections in Afghanistan, the Taliban state that elections\nare unIslamic. They say that other Muslim countries\nwhich adhere to the principle of elections have\noverlooked the true teachings of Islam. When told to\nrespect human rights, the Taliban reply that they have\ntheir own standards for human rights. They say that\nhuman rights in other Muslim countries are not based on\nIslam.\nIn response to constant appeals to respect the human\nrights of women and reopen girls? schools, the Taliban,\nquoted in The Washington Post of 25 September 1998,\nsay that\n27\n\n\n“the countries that shout about freedom for women\nwant to use them only for prostitution and\nentertainment until they get old and useless”.\nThe Taliban say they know best what to do with women\nand girls.\nWhen asked to put an end to drug production and\ntrafficking, the Taliban say that, though produced in\nAfghanistan, narcotics are consumed overseas. They also\nsay that drug production and smuggling, operations which\nthe Taliban and some Pakistani military officers jointly\nmaintain, earn them profits. When asked to hold\nnegotiations with the parties to the conflict, the Taliban,\nagain quoted in The Washington Post, say that their first\npriority has been to disarm the opposition and that\nnegotiations will follow only then.\nPeace has no place on the Taliban agenda. Even when\nMr. Lakhdar Brahimi, the Secretary-General?s Special\nEnvoy, urged them to attend the face-to-face talks with us,\nheld in Ashgabat on 5 April 1998, they did not participate.\nOn 25 April 1998, the negotiations between both sides in\nIslamabad — under the supervision of the United Nations\nand the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) —\nwere unilaterally abandoned by the Taliban and the\nceasefire observed at the request of the United Nations and\nthe United States was pre-emptively broken by a major\nTaliban offensive north of Kabul. Because of the failure of\nthe Taliban?s military offensive, they returned the following\nday, 26 April, for further negotiations, but soon unilaterally\nand definitively abandoned the negotiations once more, as\nnoted by the Secretary-General.\nIn essence, the Taliban?s intransigence stems from\ntheir firm and stubborn conviction that the only solution is\na military solution. This conviction is also indicative of the\nideas of their Pakistani mentors, who are determined to\ndominate Afghanistan. Thus, any and all efforts to reach a\npeaceful solution have been intentionally thwarted. It came\nas a surprise to no one that the Taliban not only refused to\nattend the intra-Afghan gathering on 18 July 1998 in Bonn,\nGermany, which sought to initiate what was hoped would\nbe the traditional grand assembly, or Loya jirgah, but also,\none week earlier, condemned the all-Afghan gathering and\nlaunched major military operations, supported by the\nPakistani air force, in northern Afghanistan.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan strongly confirms the\nviews that have been expressed in this Assembly for years\nthat there is no military solution to the conflict in\nAfghanistan. The withdrawal of foreign military and\narmed personnel and the return of the opposition to the\nnegotiating table for a political dialogue aimed at\nachieving a lasting political settlement of the conflict,\nalong with the formation of a fully representative, broad-\nbased, multi-ethnic Government, are the main points that\ncould ensure an environment of peace in Afghanistan and\nthe entire region.\nWe are proposing such an intra-Afghan dialogue\nwithout delay or precondition, on the basis of the\nfollowing principles, which emanate from our national\nplatform and international commitment to Article 2,\nparagraph 2 of the United Nations Charter, as well to as\nour tenets and culture.\nFirst, concerning the principles of Islam, the Islamic\ntenets and teachings are guidelines of supreme value, in\ncompliance with which the future political system, the\nconstitution and other laws shall be founded.\nSecondly, the principle of democracy and pluralism\nshall constitute the mainspring of the future political\nsystem to be formed in Afghanistan.\nThirdly, concerning the principle of human rights,\nthe observation of and respect for human rights —\nincluding the rights of women and girls to education,\nwork and beneficial coexistence in harmony with the\nprovisions of human rights instruments — are among the\nprinciples that shall be integral parts of any peace\nagreement. This shows our commitment as a member of\nthe international community.\nFourthly, the principle of elections and the\ndelegation of authority to local government shall be\nincorporated into any peace agreement as urgent and\nnecessary elements of confidence-building and as the\nrealization of the will of the people. Local administrations\nand their leaders, including the members of provincial\ncouncils, shall all be elected. The central representative\nGovernment, to be equitably accommodating to all ethnic\ngroups and segments of Afghan society, shall function\nconstitutionally.\nFifthly, as to the principles of permanent neutrality\nand independence, countries of the region and the\ninternational community shall recognize the permanent\nneutrality of Afghanistan. Afghanistan will never enter\ninto any political or military alliance against any State\nand Afghan soil will not be used as a base for hostilities\nagainst another State. International relations shall be\n28\n\n\nconducted independently, in a manner consistent with the\nprinciples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.\nAfghanistan shall actively participate in the processes of\nregional economic cooperation, transit and transport of\ntrade. It shall be a good partner in the community of\nnations.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan welcomes the\nmeeting of the “Six plus Two” group, held at the level of\nForeign Ministers in New York on 21 September 1998.\nAfghanistan fully agrees with the points of common\nunderstanding and expresses its firm support for the\nSecretary-General?s decision to send his Special Envoy,\nAmbassador Lakhdar Brahimi, to the region. Afghanistan\nremains committed to giving his mission its full\ncooperation.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan firmly supports the\ninstitutional reform of the United Nations, rightly referred\nto as a “quiet revolution” by the Secretary-General.\nSimilarly, the establishment of a Development Account and\nthe United Nations Fund for International Partnerships,\namong other innovations, deserve the support of Member\nStates. However, the least developed countries and in\nparticular those stricken by war, have to be given priority\nattention in this field.\nIn their Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth\nAnniversary of the United Nations, Member States\npromised to\n“give to the twenty-first century a United Nations\nequipped, financed and structured to serve effectively\nthe peoples in whose name it was established”.\n(resolution 50/6)\nThis has to include the institutional framework of the\nOrganization, namely, a Security Council with working\nmethods and a composition that better reflect today?s needs\nand realities.\nThe Working Group that has been mandated to\nexamine this question will soon start its sixth year of\nintensive discussions. These discussions cannot go on\nindefinitely. It is time to set a concrete agenda and to act if\nwe want to meet the challenges of the next millennium.\nAfghanistan therefore supports an overall reform which\nwould make the Security Council?s work more transparent\nand its composition more representative. This would mean\npermanent seats for the developing and the developed\nworld, the latter to include global economic players such as\nGermany and Japan. At the same time, a sufficient number\nof non-permanent seats should be added to take into\naccount the interests of smaller and medium-sized\ncountries. The Charter therefore must be amended in\norder drastically to reduce the use of the right of veto,\nwhich is most undemocratic. The coming century requires\na Security Council that conforms with the new landscape\nof the world.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 42 Allow me to join the\nspeakers preceding me to congratulate you, Sir, on your\nelection as the President of the General Assembly at this\nsession, the last of the present century. You surely are\nwell versed in this high office through your experience\nwith the United Nations, which will make of the\ncentennial transition the launching platform for ever-\nmore-fruitful future undertakings.\nAs we embark on the next century, the survival of\nthe United Nations as an effective global institution\ncomes into question. Can its role develop in the dawn of\na new era? Or will it be more like a brilliant sunset?\nFrom the League of Nations to the United Nations, we\nhave continuously pinned our hopes on the United\nNations system, looking forward to a promising world\nruled by law, governed by justice and blessed with peace.\nHowever, the wide-ranging challenges — from\nquestions relating to the maintenance of international\npeace and security, the eradication of poverty, sustainable\ndevelopment, economic growth and social progress to\nglobalization in meaningful terms — all yet to be met and\nrequire firm resolve and certainly not mere rhetoric.\nAs crises continue to unfold throughout the world,\nwe must ask, and answer, certain important questions.\nWhy are threats to international peace and security\nvariably defined and selectively determined from place to\nplace? Why are State violators of the United Nations\nCharter and international law, including the principle of\nnon-interference, not brought to justice? Why are the\ninstigators of “ethnic cleansing” and the perpetrators of\n9\n\n\ngenocide and of crimes against humanity not checked? Why\nis the fight against terrorism and narcotics so limited? And\nfinally, where and when will gender apartheid come to an\nend?\nWe are convinced that those challenges and crises can\nbest be dealt with if the United Nations actively functions\nwithin a framework similar to that of a state system. In this\ncontext, the United Nations Charter serves as an explicit\nand clear reference outlining the rights and responsibilities,\nin their entirety, of the Member States.\nThe advent of the new millennium marks the closing\nof the twentieth century. This is a time for the United\nNations to pause and assess the gains and losses, and the\nsuccesses and setbacks, it has experienced since its\nfounding. The United Nations cannot truly embark on the\nnext millennium until it has conclusively addressed the\nunfinished items on its agenda and the many existing global\nthreats. One item on — and perhaps at the top of — that\nagenda, though it is far from finalized, relates to Pakistani\nhegemonic actions and that country’s collusion with\nTalibanism in our region.\nThe Pakistani-Taliban occupation of land in\nAfghanistan represents a clear breach of a fundamental\nprinciple of international law, namely, the inadmissibility of\nthe acquisition of territory by force. It is trans-border\naggression. In addition, as the report of the Special\nRapporteur (E/CN.4/1999/40), states in paragraph 18, the\nTaliban\n“continue to pursue policies which are in conflict with\ninternational human rights standards by which\nAfghanistan is bound as a party to the major\ninternational human rights instruments.”\nFurthermore, the Taliban has committed repeated war\ncrimes and crimes against humanity, including forced\ndeportation; the forced displacement of hundreds of\nthousands of people; the separation of thousands of men\nfrom their families; the widespread burning and leveling of\nhouses and entire villages; the systematic destruction of the\nagricultural base and the irrigation systems, resulting in the\nloss of crops due for harvesting; and the execution of a\nscorched-earth policy. This has been particularly true, on a\nmassive scale, in the Shamali Plains, following the July 19\nTashkent meeting of the group of “six plus two”, and just\nthis week in Khoja Ghar, in north-eastern Afghanistan.\nTheir policies of genocide, gender apartheid, trafficking of\nwomen and girls, “ethnic cleansing”, religious and sectarian\nextermination, rigid interpretation of religion, and the\npursuit of a military solution spell out the Taliban actions\nin Afghanistan. They persist in their extremist agenda and\nadvocacy of terrorism. The increase in drug production\nand trafficking, the Talibanization of the region and their\ndenunciation of the international community continue\nunabated.\nIn sum, over 50 per cent of the Afghan population\nhas been placed under virtual house arrest, and the entire\npopulation remains terrorized by the Taliban. The\ninternational community is greatly disturbed and\nconcerned by the ominous nature of the Taliban agenda.\nThe responsibility of the much-discussed yet\nunresolved turmoil in Afghanistan continues to lie with\nthe Pakistani leadership. Pakistan remains a proponent of\narm-twisting, both nuclear and conventional, in South\nAsia. Afghanistan’s Pakistani-dictated position of\nsubordination, through the Taliban, has long undermined\nthe peace process. Pakistan remains implacably opposed\nto the formation of a fully representative, multi-ethnic\ngovernment in Afghanistan, insisting that the Taliban not\nrelinquish power but gain further control. To this end,\ninter alia, thousands of Pakistani military personnel,\nmembers of the paramilitary, former commissioned\nofficers and thousands of recruits and “volunteers” from\nPakistani religious schools have been trained and\ndispatched into Afghanistan for what has been called a\n“jihad”.\nThe remarks made on 30 July 1999 by Ambassador\nLakhdar Brahimi, head of the United Nations Special\nMission to Afghanistan (UNSMA), regarding the presence\nof thousands of armed Pakistani nationals fighting\nalongside the Taliban, provide credible testimony.\nIn this context, perhaps the article by retired\nBrigadier Usman Khalid, published in the Pakistani daily\nThe Frontier Post of 29 September 1999, just three days\nago, best spells out the Pakistani security dilemma in the\nform of a bold confession. It states that\n“the armed forces of Pakistan have been steadfast in\nplaying their role in safeguarding the security of the\ncountry [Pakistan]. They have sought to safeguard\nthe nuclear deterrent of Pakistan, resisted pressures\nto withdraw support from the mujahidin in Kashmir,\nand have been steadfast in their support to the\nTaliban in Afghanistan. All of these are of vital\nimportance to Pakistan’s security and survival.”\n10\n\n\nIn fact, it is the intervention of Pakistan in\nAfghanistan, its support for the Taliban and its attempts to\njustify the Taliban’s defiance of the aspirations of the\ninternational community, including reprehensible attempts\nat Taliban recognition, which has eroded Pakistan’s\nreputation, causing its political isolation throughout the\nworld. Those who are aware of the Afghan situation and\nthe Afghan resolve to resist any foreign rule continue to be\nperplexed and puzzled in the face of the Pakistani position.\nHowever, despite Talibanism and Pakistan’s massive\nmilitary intervention in Afghanistan — both of which\nrepresent obvious breaches of the United Nations Charter,\ninternational law and international humanitarian law — we\nare delighted to note that the United Nations, following\nyears of skepticism or illusory thinking, appears, perhaps\nfor the first time and only since the open escalation of\nforeign military involvement in Afghanistan, to have\ndeveloped an in-depth perception of the longstanding bitter\nreality of the Pakistani role, its intervention, and the Taliban\nagenda in Afghanistan.\nYet to our dismay, while this in-depth perception has\nbeen so long in developing, the plight of the Afghan nation\nhas remained unresolved. It is doomed to the terrible\npredicament prevailing in many parts of Afghanistan: the\ninadmissible acquisition of territory by force and\ninterference in its internal affairs. It is because of those\nfundamental questions that at the outset of my statement I\nraised the question of the survival of the United Nations as\nan effective global institution. Given its approach to\nAfghanistan, can we still put our hope in the United\nNations system for the resolution of the Afghan crisis or\nother similar or dissimilar crises? It is our earnest\nconviction that the litmus test for United Nations survival\nwill be its engagement, without any selectivity and in the\nframework of the State system, in the rigorous\nimplementation and enforcement of its Charter.\nPakistan is blatantly breaching the United Nations\nCharter, which explicitly requires all Member States to\nrefrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial\nintegrity or political independence of any State, as well as\nnumerous General Assembly and Security Council\nresolutions and other resolutions on terrorism and the use\nof mercenaries. The reports of the Secretary-General, his\nSpecial Envoy for Afghanistan and the United Nations\nSpecial Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in\nAfghanistan clearly bring to light the bellicose, obstinate\nand intransigent attitude of the Taliban mercenaries.\nIn this context, the United Nations, acting through\nthe Security Council, has a duty to maintain international\npeace and security, in accordance with the Charter. The\nPakistani aggression, State-sponsored terrorism and other\nactivities, which threaten the peace and security of the\nregion and hamper regional development and cooperation,\nshould be identified, condemned and dealt with by taking\nappropriate measures.\nFurthermore, the Islamic State of Afghanistan\nearnestly expects the Security Council to consider the\nimposition of immediate sanctions against both the\nTaliban and their Pakistani mentors, in accordance with\nparagraph 15 of Security Council resolution 1214 (1998)\nof 8 December 1998 and in conformity with its\nresponsibility under the Charter of the United Nations.\nThe United Nations is also expected to use its good\noffices to convince the Pakistani leadership, including its\nmilitary intelligence wing, the Inter-Services Intelligence\n(ISI), to steer its policy away from intervention in\nAfghanistan and towards non-intervention, so that we can\nmove from a Pakistani-dictated position of subordination\nto a mutually dictated position of cooperation. The\nPakistani ISI should no longer thwart peace initiatives. A\nfirst step in this regard would be the withdrawal from\nAfghanistan of all armed Pakistanis, whether military\npersonnel or so-called religious volunteers. Pakistan\nshould also put a halt to its direct assistance to the\nTaliban, ranging from military hardware and oil to\nexpertise and tactical advice. Only under such pressure\nwill the Taliban resume peace negotiations.\nOn the verge of the next millennium, the Islamic\nState of Afghanistan genuinely hopes that, with the\nresolution of the Afghan crisis, it will be able to serve as\na factor for peace and stability in the region, promoting\ngood-neighbourliness, mutual respect and cooperation and\nacting as a transit country for trade between all its\nneighbours, without any distinction or preference.\nThe United Nations is earnestly expected to step up\nits efforts in the Afghan peace process. In this respect, we\ngreatly appreciate the untiring efforts of the Secretary-\nGeneral and Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi, his Special\nEnvoy for Afghanistan. The Islamic State of Afghanistan\nwelcomes and fully supports the 19 July Tashkent\nDeclaration of the Member States that make up the “six\nplus two” group, which it hopes will be fully observed.\n\n\n\nRegrettably, the Taliban continue to voice their\nadamant opposition not only to the Tashkent Declaration\nbut to all other peace initiatives. We sincerely welcome\nparagraph 2 of the report of the Secretary-General\n(A/54/378) of 21 September 1999, which states,\n“it is noteworthy that only one week after the\nTashkent meeting, the Taliban began a major offensive\nagainst the United Front in the Shomali plains, located\nto the north of Kabul.”\nParagraph 3 further states,\n“The Taliban insist that the UF [United Front] must\nembrace the Emirate system while the UF question the\nTaliban's popular mandate to make this demand.”\nMindful of the principle that there should be a\npeaceful resolution of the conflict, the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan earnestly desires a broad-based, fully\nrepresentative and multi-ethnic government in Afghanistan.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan, which is struggling for\nsovereignty and the return of peace and normalcy through\nthe institution of such a government, earnestly aspires to the\nresolution of fundamental issues such as the restoration of\nand full respect for human rights in Afghanistan,\nparticularly the rights of women. Under the Taliban, women\nhave now been reduced to a voiceless and invisible state of\nnon-being, condemned to stay in their houses and stripped\nof their basic rights, even the rights to work and education,\nall of which is against the genuine tenets of Islam.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan welcomes the fact\nthat the first year of the new millennium will be observed\nas the Year of Dialogue among Civilizations, as called for\nby the Islamic Republic of Iran, and we believe that it will\nprepare suitable ground for further understanding among the\nglobal family, thereby contributing to collective human\ncivilization.\nThis century introduced a new paradigm based on\ncollective security and international organizations, concerted\napproaches and international order, all based on the equal\nsovereignty of States. From the United Nations Charter to\nthe Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the new\nparadigm has affected all corners of the world. As a\ntroubled member of this global family, Afghanistan awaits\na collective endeavour by the international community to\ndeal with its problems, thereby helping the world, or at\nleast a part of the world, to become a better place for\nhumankind.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 43 On my way to the\nAssembly Hall, I was informed by the Supreme State\nCouncil of the Islamic State of Afghanistan that in a\nself-evident act of aggression hundreds of Pakistani\nmilitary personnel — army, plain-clothes personnel and\narmed Taliban — are reported to have been positioned\nin the Shah Salim pass dividing the Pakistan border\ntown of Chitral from north-eastern Afghanistan, bound\nfor an attack on Badakhshan province.\nOn behalf of my delegation, I take this\nopportunity to congratulate you, Sir, on your\nassumption of the major task of presiding over the\nimportant millennium session of the General Assembly.\nI would also like to congratulate the Minister for\nForeign Affairs of Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, on\nhis excellent leadership of the fifty-fourth session of\nthe General Assembly, which set the stage for the\nMillennium Summit.\nThree years ago, I stood before the Assembly and\nstated from this very rostrum that, as the crisis in\nAfghanistan continued to unfold, we had to ask, and\nanswer, important questions. At the time, I spoke of the\ndark and ominous movement known as the Taliban,\nwhich, backed by cross-border troops, had invaded\nAfghanistan. This year, at its millennium session, the\nGeneral Assembly indeed has to answer major\nquestions. One among many is the silence the world\nhas chosen to keep in dealing with the Taliban and their\nPakistani supporters. With the spread of Talibanism,\nwhich has led to the abject misery of the Afghan\nnation, massive insurgency and turmoil in the region\nand beyond, is it not high time that the international\ncommunity put a stop to the Pakistani-operated Taliban\nprocessing machine? Certainly, mere rhetoric and\ninadequate reactions are not enough. It is with this\nview that I should like to focus my statement entirely\non the situation in Afghanistan and its devastating\nregional and international implications, within the\ngiven time limit.\n4\nA question arises: what has been the result of the\nTalibanization of the occupied parts of Afghanistan? In\nan age of information and globalization, it has been a\nreign of terror imposed by a religious police, abuse in\nthe name of religion, the elimination of all freedoms\nand civil liberties, massive violations of human rights,\ndegrading and tormenting treatment of men and\nwomen, trafficking of women and girls, the forced\nseparation of women from their menfolk, the random\nand deliberate round-up of individuals based on their\nethnic and religious origins, the practice of scorchedearth policy, the torching and total obliteration of\nfarmlands, orchards and other means of livelihood, the\ncontamination of water resources, the forcible dispatch\nof children and adults to the battlefields, the removal of\nall but rudimentary religious education — for male\nstudents only — with the closure of all schools for\nfemales, the deliberate denial of access to humanitarian\naid, the intensification of battles, an exacerbation of the\nsituation, widespread terrorism and the destruction of\nthe historical heritage and artefacts of Afghanistan in\norder to alienate the Afghan nation from its ancestry\nand historical identity.\nThe objective of the Pakistani military\nintelligence establishment, known as Inter-Services\nIntelligence (ISI), through the imposition of the socalled Islamic Emirate of the Taliban, has been to\ncreate instability in Central and South Asia by means\nof terrorism. This “Islamic Emirate” has instituted\nMullah Omar, the militia's leader, as the undisputed\nAmir-ul-Mo'mineen, meaning “Commander of the\nfaithful” not only in Afghanistan, but in theory\nthroughout the Muslim world.\nThe process the Pakistani military intelligence\nhas chosen for the realization of its objective is to\ntransform the Afghan nation into an exhausted,\ndevastated, illiterate, ignorant and destitute nation\nstruggling hard for mere survival. Pakistan wants to\nturn Afghanistan into its false front to mask illicit\nactivities of narcotics trafficking, terrorism and other\ncrimes, as well as religious extremism, by establishing\ncentres and bases for such activities. Attempting to act\nas the champion of the Muslim world, Pakistan\ncontinues to carry out these activities under the name\nof Islam. It is therefore not a matter of astonishment\nthat such activities have led to the defamation of both\nthe noble religion of Islam and the image of Muslims\nthroughout the world.\nIn short, the Afghan nation has become the direct\nvictim of the diabolic dreams of the Pakistani\nmilitary's hegemonic interests in the region. These\ndiabolic dreams are pursued by the Pakistani military\nintelligence, ISI, an evil and extremist institution,\nwhile the implied risk and perilous consequences for\nthe very survival of Pakistan as a State in the future are\noverlooked.\nAs the world is gradually awakening to the\ncreeping Taliban threat, it is a matter of dismay that\nsome “civilized” nations, on certain occasions, have\npreferred to deal with the reclusive and defiant Taliban,\nan entity which has failed to meet the minimum\nstandard of being considered civilized, while having\nchampioned terrorism, human rights violations and\ncrimes against humanity. It is no surprise that only\nPakistan's military junta has continuously given its full\nblessing to the movement.\nAt least until early May of this year, the official\nposition of Pakistan, from what its diplomats and\nofficials strangely claimed, was that it maintained\ncontacts with both parties to the conflict. However,\nPakistan's News Network International (NNI) news\nagency reported on 25 May 2000 that General Pervez\nMusharraf claimed that Pakistan's pro-Taliban policy\nwas “in accordance with Pakistan's national interest.”\nAdvocating that Pashtoons should be on the side of\nPakistan, the General was quoted as saying, “We have a\nnational security interest, both demographic and\ngeographic.” He further stated that in the realization of\nthis security interest, “Pashtoons should be on our side\nand they”, meaning Pashtoons, “are represented by\nTaliban.”\nThe world must know that in a flagrant violation\nof recognized international norms and principles and in\nclear contempt of the United Nations Charter, the ruler\nof the Pakistani military junta, under the outrageous\npretext of national security interest, has claimed the\nright to impose a certain ethnic group through the\ninvocation of an ethnically provocative mandate at the\ncost of the sovereignty and political independence of\nAfghanistan, a Member of the United Nations and,\nprior to that, of the League of Nations, long before\nPakistan was even born.\nIt is important to remember that terrorist training\ncamps operating from the Taliban-held territories of\nAfghanistan, including those established by the\ninfamous Osama bin Laden, whose dismantling has\n5\nbeen repeatedly called for by the United Nations and\nthe entire international community, have been\nestablished by Pakistan's military intelligence through\nthe Taliban mercenaries and other extremist networks.\nThey continue to utilize these territories as a ground for\ntraining, sheltering, planning and dispatching elements\nseeking to commit hostile acts against countries of the\nregion and beyond. This is done under the guise of\nIslam, but, in fact, it is mainly in pursuit of Pakistani\nhegemonistic objectives directed towards Afghanistan\nand the Central Asian Republics. Recent events and\nactivities by extremist groups in Kyrgyzstan and\nUzbekistan are manifest examples of the spillover of\nthe Pakistan/Taliban-supported agenda in the region.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan believes it is\nhigh time that the Security Council, in accordance with\nrelevant resolutions, undertook appropriate\nenforcement measures against Pakistan, which is the\nprime source of sponsorship of these activities.\nThe Security Council, in its unanimously adopted\nresolution 1267 of 15 October 1999, explicitly\ndemanded that the Taliban mercenaries refrain from\nsheltering, supporting and training terrorists and\nplanning terrorist acts from Afghan soil against other\ncountries and that it extradite to the requesting States\nthose indicted for committing international acts of\nterrorism.\nThe recent upsurge of terrorist activities in\nCentral Asian countries and beyond, emanating from\nthe Taliban-occupied parts of Afghanistan, requires\ndrastic measures by the Security Council against the\nmilitia and its Pakistani supporters. The consideration\nof the imposition of further targeted sanctions and the\nexpansion of the scope of resolution 1267 (1999),\nwhich must include the end of terrorist activities in all\nforms and manifestations in the Taliban-held parts of\nAfghanistan, could adequately, among other things,\nserve the cause of peace and security in the region.\nHere I would like to welcome the proposal by the\nRepublic of Uzbekistan for convening an international\nconference, at the earliest possible time, to debate the\nevil phenomenon of terrorism.\nIn spite of the current devastating drought in\nAfghanistan — the most severe in 30 years —\nAfghanistan remains the leading producer of narcotics.\nThe production of illicit drugs, and their trafficking by\nthe Taliban and the politico-military mafia of Pakistan,\naccount for considerable revenue, which is used to\nfinance the prolonged war in Afghanistan. This leads to\nconsiderable transnational organized crime, while\nadding to the number of addicts, both at home and\nabroad.\nAmong the many deliberate violations and\ninstances of absolute disregard for international\nhumanitarian law and the numerous crimes against\nhumanity committed by the Taliban and their outside\nsupporters in the year 2000, one could mention the\nfollowing cases: the cold-blooded killing on 11 May of\n198 young Uzbek and Hazara men imprisoned as\nhostages in Taliban jails; the brutal killing on 5 August\nof the United Nations mine-clearance employees\naffiliated with the Organization for Mine Clearance and\nAfghan Rehabilitation; the deliberate denial of access\nto humanitarian aid that, according to the European\nUnion, in the light of the devastating drought\nconstituted a breach of international humanitarian law;\nthe forced blood-drawing and organ removal of\ninnocent civilians along the Tagab-Nijrab route in\nAugust; the forced deportation of the civilian\npopulations of the city of Aibak on 31 July 2000; the\nclosing down in August, as part of the ongoing fouryear campaign by the Taliban to keep women from\nworking, of all bakeries run by the United Nations\nWorld Food Programme in which widows were paid to\nmake bread that was then sold at a subsidized price to\nother widows, who number at least 25,000 in Kabul\nalone; the indiscriminate aerial bombardment of\ncivilian neighbourhoods at Taloqan on 15 August; and\nthe forcible displacement of hundreds of thousands of\npeople throughout the north due to renewed Taliban\nmilitary onslaughts.\nWe believe that the commission of those heinous\ncrimes by the Taliban militia was largely attributable to\nthe lack of adequate response by the Security Council\nand the international community to bring to justice the\nperpetrators and others involved in incidents at\nBamyan in 1997, at Mazar-e-Sharif and Bamyan in\n1998, in the north of Kabul in 1999, and in the killings\nof Iranian diplomats, a journalist and the military\nadviser to the United Nations Special Mission to\nAfghanistan (UNSMA) in 1998.\nIt is significant to note that the Taliban continue\nto deprive women of their fundamental rights,\nincluding the right to education, which affects over\n100,000 female students in Kabul alone. Women are\nstill barred from employment by the Taliban. While the\npredictable results will speak for themselves, present\n6\nand future female generations of Afghanistan will be\nilliterate. The cultural and social impact of that\ncriminal act on the country's future generations will be\nenormous.\nPakistani military intervention in Afghanistan is a\nfact well known to the international community. The\nhundreds of Pakistani prisoners captured while fighting\nalongside the Taliban and now in the custody of the\nGovernment; the mortal remains of hundreds of\nPakistanis in the battlefields and the documents and\nidentification cards obtained from their pockets; the\nintercepted radio transmissions; and the massive\nlogistical support and the overt supply of large\nquantities of military hardware and ammunition, all\nprove the direct involvement of Pakistani army\npersonnel in Afghanistan. In fact, Brigadier General\nRustam of Pakistan's armed forces, who is currently\nstationed in Afghanistan's Kunduz province,\ncommands the Pakistani-Taliban-bin Laden operations\nin the north. He has been assisted by two of bin\nLaden's henchmen, Abu Wara and Hubab. All of them\nwere involved in the recent occupation of Taloqan and\nin the atrocities committed against the civilian\npopulation. It is important to mention that the\nNovember/December issue of Foreign Affairs\nmagazine has estimated the total number of Pakistanis\nhaving fought in Afghanistan since 1994 to be in\nexcess of 80,000.\nA breakdown of Pakistani nationals fighting in\nAfghanistan include the following: Pakistani armed\ncontingents, including units from the North-West\nFrontier Corps and different commando units, have\nactively participated in battles on various occasions;\nInter-Services Intelligence (ISI) officers involved in the\nplanning and command and control of both intelligence\noperations and logistical support; ex-commissioned\nofficers in charge of tactical operations, artillery\nsupport and logistics; frontier militia units;\nparamilitary members of extremist terrorist groups\naffiliated with the ISI, such as the Sipah-e-Sahaaba, the\nSepah-e-Tayeba, the Harakat-ul-Ansar and so on; and\nthe so-called volunteers from Pakistani madrassas, or\nreligious schools.\nOther categories of foreign fighters in\nAfghanistan include Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda\ngroup and its affiliated units from around the Persian\nGulf, the Middle East and Africa, and extremist groups\nfrom Central Asia, South Asia and the Far East. In\naddition, thousands of Afghan refugees who were\neducated and trained in Pakistani religious schools are\ndispatched to the battlefronts of Afghanistan. Finally,\nthere are conscripted and forcibly recruited persons\nfrom around Afghanistan who are deployed as canon\nfodder.\nIn this context, the Islamic State of Afghanistan\nappeals to the Security Council to mandate the United\nNations Special Mission to Afghanistan to dispatch an\ninvestigation team to Afghanistan to verify and report\nto the Security Council on the presence of Pakistani\narmed men and Arab fighters who are working\nshoulder-to-shoulder with the Taliban mercenaries.\nThis would break the silence that has thus far\nencouraged further Pakistani intervention in\nAfghanistan.\nI should like to remind the Assembly that only\nthose Afghans conscripted and forcibly recruited will\nbe immune from prosecution by the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan for war crimes, crimes against humanity\nand genocide. The rest shall be subject to indictment.\nOne must conclude that the failure of the Jeddah\nindirect negotiations in particular, and of other peace\ninitiatives at large, derive from the sad reality that\npeace has no place in the Taliban agenda.\nWhile striving for the realization of noble human\nvalues and principles — the institution of a democratic\nsystem, the observance of human rights, including\nthose of women and girls, civil liberties and\nelections — the Islamic State of Afghanistan reiterates\nits firm position to strive to reach a peaceful settlement\nof the conflict and hereby declares its full readiness for\nthe formation of a broad-based, multi-ethnic and fully\nrepresentative Government through a workable\nmechanism such as the traditional grand assembly, or\nloya jirgah, or any other representative forum under the\nauspices of the United Nations. Meanwhile, as long as\nPakistan continues to directly and massively intervene\nin the internal affairs of Afghanistan, the Islamic State\nof Afghanistan considers the task of defending the\nterritorial integrity, national unity and political\nindependence of Afghanistan its immediate priority.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan has high\nexpectations that the United Nations and the\ninternational community will exert pressure on\nPakistan to immediately cease its intervention in\nAfghanistan and to withdraw all its military personnel\nand armed nationals from Afghanistan; that the\nSecurity Council will address the question of foreign\n7\nintervention, the existence of terrorist networks in\nAfghanistan and the effective implementation of\nrelevant Security Council resolutions; that the\nOrganization of the Islamic Conference will clarify its\nview of the Taliban's words and deeds — spoken and\ncarried out in the name of Islam — which we believe\ndistort, and are contrary to, the true spirit of Islam, its\ntenets and injunctions; that the United Nations Drug\nControl Programme will assist the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan in the fight against the production and\ntrafficking of illicit drugs; that the United Nations and\nthe international community will step up their efforts\nfor an early and peaceful settlement of the Afghan\nconflict; and that the international community will\nprovide humanitarian assistance to the war-stricken and\ndrought-hit civilian population of Afghanistan. Here I\nshould like to mention that the current drought, the\nmost severe in 30 years, will have tremendous\nhumanitarian repercussions.\nWe remain thankful for the statements made by\nthe heads of delegation at the Millennium Summit and\nin the General Assembly expressing their legitimate\nconcerns over the dangers emanating from the\nPakistani Taliban-occupied territories of Afghanistan.\nWe deeply appreciate and support the\nindefatigable efforts of Mr. Francesc Vendrell, the\nSecretary-General's Special Representative for\nAfghanistan and head of the United Nations Special\nMission to Afghanistan (UNSMA), who has left no\nstone unturned, and no party to the conflict or countries\nconcerned out of communication, in finding a peaceful\nsolution to the Afghan conflict.\nI should like to conclude by stating that the\nUnited Nations cannot embark on the new millennium\nwithout appropriately addressing the issues enshrined\nin its Charter, among others, the question of noninterference. Neither can this international body\nadvocate globalization in its true sense when\nTalibanization is threatening regional stability in our\npart of the world. Certainly the Pakistani military junta\nwill remain the prime actor in this dreadful and\nimmense tragedy in Asia.\nLike many others afflicted with the Taliban\nplague, we wonder how far the evil threat of\nTalibanism will spread, how many more souls it will\nbury and how many new borders it must cross before\nthe conscience of the international community is\nawakened, not just to consider but to adopt immediate\nand drastic preventive measures.\n\n\n\n
## 44 At the outset, on\nbehalf of the Government of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan, and on my own behalf, I wish to express\nmy profound condolences to the Government of the\nUnited States of America and the American nation, as\nwell as the families that lost their loved ones in the\nunfortunate crash of American Airlines flight 857\nyesterday.\nMy delegation is very much delighted at Mr. Han\nSeung-soo’s assumption of the presidency of the fifty-\nsixth session of the General Assembly and remains\nassured that his able conduct will lead the work of this\nsession to its desired end.\nMy delegation is also very pleased at Secretary-\nGeneral Kofi Annan’s meritorious winning of the\nNoble Peace Prize this year, I wish to warmly\ncongratulate him and his fellow recipient of the prize,\nthe United Nations itself.\nI am very thankful to all delegations that have\nmentioned the name and the case of Afghanistan and\nthe need for international help to reach Afghanistan.\nThe appalling events of 11 September and the\nsomewhat lesser-known event of 9 September — the\n33\n\nassassination by suicidal killers of the great Afghan\nleader Ahmad Shah Massoud — have changed the\nworld. The United Nations, the international\ncommunity and the world at large are focusing on a\nnew war, the war on terrorism. My Government and the\npeople of Afghanistan denounced the terrorist attacks\nagainst the United States and continue to denounce\nterrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We\nourselves have been captives and hostages of terrorism\nlonger than most. In fact, during 23 years of war in\nAfghanistan, Muslim Afghans have not engaged in any\nterrorist acts. Islam is an integral part of life in\nAfghanistan and teaches justice and respect for human\nlife and glorifies the dignity of human beings.\nI quote from the Holy Koran: “We have bestowed\ndignity on the children of Adam”. (The Holy Koran,\nXVII:70)\nIslam, in the tradition of the Abrahamic faiths,\nplaces great emphasis on peace, compassion and the\nvalue of human life. Thus, Islam should be recognized\nfor the principles upon which it was created and not\nacts resulting from irresponsible interpretations, which\nare far from genuine Islam. These irresponsible\ninterpretations are based on primitive and sectarian\nthinking, especially the retrogressive policies against\nwomen, which have no place in Islam.\nWith the strong, broad global coalition on their\nside, today the people of Afghanistan have been\nvindicated in their righteous struggle against terrorism\nand extremism — a struggle pursued single-handedly\nbut valiantly over the past seven years against the\nterrorist forces of the Taliban mercenaries and their\ncross-border and international allies, chief among them\nsince 1996 being Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda terrorist\norganization.\nIn this most trying time, when the people of\nAfghanistan are being liberated from the rule of the\nTaliban, and when Taliban forces are fleeing strategic\ncities across our land, including the capital, Kabul, it is\nevident that the civilian inhabitants of these cities and\nthe people of Afghanistan as a whole, having offered\ntheir support to the liberating forces of the Islamic\nState of Afghanistan’s United Front, are deserving in\nthe fullest measure of a Government to which their\nwelfare can be soundly entrusted.\nOn Tuesday, 13 November, in a series of events\nrapidly taking shape in and around Kabul, the Taliban\nmercenaries and their terrorist allies were thought to be\nholding ground, but abandoned the city in a hasty\nmanner, causing a power vacuum.\nWith the capital, Kabul, on the verge of chaos and\nmayhem, the Government forces were left with no\noption but to dispatch a limited police force to the city.\nThe decision to police the city preceded eyewitness\nreports of the looting of National Bank assets and the\nplundering of the city’s main currency market and a\nnumber of aid agencies by the retreating Taliban forces.\nWe deeply regret any ill treatment of individuals\nthat may have occurred in isolated cases. We have\nordered our security authorities not only to refrain from\nbut to actively investigate any such acts that may have\nbeen committed and to prevent such incidents from\ntaking place in the future. Let me reiterate that our\ndesire for peace for all people in our land remains firm\nand that we will not, now or later, condone any lawless\nacts aimed at disrupting the crucial process of\ninstituting a broad-based, multi-ethnic and fully\nrepresentative Government in Afghanistan, as called\nfor by the United Nations and the entire international\ncommunity.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan hails the new\ndevelopments as a victory not only for the people of\nAfghanistan but also for the international community in\nour shared campaign against terrorism.\nLet me assure the Assembly that the recent\ngaining of ground by the forces of the Islamic State of\nAfghanistan’s United Front in Kabul in no way reflects\nan intention on the part of the Government of the\nIslamic State of Afghanistan to monopolize power.\nRather, it is our sincere hope that the people of\nAfghanistan will decide democratically in the near\nfuture what form of political system they desire. In this\ncontext, we steadfastly support United Nations\nresolutions on Afghanistan, and thereby the\nrecommendations made by the Secretary-General’s\nspecial envoys to Afghanistan, Ambassador Lakhdar\nBrahimi and Ambassador Francesc Vendrell, and will\ndo our utmost for the implementation of the process.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan fully honours its\nagreement made in Rome with the representatives of\nthe Rome process, led by the former King of\nAfghanistan, Mohammed Zahir Shah, and remains\ncommitted to its implementation.\nToday Afghanistan finds itself in a major\nhumanitarian crisis — a crisis such as the world has not\n34\n\nwitnessed in recent times. With winter approaching our\npeople are facing famine. Our people will die because\nthey do not have enough food to sustain them through\nthe winter. Many aid agencies began leaving\nAfghanistan after it became evident that the bombing\ncampaign would begin.\nOver the past several years, tens of thousands of\ncivilians have either fled the country or have been\ninternally displaced. The people of Afghanistan are not\nasking for a favour. They desire first and foremost to\nreturn to the position they were in before 1978 — a\nlevel playing field where they can govern themselves\nand grow. Twenty million landmines, a ruined and\nalmost non-existent infrastructure and a very high\nilliteracy rate do not make for a level playing field.\nEven a fraction of the benefits bestowed on the\ninternational community by Afghan sacrifices can\nreconstruct our nation.\nToday we are charged with finding a solution for\nAfghanistan, even as problems continue to increase and\nchange on a day-to-day basis. But we must now, not\nlater, think about the people of Afghanistan and about\ngiving them peace after so many years of war.\nA broad-based Government, inter alia, through\nthe Loya Jirga — Grand Assembly — must be\nestablished. All ethnic groups must be equitably and\nadequately represented and given voice in this broad-\nbased Government. The Hazaras, Pashtuns, Tajiks,\nUzbeks, Aimaks, Turkmen, Baluchis and all other\nethnic groups of Afghanistan must have fair\nrepresentation in this broad-based Government.\nAll these groups make up what Afghanistan is\ntoday, and Afghanistan is not complete without any of\nthese groups. For centuries, all of these groups have\nlived peacefully among themselves without bloodshed,\nand each one has contributed to Afghanistan and has\nsacrificed tremendously in the resistance against\nrepeated foreign occupations. For centuries, all these\ngroups, as a united people, resisted foreign hegemonic\nforces. History has shown that Afghanistan is not for\nforeign occupation or conquest.\nThe Islamic State of Afghanistan’s United Front\nwants the rule of law based on Islamic tenets,\npluralistic democracy, fundamental human rights,\npeace, unification and meaningful reconstruction. At\nour core we wish to uphold human rights for all\npeoples of our land — men and women. We desire to\nabide by United Nations resolutions, the rule of law\nand recognized international norms and principles. We\nhighly appreciate the efforts being made by the United\nNations aimed at finding a solution for Afghanistan\nand support all United Nations endeavours and\nmeasures to combat international terrorism.\nThe future Government of Afghanistan must not\nbe subjected any more to the unilateralism that has\nblanketed it for so long. The nation of Afghanistan\nmust have, as any nation must have, the respect of and\nsincere cooperation with its neighbours. The future\nGovernment of Afghanistan must not be reduced to a\n“sphere of influence”; it must be recognized as a\nsovereign nation in the truest sense. Self-determination\nfor Afghanistan means that no country of the world\nshould have a veto concerning what the Afghans decide\nfor themselves.\nRecognition of the principles of mutual respect,\nnon-interference and full sovereignty of Afghanistan\nwill naturally be followed by economic and\ncommercial cooperation. Hence, a sovereign\nAfghanistan will deploy all efforts to broaden its\nrelations with all of its neighbours, including Pakistan.\nSuch measures as opening up to Pakistan and opening\nup key transit routes, from north to south and from east\nto west, ought to be implemented. Afghanistan has to\nbroaden its economic relations with all neighbouring\ncountries. The crossroads at the heart of Asia is\nsituated in Afghanistan, and our country’s economic\nand international development rests largely in utilizing\nthis resource in a progressive and open manner.\nI need not remind Members today that a stable\nAfghanistan means a stable Pakistan and a stable\nCentral Asia. An ignored and ruined Afghanistan\nwould be a calamity for the entire region and the whole\nworld.\nThe people of Afghanistan must decide what\nform of Government they desire. No one ethnic group\nmust dominate and no neighbour of Afghanistan has\nthe right to incite, overtly or covertly, one ethnic group\nagainst others. It is time for the people of Afghanistan\nto think about their future and to come together. They\nmust all work together for their country as they have\nworked for centuries before. It is my aspiration and the\naspiration of every Afghan that normalcy will be\nrestored and that we will live in peace.\nWe, the Islamic State of Afghanistan, and we, the\nUnited Nations and the international community, have\na duty to rebuild Afghanistan. There must be an\n35\n\nextensive and comprehensive United Nations-led\nreconstruction plan for Afghanistan. The international\ncommunity must take the reconstruction of Afghanistan\nas seriously as it takes the war on terrorism. I submit\nthat reconstruction and a people’s hope will do more to\neradicate evils such as terrorism and the seeds of\nterrorism than war can perhaps ever do.\nRehabilitation must begin with addressing\nhumanitarian problems, including the pressing crisis of\ninternally displaced persons and refugees. The longer-\nterm Afghan reconstruction programme must be\ncomprehensive; under such a programme, facilities of\nall kinds — roads, bridges, hospitals and schools and\nuniversities for boys and girls — must be\nreconstructed. Girls were purposely made illiterate by\nthe Taliban mercenaries. A massive education effort\nmust be undertaken so that our young people can learn\nskills and grow up to be a new generation for our\ncountry. The 20 million landmines must be cleared so\nthat the people can cultivate their land and not have to\nrely only on poppies to make a living.\nIn the Afghan reconstruction programme there\nmust be a programme for orphans and widows. The\nAfghan reconstruction programme must directly help\nthe war-stricken and war-devastated land and people of\nAfghanistan. Afghans of the diaspora, from all over the\nworld, must come and take part in the Afghan\nreconstruction programme and help build their country.\nI believe that, with the help of almighty God, we\ncan rebuild Afghanistan and that Afghanistan can once\nagain live in peace with its neighbours and can\ncontribute to the prosperity of the international\ncommunity.\nIn conclusion, I appeal to the United Nations and\nto the international community to adopt a new vision\nfor Afghanistan, a vision that will leave behind the\ndeath and destruction that has seized its people for so\nmany years, a vision that embraces tolerance and unity,\na vision that will rebuild the spirit of Afghanistan and\ngive hope for peace to each and every person of our\nland. The change must come from each person who\ncalls himself a Muslim and an Afghan; it must also\ncome from each country that calls itself a friend of\nAfghanistan. Our friends and neighbours must grant us\nthe goodwill to govern ourselves and to be our own\npeople.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 45 Not very far from here stood\ntwo towers that symbolized freedom, prosperity and\nprogress. Halfway around the globe stood two\nmagnificent Buddhas that represented a culture of\ntolerance and a nation with a rich history. These\nsymbols have now been linked together through the\nglobal scourge of terrorism. Terror may have\ndemolished these physical structures, yet it served to\nstrengthened the resolve of the international\ncommunity never to abandon the spirit and\ndetermination with which these icons were built.\nTerrorism and violence are against the teaching of\nIslam; a religion that stands for peace, respect for\nhuman dignity, dialogue, and tolerance. The Taliban,\nwho destroyed our country and cultural heritage, did\nnot represent Afghans, nor does the Al-Qaida represent\nthe Arab world. Even more, neither one represents\nIslam.\nThe Afghan people, as the prime victims of war\nand violence, and the front line fighters against\nterrorism, particularly appreciate, honour and admire\nthe friendly hand extended to them by the United States\nof America and other members of the anti-terror\ncoalition, the International Security Assistance Force\n(ISAF), the United Nations Organization, particularly\nthe Secretary-General Kofi Annan whom I must\nthank for his kind remarks and support of Afghanistan\nthis morning as well as Ambassador Lakhdar\nBrahimi, the Special Representative of the Secretary-\nGeneral, for their tremendous support to Afghanistan\nduring this critical juncture of Afghan history.\nSir, I am honoured to have this opportunity to\nhighlight some achievements of my Administration\nduring the brief course of the past eight months. First,\nthe implementation of the Bonn Agreement and the\npeace process in my country are quite on track. In\naccordance with the terms of the Bonn Agreement, the\npeople of Afghanistan manifested their robust\nresolution and solid consensus for democracy and the\nrule of law by gathering under one tent to convene the\nemergency Loya Jirga that is the Afghan Grand\nCouncil held on 11 to 17 June 2002. The success of\nthe Loya Jirga, with broad and unprecedented\nparticipation of women, was a significant milestone in\nthe recent history of Afghanistan, and a major step\nforward in the process of peace, stability and nation-\nbuilding. During the proceeding of the Loya Jirga,\nhundreds of delegates exercised their right to free\nspeech and expressed their desire for security, peace,\nnational unity, reconstruction, democracy and good\ngovernance.\nThe people of Afghanistan told me univocally of\ntheir disdain for war and violence. The Loya Jirga\ndemonstrated that after 23 years of imposed wars,\nforeign interventions, violence, bloodshed, repression,\ndestruction and subversion, Afghans are on the way to\nenjoy peace and benefit from reconstruction. Hence,\nthey are determined to take every measure to avoid a\nrelapse into warlordism and lawlessness.\nSecondly, as a result of the back-to-school\ncampaign, schools that were closed for over six years,\nwhen neither boys nor girls went to school, have\nreopened. Three million children from all over the\ncountry, both boys and girls, have returned to school.\nThirdly, the strong commitment of the\nGovernment to the eradication of poppy cultivation and\nthe destruction of narcotics resulted in the burning of\ndrugs worth an estimated street value of 8 billion\ndollars.\nFourthly, as a sign of stability and security, we\nare very glad to have over 1.6 million of our refugees,\nwho were mainly living in Pakistan and Iran, return\nhome in a period of less than seven to eight months.\nFifthly, we have formed a Constitutional\nCommission to undertake the historic task of drafting\nthe country's new Constitution. We have already\nestablished a Judicial Commission, to rebuild the\nAfghan justice system, a Civil Service Commission to\nreform the entire administration and impose a merit-\nbased system, as well as a Human Rights Commission\nto protect human rights, women's rights and civil\nliberties. We have also adopted a series of laws and\ndecrees to promote and attract domestic and\ninternational investments, safeguard property rights\n\n\nand other pillars of the free market economy, combat\nnarcotics, and protect the forests and the environment.\nSixthly, despite these achievements, we are\nrealistic about countless challenges and problems that\nwe are confronted with. Foremost among them is\nsecurity; a principal demand of the Afghan people, and\nthe most fundamental requirement for sustainable\npeace. It is the position of my Government that the real\nkey to the restoration of sustainable security lies in the\ncreation of a national army and a national police\nforce, along with a comprehensive demobilization\nprogramme.\nWe have established a commission for the\nformation of a national army. I have also highlighted\nthe establishment of the national army and police force\nas a top priority and the main objective of my\nGovernment; but the people of Afghanistan need a\nclear commitment and sustained support from the\ninternational community to realize these objectives.\nWe appreciate the contributions of our American,\nBritish, German, Turkish and French friends in training\nour national army and police force, and the\nGovernment of Japan for its assistance in\ndemobilization programmes. I would like to once again\nrequest the donor countries to further support our\nstrategy for the creation of a national army and a\nnational system for security by translating international\npledges into concrete contributions.\nThe Afghan delegates from various provinces that\nregularly come to Kabul to discuss various matters\nwith our Administration, strongly request the\nexpansion of the International Security Assistance\nForce (ISAF) to other parts of the country. They want\nto be certain that Afghanistan will not be once again\nleft alone by the international community.\nWe owe particular gratitude to the donor\ncommunity for its assistance to Afghanistan, but would\nalso like to remind our friends that the majority of the\nfinancial pledges made to Afghanistan at the Tokyo\nConference are still unfulfilled. We have presented the\ndonor countries with our National Development\nFramework to indicate our priorities, help manage the\nreconstruction programmes effectively, and channel\nfinancial resources to national capacity building. It is\nthe position of my Government that the consolidation\nof peace and stability depends on the international\ncommunity's sustained engagement in providing\nfunding for reconstruction.\nImplementation of labour-intensive projects\nthroughout Afghanistan has a direct influence on\nsecurity and the demobilization of combatants. Despite\nthese facts, the level of direct financial support\nprovided to the Afghan Government can be\ncharacterized as insufficient, especially given the\ngenerosity of donors at the Tokyo Conference, where\nover $4.5 billion dollars were pledged to support\nAfghanistan. The Afghan people urgently needs the\npledges in Tokyo to be turned into cash.\nWhile we agree that there is still a humanitarian\ncrisis in Afghanistan, I would like to request the\ninternational community to focus more on\nreconstruction, to support long-term recovery efforts,\nand to treat the causes of poverty, rather than its\nsymptoms. Building highways and repairing the road\nnetworks in Afghanistan is an important undertaking\nwith significant economic, political and social impact\nfor the Afghan people. It creates jobs, helps with\nsecurity and demobilization, provides better\nconnectivity, strengthens national unity and assists with\nthe reintegration of Afghanistan into the regional\neconomy.\nWhile the world has now clearly voiced its unity\nto honour the dignity of life and reconstruction over\nterror, destruction and subversion, the threat posed by\nthe terrorist groups requires resolute commitment on\nthe part of all nations to fight this evil to the end. I\nwarned the world before the 11 September tragedy\nabout the dangers of terrorism. The Afghan people\nhave suffered tremendously at the hands of the Taliban\nand terrorist groups. They killed many thousands of our\npeople, destroyed villages and burned orchards and\nvineyards.\nAfghanistan is a Muslim country and the people\nof Afghanistan truly believe in the teachings of Islam,\nwhich is based on peace, justice, equality, moderation\nand tolerance, and reject any abuse and misuse of the\nholy name of Islam by extremist groups to justify\nviolence, death and destruction. My vision of\nAfghanistan is of a modern State that builds on our\nIslamic values, promoting justice, the rule of law,\nhuman rights and freedom of commerce, and forming a\nbridge between cultures and civilizations a model of\ntolerance and prosperity based on the rich heritage of\nthe Islamic civilization.\nAfghanistan is committed to continuing to have\nfriendly relations with its neighbours and the\n12\n\ninternational community and to being a resilient\npartner in the war against terrorism. The establishment\nof security and prosperity within Afghanistan is a\nmeans of promoting security and prosperity in the\nregion and the world as a whole. We do not want to\nlive in the past and are determined not to let the events\nof the past harm our relations with our neighbours. We\nextend a sincere hand of friendship to all our\nneighbours on the basis of mutual respect for\nsovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and non-\ninterference in the internal affairs of each other. We\nwill never permit our soil to be used for any subversive\nactivities against any of our neighbours or countries in\nthe region, and we expect others to do the same.\nWe are deeply concerned about the loss of\ninnocent lives in Palestine and Israel. We strongly\nsupport the realization of the right of self-\ndetermination of the people of Palestine. We also\nsupport the relevant United Nations resolutions and the\nSaudi Arabian-sponsored declarations in Beirut. We are\nalso concerned about the dispute between our friends\nand neighbours, India and Pakistan. We have good\nrelationships with both those countries. The people of\nAfghanistan know the high price of war and violence\nand are yearning for peace, stability and prosperity in\nthe region. They know that a peaceful resolution of the\nissues between Pakistan and India is an urgent\nnecessity to consolidate peace and security in the\nregion and the world at large.\nIn conclusion, I would like to take this\nopportunity to congratulate Switzerland and East Timor\non joining the family of the United Nations, and extend\nmy appreciation to Iran and Pakistan, our neighbouring\ncountries, for having accepted millions of our refugees\nfor over two decades and for having looked after them.\nWe are very grateful to both these neighbours. We are\nalso very grateful to the donor countries for having\nhelped Afghanistan and to the international\norganizations that have helped us over the past many\nmonths and years.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 46 There is no reality more\noppressive than the silence of a nation. For too long,\nAfghanistan was a silenced nation, a country without a\nvoice. After decades of being suppressed into silence,\nour nation is beginning to have a voice of its own.\nRecovering from the tragedy of war and destruction,\nAfghanistan is determined to reverse the effects of the\nsuffering it has long endured.\nA lot has changed in Afghanistan over the last\ntwo years. But no change is so critical and pervasive as\nthe animated response of the people of Afghanistan to\nthe recent developments in our country. I find no sight\nmore rewarding than that of our young girls and boys\nflocking to schools every morning. I find few things\nmore engaging than the company of elderly\nrepresentatives who come to Kabul from far-flung parts\nof the country to discuss their priorities for\nreconstruction. And, in the same order, there is nothing\nmore enthusing than the active participation of Afghan\nmen and women in the process of public consultation\nfor the new constitution.\nFrom the public consultations conducted in\nconnection with the constitution drafting process, we\nknow that the people of Afghanistan want a modern,\nunitary State that is committed to Islamic values and\nthe preservation of peace and national unity, a State\nthat ensures security for all its citizens, enforces justice\nand the rule of law and promotes prosperity. As in any\npost-war society, the need for security and for\nremoving the threat of arms and armed factions is a\ncompelling issue for all Afghans. Our people demand\nthe establishment of truly national and competent\ninstitutions, notably the army and the police. Afghans\nwant State institutions that are professional and\nrepresentative and an administration that is efficient\nand free of corruption. The Afghan people want\ntolerance for other religions, protection of human rights\nand affirmative action to promote the rights of women.\nSince I addressed the Assembly in September of\nlast year, Afghanistan has taken significant strides in\nthe path of post-war reconstruction. While total\nstability may not have been achieved yet, today\nAfghanistan is more stable and peaceful than in any\nother period in its recent history. The International\nSecurity Assistance Force (ISAF), to the credit of the\nparticipating countries, has done a tremendous job of\nsecuring the nation’s capital. That is partly the reason\nthat people from other parts of the country have\ndemanded that ISAF be expanded to their areas, too.\nWe see NATO’s decision to take over the command of\nISAF in Kabul as a positive development. The Afghan\npeople have also welcomed the provincial\nreconstruction teams that are supported by the coalition\nmember States. Reconstruction and security are tied to\none another, and we are absolutely certain that no\nmatter what flag they fly, forces that ensure stability\nwill be welcomed throughout Afghanistan.\nHowever, we recognize that providing security to\nthe people of Afghanistan is ultimately our own\nresponsibility. We are grateful to the international\ncommunity, the United States and Germany in\nparticular, for making a determined effort to help us\nembark on a process of reforming and rebuilding our\nsecurity institutions, namely the Afghan National Army\nand the national police.\nAfter an arduous process of restructuring, we\nhave just completed the reform of the Ministry of\nDefence. That step is now paving the way for the\nimplementation of the nation-wide programme on\ndisarmament, demobilization and reintegration, which\nwill begin in earnest in mid-October with assistance\nfrom Japan.\nA Constitution is the bedrock of the modern\nState. Under the Bonn Agreement, my Government\nwas assigned the historic task of giving Afghanistan its\nnew Constitution. The commission assigned that task\nhas just finished the draft Constitution. The draft will\nbe submitted in December for approval to a\nconstitutional grand council of the Afghan people,\nwhich in our language is called a Loya Jirga. Work on\nthe reform of the judicial system and on drafting new\nsecondary laws has also continued, with notable\noutcomes achieved in recent months. The laws on\npolitical parties and banking have now been officially\nadopted.\nHaving started from a below-zero baseline, the 30\nper cent economic growth rate that Afghanistan\nenjoyed last year is a promising start. Committed as we\nare to an open-market economy, and seeing the private\nsector as the true engine for growth, we have moved\naggressively to create the legal and financial\n7\n\nframeworks needed for a positive environment for the\nprivate sector. Our newly adopted laws governing\ninvestment, banking and property rights, the new stable\ncurrency and the bureaucratic reforms we have enacted\nprovide a liberal and conducive underpinning for rapid\neconomic growth. Like never before, Afghanistan is\nopen to business.\nOnce, in the past, Afghanistan was at the centre\nof a global threat, that of terrorism. Our vision for the\nfuture is that Afghanistan should be a centre for\neconomic opportunity. We do not call ourselves a land-\nlocked country; rather, we are a land-bridging country.\nAfghanistan connects South Asia, Central Asia and the\nMiddle East, a fact to which geo-strategists have long\nbeen attracted. But it is time that Afghanistan’s vast\npotential for facilitating trade and economic activity is\nexploited.\nThrough such nationwide programmes as the\nNational Solidarity Programme, the Government aims\nto take reconstruction to the villages and households of\nAfghanistan. Perhaps no other priority features more\nwidely in the demands of the Afghan people than the\nprovision of education. Today, fortunately, almost 40\nper cent of the students and teachers in primary and\nsecondary education are female. That is a huge increase\nfrom the close to zero percentage that we inherited\nfrom the Taliban. Millions of textbooks have been\npublished, and schools are being built at a higher rate\nthan ever. However, in other areas of service-provision\nthe need is much greater than our capacity to deliver.\nThe struggle against the production of, and\ntrafficking in, narcotics continues. We see a direct\nconnection between narcotics and terrorism, and it is in\nour absolute national interest to fight both. Both are\ntransnational challenges. We in the region and in the\ninternational community must take the strategic\ndecision, in the spirit of true partnership, to fight\nagainst both menaces.\nAs we acknowledge that the road ahead for\nAfghanistan is long and tortuous, we appreciate the\nfact that significant achievements have been made over\nthe last two years. The people of Afghanistan are\ngrateful to the international community for its crucial\nsupport. While countries that have extended a friendly\nhand to Afghanistan are far too many to thank\nindividually, it would be unfair not to single out the\nUnited States, the European Union and Japan for\nspecial thanks. The United States of America has led\nthe international community by example in offering\nsupport for Afghanistan. The additional assistance\nprovided to us under the Accelerated Success Initiative\nwill go a long way towards rebuilding our country. The\nneighbours of Afghanistan also have a special place in\nour hearts. Our people will always remember the warm\nwelcome they received from their brothers and sisters\nin Pakistan and Iran. In addition, Afghans hold\nSecretary-General Kofi Annan and his Special\nRepresentative Lakhdar Brahimi in very high esteem.\nTheir kind-hearted attention to Afghanistan is highly\nappreciated.\nCognizant of our new situation and the emerging\nopportunities that exist today, we are determined to\nbuild friendly, civil and constructive relationships with\ncountries of the world. We continue to extend a sincere\nhand of friendship to Pakistan and all our other\nneighbours on the basis of the requirements of a\ncivilized relationship. We will never permit our\nterritory to be used against any other country, and\nexpect the same in return.\nWe are deeply concerned about the loss of\ninnocent lives in Palestine and Israel. We support the\nrealization of the right to self-determination for our\nPalestinian brothers and sisters.\nWe are fully committed to remaining a resilient\npartner with the international community in the fight\nagainst terrorism.\nAll the achievements I have just noted amount\nonly to a good beginning. Our challenge is to stay the\ncourse. That will depend not only on the resolute\ndetermination of the Afghan people, but also on the\ncontinued engagement of the international community.\nWhile the achievements are significant, and\nalthough challenges are inevitable, today, in this forum,\nI wish to point to what can potentially amount to a\ncritical threat, namely, the ongoing threat of terrorism.\nThe crisis in Afghanistan may well be over, but the\nforces of violence continue to threaten. Embodied in\nvarious manifestations, from militant infiltrations to\nhateful teachings at places disguised as madrassas,\nterrorism continues to make inroads into the space of\npeace and prosperity that we want to secure for our\nnation.\nIslam, our universalist religion, has absolutely no\nplace for terrorism. The apostles of hatred who preach\nmurder in the name of religion and who abuse the name\n8\n\nof Islam and the sanctity of madrassas are the enemies\nof Islam. They act against all that Islam teaches,\nnamely, peace, tolerance, compassion, social justice\nand the good of humanity.\nTerrorists aim to harm the nation of Afghanistan,\na deeply believing Muslim nation that is averse to\nextremism. They pose a threat to the process of\nreconstruction in Afghanistan. Terrorists see their\nlasting defeat in the success of reconstruction. They are\ntherefore maliciously intent on derailing the process of\nreconstruction in Afghanistan. That must stop. We\nmust defeat the forces and ideas of violence in the\nregion. Today terrorism is a liability to the\nGovernments in the region. Governments must stop\nusing extremism as an instrument of policy. As long as\nterrorism survives in this part of the world, neither\nAfghanistan nor our neighbours, nor indeed the rest of\nthe world, can be safe.\n\n\n\n\n
## 47 Nelson Mandela once\ndescribed his countryís transition to democracy as a\nlong journey to freedom comprising many milestones,\neach a realization of new opportunities for him and his\nnation. We, the Afghan people, started our journey to\nstability and democracy almost three years ago. I am\ndelighted to report that, 18 days from today, our people\nwill go to the polls for the first time to elect their\nPresident, marking the most significant milestone in\nour journey.\nAs the presidential elections will mark the end of\nthe transitional period set forth in the historic Bonn\nAgreement, I would like to outline some of\nAfghanistanís achievements over the past three years\nand discuss our challenges.\nMuch has changed in my country, but no change\nis more visible than the confidence of the Afghan\npeople in the future of our country. We have seen that\nconfidence in the return of more than 3.5 million\nrefugees who are now rebuilding their lives. We have\nseen that confidence in the enthusiasm of families who\nare sending their boys and girls to school, rebuilding\ntheir homes and setting up their businesses. And we\nhave seen that confidence in the enthusiasm of 10.5\nmillion Afghans who have registered to vote in the\nupcoming elections.\nEarlier this year, the Constitutional Loya Jirga\nadopted an enlightened Constitution establishing a\ndemocratic Islamic republic. It guarantees equal rights\nand equal protection for all citizens ó men and\nwomen. The vision of the Constitutional Loya Jirga is\nbecoming a reality. Approximately 42 per cent of the\nregistered voters are women, and women will make up\nat least 25 per cent of our future parliament. Our\nConstitution also guarantees freedom of speech and\nfreedom of the press.\nDuring the past year, we enacted the election law,\nestablished the necessary mechanism to organize and\nmanage elections and completed voter registration, and\nwe are now preparing to hold presidential and\nparliamentary elections. Thanks to the cooperation of\nour two brotherly neighbours, Pakistan and Iran,\nhundreds of thousands of Afghans still living in those\ncountries will also participate in the election.\n2\n\nIn partnership with the international community,\nwe have intensified our efforts to rebuild our national\nsecurity institutions. Today, there are 15,000 national\narmy soldiers and nearly 30,000 national police\nofficers providing security to our citizens. We are\ngrateful to the thousands of International Security\nAssistance Force and coalition troops that are assisting\nour security forces. We have also taken steps towards\ndisarming, demobilizing and reintegrating private\nmilitias. Nearly all of the heavy weapons have been\ncollected from the city of Kabul, and thousands of\nformer combatants have been disarmed in various parts\nof the country.\nWe have continued the reconstruction of our\ncountry. At the Berlin conference this year, the\ninternational community renewed its commitment to\nrebuilding Afghanistan. The generous pledges that we\nreceived in Berlin will be committed to national\nreconstruction and development programmes that will\ncreate economic opportunities for our citizens and will\nfurther promote economic growth throughout the\nregion. Eradicating poverty and meeting the\neducational and health needs of our citizens will\ncontinue to remain among our top priorities. We will\ncontinue to focus on building our roads to re-establish\nAfghanistan as the land bridge for transcontinental\ntrade. Upon completion of Afghanistanís ring road,\nevery major Central Asian capital will be less than 32\nhours from the Persian Gulf and the port of Karachi.\nWhile our achievements are significant, we\ncontinue to face challenges. Terrorism remains one of\nour main challenges. The remnants of terrorism\ncontinue to attack our citizens and to threaten our\nsecurity. As long as terrorism continues to exist in our\nregion, neither Afghanistan nor our neighbours nor,\nindeed, the rest of the world can be safe. Eliminating\nthe remnants of terrorism in Afghanistan and in the\nregion requires not only continued support from the\ninternational community, but also strong and sincere\ncommitment from other countries in the region. To stop\nthe movement of terrorists across borders, the countries\nin the region must cooperate closely.\nThe cultivation and trafficking of narcotics is\nanother major challenge to Afghanistan and to the rest\nof the world. Drug profits finance terrorism and\nundermine our efforts to build a healthy and legitimate\neconomy. Afghanistan is fully committed to\neliminating this menace. However, we cannot succeed\nwithout the strong partnership of the international\ncommunity.\nPoverty remains another serious challenge. Even\nthough we have made considerable progress over the\npast three years, we are still one of the poorest\ncountries. We still have the second-highest infant and\nmaternal mortality rates in the world, and we have one\nof the highest illiteracy rates. Very few Afghans have\naccess to safe drinking water, and only 6 per cent of the\nAfghan population has reliable access to electricity.\nOur achievements have not come without a cost.\nDuring the elections for the Constitutional Loya Jirga,\nterrorists did everything to disrupt the process,\nincluding bombing an elementary school and killing\nmore than 20 children. During the registration for the\nelections, terrorists showed their desperation by\nintensifying their attacks. They bombed vehicles\ncarrying women registration workers, killed civilians\nwho carried registration cards and bombed religious\nschools, killing children.\nThose attacks have not stopped our people from\npassing one milestone after another. The valuable role\nof the international community has been crucial to our\nsuccess. Nations from different continents with\ndifferent cultures and religions have come together to\nhelp rebuild Afghanistan. That is a clear example of\ncooperation among civilizations. On behalf of the\nAfghan people, I thank all the nations that have\nsupported us with their troops and resources, especially\nthe United States of America, Japan, Germany, the\nUnited Kingdom, Canada, Italy, Spain, France and\nTurkey. We are most grateful to the United Nations for\nthe commitment and engagement of United Nations\nagencies and employees during the past three years. We\nespecially appreciate the personal commitment and\ndedication of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan;\nhis Deputy Special Representative, Mr. Jean Arnaud;\nand his Special Representative, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi,\nwhose wisdom and leadership have guided us\nthroughout the journey.\nAfghanistan is on the road to recovery from the\ndevastation of more than two decades of war. Much has\nbeen accomplished in the past three years. Yet\nestablishing a stable, democratic and prosperous\nAfghanistan requires sustained and collaborative\nefforts by the Afghans, by our neighbours and by the\ninternational community. We, the Afghan people, will\ndo our share. Working together for a stable and\n3\n\nprosperous Afghanistan not only is a good example of\nsuccessful international cooperation, but will also\ncontribute to regional prosperity and global security.
## 48 I have the honour\nto inform the members of the General Assembly of the\nsuccessful conclusion of the parliamentary and\nprovincial elections that took place in my country two\ndays ago. As stated by President Karzai, “the holding\nof these elections was a major success for the people of\nAfghanistan and a major defeat for those attempting to\nderail the political process”. In defiance of the threats\nposed by the enemies of peace and stability in\nAfghanistan, Al-Qaida and the Taliban, millions of\nmen and women enthusiastically travelled to polling\nstations to cast their votes. With the conclusion of\nthese elections, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan\nhas now completed the final phase of the Bonn\nAgreement, sponsored by the United Nations in\nDecember 2001.\nThe determination and political will expressed by\nthe people of Afghanistan have made possible the\ngradual, yet arduous, transition towards stability and\ndemocracy in Afghanistan. During the course of the\ntransition, Afghanistan successfully convened two loya\njirgas, adopted a new Constitution enshrining the\nprinciples of democracy, held its first-ever presidential\nelections and, most recently, concluded its\nparliamentary and provincial elections.\nIn this context, allow me to express on behalf of\nthe people and the Government of Afghanistan our\nmost sincere gratitude and appreciation to the United\nNations, the NATO-led International Security\nAssistance Force, coalition forces, Provincial\nReconstruction Teams, international observers and\nother international partners for the assistance rendered\ntowards achieving this objective.\nAllow me to highlight briefly some of the other\nachievements that have taken place during the past four\nyears. The Government of Afghanistan continues to\nmake significant progress with regard to the reform of\nthe security sector and the formation of the national\narmy and police in order to further extend and\nconsolidate peace and authority throughout the country.\nThe disarmament and demobilization of 60,000 former\ncombatants has been completed. In that regard, the\nGovernment of Afghanistan reaffirms its commitment\nto complete the reintegration of ex-combatants as the\nfinal phase of a successful disarmament, demobilization\nand reintegration process.\nSignificant progress has been made in the\npromotion and protection of human rights and\nfundamental freedoms. Our new Constitution\nguarantees equal rights for men and women, freedom\nof expression, freedom of press and political pluralism.\nThe Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission\nhas been institutionalized as an independent body in\naccordance with our Constitution. The Commission\ncontinues to fulfil its mandate.\nWe have also witnessed the enrolment of more\nthan 5 million children, both boys and girls, in school.\nRepatriation of millions of refugees from neighbouring\ncountries has also taken place during the past four\nyears. The significant increase in the role of women in\nthe social, political and economic life of the country is\nalso worth mentioning.\nThe cultivation of opium poppy and the\nproduction of narcotic drugs in Afghanistan remains a\nprime concern of my Government. The establishment\nof a counter-narcotics ministry, the creation of a\nspecial tribunal to prosecute those associated with the\ncultivation, production and trafficking of illegal drugs\nand the formation of the Committee on Counter-\nNarcotics, chaired by President Karzai, are only some\nof the initiatives taken by the Afghan Government\naimed at combating and eliminating the scourge of\nnarcotic drugs.\nI am pleased to refer to the recent report of the\nUnited Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, which\nrightly reflected a 21 per cent decrease in the\ncultivation of opium poppy in Afghanistan during the\ncurrent year. However, in order to build on this\nachievement, we must offer alternative livelihoods to\nrural communities. A successful strategy in combating\nillicit drugs requires additional measures aside from\n25\n\nasking farmers to plant substitute crops. We have to\nprovide them with agricultural assistance, invest in\nirrigation, build roads and provide electric power and\nassistance in generating non-farm employment in rural\nareas.\nMany of the achievements realized in\nAfghanistan since the signing of the Bonn Agreement\nwould not have been possible without the vigorous\nsupport of the international community. I take this\nopportunity to extend our deep gratitude to all\ninternational partners and lead nations which offered\ngenerous support throughout the process. In this\ncontext, we emphasize the importance of the sustained\nengagement and support of the international\ncommunity over the coming years for the rehabilitation\nand reconstruction of Afghanistan, as well as for the\nconsolidation of peace and security.\nDespite the achievements to which I referred\nearlier, the people of Afghanistan continue to face\nmany challenges in their daily lives. Extreme poverty,\na high rate of infant and maternal mortality and a lack\nof resources necessary to ensure basic social services\ncontinue to exist.\nThe outcome document adopted on 16 September\n2005 (resolution 60/1) has laid the foundation for a\nmore effective and efficient United Nations better able\nto address issues relating to development, peace and\nsecurity, human rights, reform of the United Nations\nand achievement of the Millennium Development\nGoals.\nThe Government of Afghanistan welcomes the\nproposal adopted in the outcome document with regard\nto the establishment of a Peacebuilding Commission.\nAs a country emerging from years of conflict,\nAfghanistan fully understands the need for a\ncoordinated, coherent and integrated approach to post-\nconflict peacebuilding. My Government also supports\nthe decision that the Commission should begin its work\nby no later than 31 December 2005.\nAs a result of ongoing efforts by Afghanistan and\nthe international community to combat international\nterrorism, my country no longer serves as a base for\nAl-Qaida and the Taliban. However, the people of\nAfghanistan continue to suffer from the scourge of\ninternational terrorism. Terrorism remains one of the\nmain challenges to peace, stability and sustainable\ndevelopment in Afghanistan. The continued infiltration\nof Al-Qaida and Taliban extremists in the south and\nparts of the east of the country remains a factor\ncontributing to insecurity in my country.\nWe therefore reiterate the importance of a sincere\ncommitment by all the countries of the region to\ncombating that scourge. The Government of\nAfghanistan once again vehemently condemns\nterrorism in all its forms and manifestations. In that\ncontext, we support every effort aimed at the\nsuccessful conclusion of a comprehensive convention\non international terrorism by the end of the sixtieth\nsession of the General Assembly.\nThe Secretary-General clearly highlighted the\ninterrelationship between development and security in\nhis report “In larger freedom” (A/59/2005), which, in\nparagraph 2 of the annex, states, “There will be no\ndevelopment without security and no security without\ndevelopment”. The case of Afghanistan could not be\nmore relevant in that respect.\nAchieving the Millennium Development Goals in\nAfghanistan is not just a desirable humanitarian\nobjective, but a necessity for the security of the\ncountry, the region and the world. Attaining the Goals\nwill require a substantial amount of international aid,\nprovided in a coordinated and sustained manner.\nMy Government is in the process of preparing\nAfghanistan’s national development strategy, which\nwill be presented at the donor conference on\nAfghanistan scheduled to take place early next year.\nThe national development strategy encompasses a clear\napproach to achieving our national development goals\nand addresses vital areas such as capacity-building,\nfiscal sustainability, building infrastructure and\nprioritizing projects. The Afghanistan national\ndevelopment strategy will also present Afghanistan’s\noverarching strategy for promoting growth and\nreducing poverty, and will serve as the country’s\noverall strategy for attracting international assistance.\nThe national development strategy will be\nprepared in a consultative process with all\nstakeholders, including donors, civil society, the\nprivate sector and provincial councils. Through a post-\nBonn compact, Afghanistan will subscribe to a new set\nof timetables and benchmarks for providing security,\nbuilding democratic institutions, protecting human\nrights and reducing extreme poverty in accordance\nwith our MDG targets, reforming the administration,\neliminating corruption, ending the production of and\n26\n\ntraffic in narcotic drugs and developing cooperation\nwith our neighbours.\nAs a landlocked country, Afghanistan will not be\nable to achieve its intended economic goals without the\nsupport and mutual cooperation of its neighbours. The\nGovernment of Afghanistan emphasizes the importance\nof regional economic cooperation for the benefit of all\ncountries in the region. Trade plays a major role in\npromoting economic growth, employment and\ndevelopment for all. The volume of trade between\nAfghanistan and its neighbours has been growing\nsteadily. Just last year, the estimated value of trade\nbetween Afghanistan and its neighbours amounted to\n$1.5 billion.\nI would like in conclusion to express\nAfghanistan’s full commitment to the implementation\nof the outcome document. We are of the conviction that\nthe adoption of that historic document will further\nenhance the central role of the United Nations in\naddressing the threats and challenges facing humanity\nat the dawn of the twenty-first century.
## 49 Every year our gathering \nunder this roof does homage to the foresight of our \npredecessors, who, by founding the United Nations, \nenvisioned the unity of nations. Today, this Assembly \nembodies that vision: the vision of our interdependence \nas members of a single community of nations. This \nvision has a strong resonance in Afghanistan, where \nboth our past troubles and our recent accomplishments \nare, in large part, related to the outside world. \n When I last addressed the Assembly in 2004 I \nspoke about the tremendous progress that Afghanistan \nhad achieved since 2001. Today that story of success \ncontinues. Over the past two years we have taken \nfurther significant steps forward, attaining all the \nmilestones in Afghanistan’s post-war transition. \nMillions of Afghans have participated in two general \nelections, one for the president and another for the \nparliament. With the inauguration of our National \nAssembly last year all three independent branches of a \ndemocratic state were completed. We have continued to \nbuild schools and clinics and create employment \nopportunities for our people. Our trade with the region \nand beyond is growing very rapidly. Industrial activity \nis gradually taking root. As a result, Afghanistan’s \nincome per capita has doubled since 2002. \n At the London Conference earlier this year our \nGovernment presented Afghanistan’s National \nDevelopment Strategy for the next five years, which \nthe international community endorsed. Afghanistan and \nits international partners also entered into a compact, \nthe Afghanistan Compact, which provides the \nframework for continued international cooperation in \nAfghanistan. Under the compact we Afghans \ncommitted to continue to work towards a stable and \nprosperous Afghanistan, with good governance and \nhuman rights protection for all under the rule of law. In \nreturn, the international community pledged continued \nand long-term political, military and financial \nassistance. \n Regrettably, it is not all positive news that I have \nto share today. Over the past year our efforts to build \nAfghanistan into a stable, prosperous and democratic \npolity have also encountered setbacks. We have seen \nterrorism rebounding as terrorists have infiltrated our \nborders to step up their murderous campaign against \nour people. Terrorism sees in the prosperity of the \n \n \n06-52879 2 \n \nAfghan people its ultimate defeat. That is why our \nschools and clinics get burned down, and our ulema, \nour teachers and our doctors get killed. That is why \ntoday 200,000 of our students who went to school a \nyear ago are no longer able to do so. \n It is also sobering to know that polio, the \nchildren’s disease, increased from only four cases in \n2005 to 27 this year. All those cases occurred in some \nareas of southern Afghanistan where terrorists are \npreventing children’s access to vaccination and health \ncare. \n Terrorists are prepared to cross any boundary and \ncommit horrific acts of violence to try to derail \nAfghanistan from its path to success. They want the \ninternational community to fail in its collective \nendeavour to help Afghanistan to rebuild. That is why \nthey decapitate elderly women, blow up mosques full \nof worshippers and kill schoolchildren in \nindiscriminate bombings of civilian areas. That is why \nthey are killing international soldiers and civilians who \nhave come to Afghanistan to help the Afghan people, \nsuch as the four Canadian soldiers who were killed \nfour days ago while distributing notebooks and candies \nto children in a village in Kandahar, or the Turkish \nengineer who was building roads in Helmand. Clearly, \nunless we confront them more decisively, terrorists will \ncontinue to take lives and inflict greater damage. \n To be sure, terrorism does not emanate from \nwithin Afghanistan; Afghanistan is its worst victim. \nMilitary action in Afghanistan alone, therefore, will not \ndeliver our shared goal of eliminating terrorism. We \nmust look beyond Afghanistan to the sources of \nterrorism. We must destroy terrorist sanctuaries beyond \nAfghanistan, dismantle the elaborate networks in the \nregion that recruit, indoctrinate, train, finance, arm and \ndeploy terrorists. We must ensure that political currents \nand entities in the region are not allowed to use \nextremism as an instrument of policy. \n Fighting terrorism effectively is also tied to our \nfight against narcotics. The menace of narcotics feeds \nterrorism and threatens the foundation of legitimate \neconomic development in Afghanistan and also, of \ncourse, in the region. \n A combination of factors — mainly the lack of a \nsecurity environment conducive to our counter-\nnarcotics efforts, the absence of a comprehensive \nalternative livelihoods programme and clandestine \ncredit flows to poppy farmers — is behind the \nnarcotics trade. Afghanistan is committed to fighting \nnarcotics, alongside terrorism, with strength and \ndetermination and through a combination of law \nenforcement and economic measures. We expect that \nthe international community will continue to support us \nin this fight by enabling us to provide meaningful \nalternative livelihoods to our farmers. \n In the context of the United Nations role in \nenhancing global security we endorse the \nrecommendations of the Secretary-General for a \ncomprehensive counter-terrorism strategy and welcome \nthe recent adoption of the strategy by the General \nAssembly. \n We also express our support for the proposal to \nconvene a high-level conference on international \nterrorism with a view to concluding the draft \ncomprehensive convention on international terrorism at \nthe earliest possible opportunity. \n Afghanistan also attaches great importance to the \nvarious initiatives undertaken to promote \nunderstanding and cooperation among civilizations. \nAfghanistan stands ready to contribute to further \nenriching these initiatives with our knowledge and \nexperience of international cooperation and \ninterdependence. \n Meanwhile, we remain deeply concerned at the \nincreased incidence of Islamophobia in the West. This \ntrend does not bode well for the cause of building \nunderstanding and cooperation across civilizations. As \na Muslim nation, Afghanistan is committed not only to \nsafeguarding the interest of our Holy Faith but also to \nbuilding bridges of understanding and friendship \namong followers of all faiths. \n The situation in the Middle East, including the \nquestion of Palestine, remains a source of great \nconcern to us in Afghanistan. Afghanistan strongly \nsupports the full realization of the rights of the \nPalestinian people, including the right to sovereignty \nand an independent State of Palestine living side by \nside in peace and coexistence with the State of Israel. \nAfghanistan also shares the pain of the people of \nLebanon as they suffer a terrible relapse into \ndestruction caused by war. We hope that the \ninternational community will step in with concern and \ngenerosity to address Lebanon’s needs so that it may \nrecover. \n \n \n3 06-52879 \n \n To conclude, I thank the Secretary-General, \nMr. Kofi Annan, for his exemplary leadership in \nserving the cause of global security and prosperity. I \nthank him especially for his interest in and \ncommitment to Afghanistan and for his contribution to \nmaking our world a more secure place. \n I also thank the members of the international \ncommunity for their steadfast and generous support for \nAfghanistan over the past five years. I convey the \ngratitude of the Afghan people for the sacrifices that \nthe men and women in uniform from about 40 \ncountries throughout the world have made in the fight \nagainst terrorism in Afghanistan. We will honour those \nsacrifices by remaining true to our vision of building a \nsecure, democratic and prosperous Afghanistan that \nwill contribute to the progress of our region and to the \nsecurity of the world at large.
## 50 Over the 62 years of its \nexistence, the General Assembly has witnessed many \nmoments of historical reckoning. It was one such \nmoment, five years ago, when Afghanistan returned to \nthe Assembly as a country emerging out of a long, dark \nera of war, violence and terror. As I stood before the \nAssembly in September 2002, the challenges of \nrestoring security to the lives of the Afghan people and \nof rebuilding Afghanistan into a stable and democratic \ncountry seemed all but insuperable. The fate of a \nnation swayed between the promise of a safer and more \nprosperous future, on the one hand, and the enormity of \nthe tasks, on the other hand. \n Today, efforts in support of stability and \nreconstruction in Afghanistan are proceeding resolutely \napace. The Afghan people continue to make the best of \nthe new opportunities. Our economy is surging ahead. \nThe legitimacy of our newly founded institutions is \ngradually taking root. Our society is brimming with \nfreedom and activity. \n For too long, Afghanistan was in an unenviable \nposition in terms of most human development \nindicators. That situation is no longer acceptable, and \nis changing rapidly. Today more Afghans enjoy access \nto health and education than ever before in our history. \nWe have very fortunately cut our child mortality rate, \nwhich was one of the highest in the world just two \nyears ago, by 25 per cent. As a result, over 85,000 \nmore children have a chance to live today. \n For the first time in 40 years, Afghanistan is set \nonce again to become self-sufficient in food \nproduction. Already, the fruits of relative stability and \nincreased prosperity in Afghanistan are spilling over \nthe borders to the wider region. Having enjoyed \nunprecedented growth in our regional trade over the \npast six years, we are now moving to consolidate \nAfghanistan’s role in the economic integration of the \nregion. Earlier this year, we assumed membership of \nthe South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation \n(SAARC). The significance of that step lies in the \npotential for Afghanistan to connect South Asia to \nCentral Asia and the Middle East in commerce and \ninteraction. \n Last month, President Rahmon of Tajikistan and I \nwere joined by the United States Secretary of \nCommerce to inaugurate a transit bridge financed by \nthe United States that connects Afghanistan with \nTajikistan and beyond. That bridge, alongside many \nother infrastructure projects we have completed, is to \nplay a significant role in the further economic \nintegration of the region. \n Make no mistake: despite our achievements, a \nsafer and brighter future for Afghanistan still hinges on \nmany serious challenges. Poverty, underdevelopment, \nclimatic hardships and, above all, the menaces of \nterrorism and narcotics, are challenges of global \nproportions that continue to be shared by Afghanistan \nas a member of the global village. \n To the extent that terrorism remains a threat, \nworld citizens will never be safe. Six years after \nAfghanistan’s liberation from the grip of international \nterrorists, we are still grappling with this threat on a \ndaily basis. Terrorists continue to kill innocent people, \nincluding those who have come from the outside world \nto help. The past two years have witnessed a \nsignificant increase in terrorist attacks carried out with \nnew and brutal tactics such as beheadings, kidnappings \nand the burning of schools and clinics. \n Terrorism can only be overcome if it is addressed \nappropriately across its regional and international \ndimensions. We are monitoring with deep concern the \ncontinued presence of a terrorist infrastructure in our \nregion, and condemn, in equally strong terms, the \natrocities that terrorists are committing in places \nbeyond our borders. \n Recognizing that constructive regional \ncooperation is vital to a successful counterterrorism \nstrategy, we proposed the holding of a joint jirga, or \ncouncil, between Afghanistan and Pakistan. We are \npleased with the support that that initiative has \nreceived from our friends in the international \ncommunity. The first joint peace council between \nAfghanistan and Pakistan was held in Kabul last \nmonth. It was a promising step in harnessing the \nunequivocal support of civil societies in both countries \nin our common fight against terrorism and extremism. \nWe expect that the outcome of the council will \ntranslate into concrete action. \n While we continue our struggle against terrorism, \nwe will also focus on reconciliation with those that are \nnot part of Al Qaida and other terrorist networks. \n I also note, with deep concern, the particularly \nheinous use by terrorists of local populations as human \nshields, resulting in the loss of civilian lives. While \ncondemning such deliberate targeting of civilians in the \nstrongest possible terms, I would like to emphasize the \nneed for maximum caution on the part of the \ninternational forces operating in Afghanistan, as well \nas for increased coordination with Afghan authorities, \nin order to avoid civilian casualties. \n Narcotics is another global peril that, like \nterrorism, seriously undermines the stability and well-\nbeing of our societies. In Afghanistan, that scourge is \nthe legacy of the decades of misfortunes that befell our \ncountry — from the widespread despair induced by war \nand oppression, to drought and climatic hardships. We \nare working with our international partners to tackle \nthe menace. We will prioritize the provision of \nalternative livelihoods to farmers and expedite \nimplementation of other strategies, including poppy \neradication and the interdiction of traffickers. \nHowever, addressing the world’s drug challenge must \ninvolve focus on the far greater dimensions of the drug \ntrade that lie outside Afghanistan, such as fighting the \ninternational drug mafia, ensuring stricter border \ncontrol, and reducing demand in foreign markets. \n Climate change has rightly been recognized as a \nserious challenge facing the entire world. No country, \ndeveloped or developing, is immune to its impact. \nYesterday’s high-level event on that important topic \nwas an essential step forward in strengthening the \nresolve of the international community to address that \nglobal threat with unity. We fully support the \nrecommendations of the Chairman’s summary. \n We are also watching the situation in the Middle \nEast with deep concern. In particular, we remain \nconcerned about the situation in Palestine and call for \nthe full realization of the rights of our Palestinian \nbrothers and sisters, including their right to an \nindependent State, living side by side with its \nneighbours in peace and coexistence. \n The adoption of the Iraq Compact, sponsored by \nthe United Nations and the international community, \nwas an achievement marking Iraq’s new partnership \nwith the international community to consolidate peace \nand promote social and economic development. We, \nthe Afghan people, wish our brothers and sisters in Iraq \nevery success in achieving their aspiration of a \npeaceful and prosperous Iraq. \n Allow me to thank our partners in the \ninternational community, the United States, Japan, \nmembers of NATO, the European Union, our brothers \nin the Islamic world, our neighbours, China, India, \nAustralia and all other countries for supporting \nAfghanistan during these years of challenge to our \ncountry. We appreciate the role that the United Nations \nand the Secretary-General are playing in coordinating \nthe international community’s role in the development \nprocess in Afghanistan. I am particularly thankful to \nSecretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his initiative, two \ndays ago, of calling a high-level international meeting \non Afghanistan, at which our partners once again \nreaffirmed their commitment to Afghanistan’s \nrebuilding and reconstruction. \n Six years ago, in an unprecedented convergence \nof interests, the international community united behind \nAfghanistan, facing up to the inescapable reality that \nthe world’s security had come to depend on stability \nand progress in Afghanistan. Today, many of the \nnations represented here can rightly take pride in what \nwe have achieved together. I thank them all for their \ncommitment and for the steadfast support they have \nprovided to Afghanistan over the past six years. \nWithout that support, the progress we have made in \nAfghanistan would be simply unthinkable.
## 51 Since the last time we \ngathered here in this great Hall, we have passed a year \nof great hopes and grave fears. We have witnessed the \nhope-inspiring glory of human accomplishment at the \nOlympic Games in Beijing but shuddered at crumbling \nstock and housing markets around the world. We have \na growing global understanding on climate change and \nthe issues relevant to it, but seen millions of lives \nthreatened by the shortage of food in many countries \nand witnessed with disbelief the brutal slaughter of \ninnocent people at the hands of terrorists in \nAfghanistan, Pakistan, India, Algeria and several other \nparts of the world. \n Since I spoke at this rostrum in the last session of \nthe General Assembly, my country, Afghanistan, has \ngrappled with a number of important challenges, none \nmore troubling than the problem of international \nterrorism. Terrorist forces have significantly increased \ntheir attacks and brutality, and enjoyed freedom in their \nsanctuaries. \n While Afghanistan has borne the brunt of terrorist \nviolence, the scourge has now spread like a wildfire \nacross the wider region. In Pakistan, where, until \nrecently, extremist circles remained mainly focused on \ndestabilizing Afghanistan, today terrorist violence is \nunfortunately also directed within Pakistani territory \nand against the Pakistani people. \n Daily acts of intimidation and violence against \ncommunities in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in particular \non both sides of the Durand Line, the killing of \npolitical and tribal leaders and the burning of schools \nare the upshots of the continued spawning and spread \nof terrorism and extremism in the region. \n \n \n29 08-51749 \n \n The callous attack on the Marriot hotel in \nIslamabad over the weekend, the bombing of the Indian \nEmbassy in Kabul and the terrorist attacks in the Indian \ncities of Bangalore and Ahmedabad were the most \ndisturbing demonstration of terrorists’ growing reach. \n Undoubtedly, terrorism will not go away until we \ndismantle the elaborate institutional support terrorists \nenjoy in the region and eliminate their secure \nsanctuaries. That will be possible only if we engage in \nsincere regional and international cooperation. \n The democratic transition in Pakistan, heralded \nby the historic elections of last February, has been a \nmost promising development in our region. \n We in Afghanistan have warmly welcomed the \ninauguration of the civilian democratic Government. In \nparticular, I take the opportunity to once again \ncongratulate my brother, President Asif Ali Zardari, on \nhis election as the President of Pakistan. I assure my \nbrothers, President Zardari and Prime Minister Gillani, \nthat Afghanistan stands ready to take several steps for \neach single step that Pakistan will take to address the \nchallenge of radicalism and terrorism. \n To the extent that terrorism in our region \ncontinues to be a global threat, evolving in nature and \ntactics, the struggle against it must continue unabated. \nIn this context, I recall with appreciation this year’s \nNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Summit in \nBucharest, where around 40 countries with existing \nmilitary commitments in Afghanistan once again \nreiterated their strong resolve to stay the course. \n Among the most significant outcomes of the \nsummit was the emphasis on the Afghanization of the \nsecurity sector as a measure to ensure sustainability \nand enhanced effectiveness. To that end, I call for a \nredoubling of efforts by the international community \naimed at enabling the Afghan national security \ninstitutions, both the army and the police, to take on a \ngreater share of the war against terrorism and for the \nprotection of our people. \n Above all, Afghanization of military operations is \nvital if the problem of civilian casualties is to be \naddressed effectively. The continuation of civilian \ncasualties could seriously undermine the legitimacy of \nthe fight against terrorism and the credibility of the \nAfghan people’s partnership with the international \ncommunity. \n Whereas the military endeavour at the regional \nand international levels remains the primary response \nto the threat of terrorism, success will only be possible \nif the local population is empowered to confront it. \nTherefore, while terrorism and a persistent \nenvironment of insecurity are at work to subvert \nAfghanistan’s growth, we must do what it takes to win \nthe battle of Afghanistan’s economic development. \n Last June, my Government launched the \nAfghanistan National Development Strategy at the \nAfghanistan donors conference in Paris. If the pledges \nmade at the conference are translated into timely \ncommitments, I am confident that we will attain the \ndevelopment goals set out in our Strategy. \n On behalf of the people of Afghanistan, I thank \nPresident Nicholas Sarkozy of France for his \nleadership in excellently organizing the Paris \nconference. I also thank the United States and all the \nother countries around the world that pledged \ngenerously towards the implementation of the \nAfghanistan National Development Strategy. \n As in the security sector, Afghanization of the \ndevelopment process is the key not just to the goal of \nensuring ownership but also to the effective \nimplementation of our Development Strategy. \nAfghanization of the development process can be \nachieved through a meaningful commitment by our \nfriends and donors to aid effectiveness. In that context, \nwhile urging a shift away from the use of parallel \nstructures and wasteful mechanisms, I strongly endorse \nthe role of the United Nations and the special \nrepresentative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kai Eide, \nin coordinating the international community’s \nparticipation in Afghanistan’s development and State-\nbuilding processes. \n Thanks to the selfless sacrifices of men and \nwomen of Member States and the determination and \nsacrifices of our own people, the journey of \nAfghanistan’s reconstruction is resolutely under way. \nToday our people are more educated, healthier, better \noff and more optimistic about their future. We have \nbuilt thousands of new schools and reconstructed many \nmore, where millions of our youngsters go to school \nand prepare for the responsibilities of tomorrow. Our \nrapid economic growth, with double-digit growth rates \nalmost every year, has resulted in higher income and \nbetter living conditions for our people. Our rural \ndevelopment programmes have improved lives in \n \n \n08-51749 30 \n \nthousands of our villages that had never before seen an \nagent of the State among them. \n We have also taken a number of legal and \ninstitutional measures to intensify our anti-corruption \nefforts, such as establishing the High Office of \nOversight and Anti-Corruption, including special units \nin the Office of the Attorney-General and in the \njudiciary to oversee efforts aimed at eliminating \ncorruption through preventive, educational and \nenforcement measures. We are committed to ensuring \nmore concrete results in the coming years. \n Also very important, on counter-narcotics, this \nyear we have registered a 20 per cent decline in total \nopium production, while the number of poppy-free \nprovinces has reached 18, making 50 per cent of the \ncountry virtually poppy-free. The key to sustaining our \nsuccess will be ensuring alternative livelihoods for our \nfarmers, investing to a greater extent in law \nenforcement and interdiction and, above all, addressing \nthe far greater dimensions of the world’s drug trade \nthat lie outside Afghanistan, such as reduction of \ndemand in foreign markets and stricter border controls. \n Our efforts in counter-narcotics and in other areas \nhave been complicated by the acute shortage of food \nwithin the country. In collaboration with the United \nNations, we have launched a humanitarian appeal that \nwe hope will receive a timely response from our \npartners in the international community. \n The United Nations Charter promises freedom, \njustice, a dignified life, security and peace, and it is \nincumbent on all of us to work together to ensure that \nthose promises are kept. Today, there are still too many \ncorners of the world where conflict and tension are \nputting the lives and livelihoods of millions of people \nin jeopardy. \n We deeply sympathize with our Palestinian \nbrothers and sisters and their struggle and suffering. \nWe urge a just and comprehensive settlement that fully \nrealizes the rights of the Palestinian people, including \ntheir right to an independent State, living in peace, side \nby side with the State of Israel. \n Today, once again, this Assembly session has \nbrought us together at a time when our world is poised \nbetween great opportunities and menacing challenges. I \nam confident that we will make use of our growing \ncollective ability as a community of nations to do what \nis right for the betterment of our world.
## 52 First, I would like to \ncongratulate His Excellency Mr. Treki on his election \nas President of the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth \nsession. Afghanistan looks forward to working with \nhim over the next year and to strengthening \ninternational responses to the crises that we are facing \ntoday. \n Since its inception the United Nations has been \ninstrumental in addressing the world’s challenges, \nparticularly in the global South. But significant \nchallenges remain unresolved. The growing gap \nbetween and within nations in terms of opportunity and \nprosperity reminds us that we are still far from meeting \nthe ideals and objectives of the Charter of the United \nNations for creating a just and secure world. \n Strengthening and restructuring United Nations \nagencies remain pivotal in closing the gap between the \nobjectives of the Charter and the realities of the world. \nThe United Nations is not a forum for lip service. It \nmust embody the ideals of the Charter by providing \npolitical and moral direction and leadership. In our \nincreasingly interdependent world and the \nmultilaterally oriented international system, the United \nNations must assume greater responsibility for finding \ncollective solutions to our challenges. \n The world, and in particular developing nations, is \nfaced with the threat of poverty, underdevelopment, \nenvironmental degradation, extremism, fundamentalism, \nterrorism, culturally based racism, the spread of weapons \nof mass destruction and the arms race. Rather than just \nmanaging and reacting to problems, the United Nations \nmust find ways to address the structural causes of the \nworld’s problems and conflicts. To this end, closer \ncooperation between the United Nations, the \nInternational Criminal Court, international financial \norganizations and global civil society is vital in moving \ntowards more just and friendly relations among nations. \n Our efforts to address new challenges must be \nfollowed up by redoubling our commitment to resolve \n \n \n09-52604 40 \n \nremaining historical conflicts, chief among which is \nthe conflict in the Middle East. Afghanistan reiterates \nits call for the full implementation of United Nations \nresolutions and regional initiatives for bringing an end \nto the suffering of the Palestinian nation and creating a \nsafe region for all Middle Eastern nations. \n On the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the \nestablishment of the Organization of the Islamic \nConference, the Islamic world faces a number of \nimportant internal and external questions and issues. \nAddressing those issues and reviving the prominent \nrole of Muslims in contributing to the progress of \nhumanity and civilization can be achieved only if we, \nmembers of the Islamic world, collectively confront \nthe current intellectual stagnation that many of us \nsuffer from. As was the case during the golden era of \nIslamic history, intellectual freedom and creativity \nmust be elevated to our highest social and political \npriorities. The Islamic world is in urgent need of an \nintellectual renaissance. Islamophobia and associating \nMuslims with a violent minority are additional issues \nthat call all of us, particularly Western nations, to seek \neffective ways to confront them. \n Let me now turn to the situation of my country, \nAfghanistan. Unfortunately, negative coverage of the \nsituation by international media has overshadowed the \nmany positive trends and developments since the \ncollapse of the Taliban regime in 2001. Alongside our \nchallenges, a new Afghanistan is emerging. That \nAfghanistan includes an emerging democracy, \nascendant State institutions, a nascent civil society, a \ngrowing private sector and strong international \nsolidarity. \n I can refer to many examples of how that new \nAfghanistan is advancing. In the fields of education, \nhealth, infrastructure, media and economic growth, the \ngenerous support and sacrifices of the international \ncommunity have been vital in our joint and proud \nachievements in Afghanistan, for which we Afghans \nremain grateful. \n The Afghanistan presidential and provincial \nelections in August demonstrated the many positive \nchanges. It was the first time in the modern history of \nAfghanistan that Afghan institutions were tasked with \norganizing and holding a nationwide election. Taking \ninto account the socio-historic realities of Afghanistan, \nwe passed that national test successfully. In addition to \nit being our first experience, we were faced with \ndangerous enemies who did their utmost to disrupt and \nderail the process by terrorizing Afghan voters. By \nbraving Al-Qaida, the Taliban and other terrorist \ngroups, Afghan voters demonstrated their determination \nand desire to have a modern, moderate and democratic \npolitical system. \n As in any emerging democracy, undoubtedly \nthere were irregularities. But one should not assess a \nyoung, terrorist-inflicted democracy with the criteria \nused for old, stable and prosperous democracies. In \npassing judgement we should be conscious of the \ncontext, the process and the full picture, rather than of \nonly one aspect or issue. \n In due course, the Independent Election \nCommission and the Electoral Complaints Commission \nwill announce and certify the final results of the \nelections. For the sake of the stability and \nconsolidation of our young democratic institutions and \nprocesses, it is imperative that all of us respect and \nsupport their decision. Continuing efforts to \ndelegitimize and undermine the integrity of the process \nand our institutions will certainly result in worsening \nthe situation not only for Afghanistan but also for the \ninternational community. \n Afghanistan still faces significant challenges. \nChief among them is terrorism, which enjoys safe \nhavens and institutional support beyond our borders. \nAs long as terrorist infrastructure, including the \nTaliban leadership, and sanctuaries remain protected, \nAfghanistan, the region and the world will be at the \nmercy of terrorists and their totalitarian ideology and \nobjectives. Only by pursuing a comprehensive strategy \nwith adequate resources, effective implementation and, \nmore importantly, strategic patience, can we address \nour interconnected challenges. The main pillars of such \na comprehensive strategy are security, good \ngovernance, economic development, regional \ncooperation and international solidarity. \n Afghanistan fully endorses President Obama’s \nnew strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan and the new \nassessment by General McChrystal, in particular their \nemphasis on the need for a comprehensive and \nlong-term strategy. The forthcoming international \nconference on Afghanistan will be an opportunity for \nus to review and reiterate our mutual commitment and \ndetermination to address Afghanistan’s remaining \nchallenges. We must renew the sense of partnership \n \n \n41 09-52604 \n \nand cooperation between Afghanistan and the \ninternational community. \n The principles of good governance, mutual \naccountability and regional cooperation are of the \nhighest priority. There must be a zero tolerance for any \ndrug-related activity or corruption by the Afghan \nGovernment or our international partners. \n What the Afghan nation expects and deserves \nfrom a renewed partnership with the international \ncommunity is assurance of a long-term commitment \nand solidarity. Afghans are rightly fearful of being \nabandoned once again to lawlessness, extremism and \nexternal interference. Abandoning the Afghan nation \nwill undermine the spirit of collective cooperation and \nthe ideals of the United Nations and will weaken the \nmoral credibility of those who fail to honour their \npromises and commitments to Afghanistan for many \ngenerations. Furthermore, it will embolden extremists \nin the region and beyond. \n I have full confidence that with the full support \nand commitment of the family of nations, Afghanistan \nwill be able to overcome the legacy of decades of \nviolence and suffering. We will restore our historic \nposition as a model of cooperation between different \ncultures and as a regional crossroads and hub for trade, \ntransit, transportation and tourism on the Asian \ncontinent.
## 53 I join previous \nspeakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your election as \nPresident of the General Assembly at its sixty-fifth \nsession. I am confident that, under your able \nstewardship, our deliberations will be fruitful. \n Sixty-five years ago, the creation of the United \nNations heralded hope for global peace, security and \n \n \n27 10-55128 \n \nrespect for human dignity. Today, the United Nations \nremains the most effective universal body for \npreserving the principles upon which it was founded. \nAs one of its earliest Member States, Afghanistan fully \nand consistently subscribes to the centrality of the \nUnited Nations and to the principles of multilateralism \nthat guarantee a democratic international order in \nwhich we all have an equal voice and participation in \ndecisions impacting our world. \n Today more than ever before, our world demands \na commitment to working together so that we may \novercome the multifaceted challenges and threats to \nour survival and well-being. The United Nations is \npivotal to our ability to translate our common sense of \npurpose and determined political will to replace \ndesperation with hope, poverty with prosperity, \ninjustice with justice and violence with peace. \n Last week, the High-level Plenary Meeting on the \nMillennium Development Goals (MDGs) adopted an \noutcome document and plan of action for the full \nrealization of the Millennium Development Goals \n(resolution 65/1). Fifteen years ago when the MDGs \nwere adopted, we recognized that comprehensive and \ncollective effort was essential to the attainment of the \nGoals. Last week’s summit again underscored the need \nfor enhanced international cooperation and \ncoordination in order to achieve human development \nand well-being. \n Afghanistan remains fully committed to meeting \nits MDG targets. We have made some progress, but the \nscourge of international terrorism, insecurity and \nthreats to the rule of law and governance remain \nenormous challenges to promoting human development \nin Afghanistan. \n On the eve of the ninth anniversary of the \ndeclaration of the global war on terror in October 2001, \nthe international community’s promise to the people of \nAfghanistan of a life free from the fear of the threat \nand exploitation of international terrorism remains \nunfulfilled. Afghans continue to suffer from horrific \nacts of terrorist violence on a daily basis. \n On many occasions from this rostrum, the Afghan \ndelegation has drawn the global community’s attention \nto the reality that terrorism and the ideologies of \nextremism and radicalism are spawned beyond the \nborders of Afghanistan. In spite of the combined efforts \nof our military allies, terrorists continue to infiltrate \nour borders with the intent of inflicting harm on our \npeople and the brave soldiers of partner countries. As \nlong as certain State and non-State actors provide \nAl-Qaida and affiliated individuals and entities with \nsanctuary, arms and financing, they will remain \nformidable and murderous adversaries. \n Terrorism in our region is a growing threat to \nworld peace and security. The audacity and geographic \nscope of extremist and terrorist groups harboured in \nour region continue to expand. If our international \npartners and allies wish to win the global war on \nterrorism, they must look beyond villages in \nAfghanistan and engage in a strategy that will \neffectively and decisively dismantle organizations and \nnetworks that continue to support terrorist and radical \nmilitants with impunity. Terrorism remains a global \nchallenge that can be defeated only through a concerted \ninternational effort. \n In this context, Afghanistan is committed to \nexpanding counter-terrorism cooperation with the \nGovernment of Pakistan and with other countries in our \nregion. \n The people of Afghanistan have known too much \nviolence and too much despair. We have seen too many \nof our young people lose their lives as a result of war \nand conflict. The Afghan people crave peace, stability \nand security. Although our fight against those who \nmenace the lives and well-being of our people will \ncontinue unabated, we recognize that the success of our \nefforts for development and prosperity will depend \nlargely on our ability to achieve sustainable peace in \nour country. \n With this objective in mind, the Afghan \nGovernment convened a National Consultative Peace \nJirga in June of this year. The Jirga fulfilled President \nKarzai’s promise to consult and engage all Afghans in \npeacebuilding initiatives. The Jirga — which \nassembled tribal leaders, parliamentarians, and \nrepresentatives of provincial councils, businesses and \ncivil society, and had over 20 per cent female \nparticipation — helped to jump-start a representative \npeace and reconciliation process that will be pursued in \nconformity with our Constitution and human rights \ncommitments. \n The Consultative Peace Jirga agreed on a \nframework to encourage the rank and file of the \nTaliban to end violence and to join a reconciliation and \nreintegration process. It defined the conditions for a \npeace dialogue with Taliban leaders and endorsed the \n \n \n10-55128 28 \n \nestablishment of a peace commission to oversee the \nreintegration of armed opposition fighters who \nrenounce violence, resume civilian life, accept our \nConstitution and embrace our democracy. \n Over the past eight years, we and our \ninternational partners have realized substantial \nachievements, but also have made mistakes. Many \nchallenges and obstacles remain to ensuring \nsustainable security for the people of Afghanistan and \nto meeting their aspirations to a better life and future. \nAt the London and Kabul Conferences held earlier this \nyear, the international community not only reaffirmed \nits commitment to safeguarding Afghanistan’s \nsovereignty, territorial integrity and stability, but also \nrecognized the critical importance of Afghan \nownership and leadership to consolidating our joint \nachievements and engaging the greater confidence of \nthe Afghan people. \n By building on the mutual commitments made at \nthe milestone Conferences in London and Kabul to \ntransfer security and development responsibilities to \nthe Afghans, and by pursing comprehensive economic \ndevelopment, security, governance and our inclusive \nreconciliation strategies, we are convinced that we will \nsuccessfully combat the efforts of extremists and \nterrorists seeking to regain hold of Afghanistan. \n For our part, the Government of Afghanistan is \nsteadfast in its commitment to pursuing the reform \nagenda that President Karzai outlined in his inaugural \nspeech. We are committed to reinforcing our social \ncompact with the people of Afghanistan by \nstrengthening our judiciary, combating corruption, \nrevitalizing our economy and promoting good \ngovernance at all levels of the Government. As \ndemonstrated by the recently held parliamentary \nelections, the Government and the people of \nAfghanistan are steadfast in advancing our democracy. \n With the support and collaboration of our \ninternational partners and allies, we are committed to \nenhancing the capacity and ability of the Afghan \nSecurity Forces to assume greater responsibility for the \nprotection and security of our country. In this context, I \nwish to acknowledge the enhanced effort of our \nmilitary allies to protect our civilian populations from \nthe detrimental effects of military operations against \nthe terrorists and militants. \n The people of Afghanistan embrace the challenge \nof building a better future. However, the insidious \ndangers of extremism and terrorism and their ever-\nincreasing link to narcotics pose a serious threat to the \nsecurity and stability of our country and our region. \nAlongside our fight against terrorism, we are \ncommitted to working closely with our neighbours and \nother international partners to win the war on narcotics. \n To complement our efforts to eliminate poppy \nproduction, we wish to see greater action to counter \nsmuggling of precursors into our country and to reduce \nthe demand for and consumption of drugs in other \ncountries. \n Recent climate-induced disasters experienced in \nour region, such as the catastrophic floods in Pakistan, \nnot only pose severe challenges for local populations \nand national Governments, but may also have \nramifications for the economies of countries in the \nregion and for global security. We see increased \nurgency for effective regional collaboration on disaster \nmitigation and response. \n At various international, regional and subregional \ngatherings, we have emphasized the importance of a \nstable, democratic and moderate Afghanistan to the \neconomic development of our region and global \nsecurity. By virtue of its location at the crossroads of \nfour geostrategically important regions — Central \nAsia, South Asia, China and the Middle East — \nAfghanistan could play an important role in facilitating \nincreased trade and transit and unleashing the \nenormous potential of our region. We will work \ntowards further gains in trade and transit with countries \nin the region. \n The recent conclusion of the Afghanistan-\nPakistan- Transit Trade Agreement and the signing by \nthe heads of State of Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, \nPakistan and India of an agreement on a gas pipeline \nproject are milestones for increased regional \ncooperation. In addition, we have concluded the \nfeasibility study for a Central Asia-South Asia project \nfor the transfer of electricity from Kyrgyzstan and \nTajikistan to Afghanistan and Pakistan. These \ninitiatives will contribute greatly to peace, security and \nstability in our region. Afghanistan stands ready to step \nup cooperation with all its neighbours on economic, \npolitical and crime-related issues. \n I have spoken of the desire of the people of \nAfghanistan for peace and stability and of our right to \nthem. We are, however, acutely aware that for over half \na century our brothers and sisters in Palestine have \n \n \n29 10-55128 \n \nbeen denied their right to an independent State living in \npeaceful coexistence with its neighbours. We are \nencouraged by the resumption of direct talks between \nthe Israeli and Palestinian leadership, which give us \nhope that sustainable peace in the Middle East may be \nsecured. \n To conclude, I thank the States members of this \nAssembly for their solidarity and their support for the \nliberty and well-being of the people of Afghanistan. \nThe Afghan people will never forget the generosity and \ngreat sacrifices of the United States, NATO and other \ninternational partners, whose men and women have \nbravely stood with us to defend our common security \nand ensure peace and stability for Afghanistan. \n I thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his \nefforts to revitalize the sense of partnership, \ncooperation and confidence between Afghanistan and \nthe international community. I also thank the dedicated \nand committed staff of the United Nations and its \nspecialized agencies for helping the Afghan people \nbuild a peaceful, secure and prosperous future.
## 54 I am honoured to be \nhere to read the statement of my President, His \nExcellency Hâmid Karzai, who had to return from New \nYork to Kabul on an urgent basis, following the tragic \nassassination, through a terrorist plot, of Afghanistan’s \nformer President and Chairman of the High Peace \nCouncil, Mr. Burhanuddin Rabbani. \n The President’s message begins: \n “It is a great honour to address the General \nAssembly at this year’s session, although I regret \nthat I am unable to do so in person. I was here in \nNew York the day before yesterday and had \nlooked forward to attending this important \nsession of the Assembly. I had to return to Kabul \nafter the tragic news of the martyrdom of former \nPresident and Chairman of the Afghan High \nPeace Council, Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani. \nHe was assassinated in a cowardly terrorist plot \nby the enemies of peace in our country. \n “As I speak, the Afghan nation is mourning \nthe loss not only of a valued and deeply respected \nnational figure, but a champion of peace who \nworked tirelessly, up to the last moment of his \ndistinguished life, for peace in his country. On \nbehalf of the Afghan people, I am grateful for the \nmessages of condolences expressed by leaders \naround the world at this terrible national loss in \nAfghanistan. \n “As the single largest gathering of nations, \nthe Assembly is the highest manifestation of the \nplurality of our world. It is also the most solemn \nopportunity we have, once a year, to bring to \nglobal attention our national concerns and to \nissues that are, in our view, of concern to the \nwider world. \n “Over the past year, the world saw not only \npolitical volatility of historic proportions in the \nMiddle East, but also an unabated global \neconomic crisis, huge increases in the prices of \nfood and energy and enormous devastation \nwrought by natural disasters. Most countries \naround the world have seen aggravated conditions \nof life for their peoples, and for many others the \nfuture looks continuously bleak. In short, we live \nin times of uncertainty and crisis, and it is at \ntimes like these that international cooperation \ngains true relevance and meaning. \n “Ten days ago, this very city marked the \ntenth anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. On \nbehalf of the people of Afghanistan, who have \nexperienced the scourge of terrorism in its worst \nimaginable form, I pay homage and respect to the \nmemory of the 9/11 tragedy and commiserate \nwith the people of the United States for their \nsense of loss, which this anniversary has \nrekindled. \n “On this occasion, I urge the Assembly to \nalso reflect on the millions of lives around the \nworld that were touched by terror and violence \nbefore 9/11 and those that have been lost to \nterrorist violence over the 10 years since. \n “My country, Afghanistan, has suffered the \nmost, but many — from Pakistan to India, Iraq, \nEurope and many others around the world — \nhave fallen victim to this modern-day enemy of \npeace. I urge the Assembly to also honour the \nsacrifices many nations have made in the fight \nagainst terrorism around the world. Above all, \nhowever, I ask that we pause and take stock of \nwhere we are 10 years after the world was shaken \ninto an unprecedented resolve to act in the face of \na common enemy. \n “Later this year, Afghanistan will also mark \nthe anniversary of 10 years of the new political \nera heralded by the end of the Taliban rule and \ncharacterized by the beginning of a journey \ntowards a peaceful, prosperous and democratic \nway of life. There is so much that we have to \ncelebrate in the enormous achievements we have \nhad, with the solidarity and generous help of the \ninternational community. These 10 years have \nbeen a truly unique chapter in the history of our \nancient country. \n “Grasping the opportunity, we took bold \nsteps to reunite the country after decades of strife \nand violence, laying the foundations of a young \ndemocracy. Our social and economic \naccomplishments are phenomenal, greater by \ncomparison than in any other period in our \ncountry’s history. Never before have the Afghan \npeople enjoyed comparable access to education \nand health or seen a greater development of \ninfrastructure across the country. \n \n \n11-51179 6 \n \n “Regrettably, the sense of gratitude and \npride we feel at our achievements is tempered by \nthe absence of a key ingredient of any country’s \ndevelopment, namely security. Despite the \nAfghan people’s sincere embrace of the \ninternational fight against terrorism and the \nimmeasurable sacrifices made on this path, we \nhave yet to reap the rewards of experiencing a life \nfree from violence and terror. \n “We Afghans are proud to have partnered, \nover the past 10 years, with the world’s struggle \nagainst terrorism. While together we have fought \nand crushed extremists in some of their long-held \nstrongholds, elsewhere they have continued to \nthrive. Today, we see a worrying trend towards \nincreased radicalization of the youth. Al-Qaida, \ndespite the elimination of its leaders, remains \nactive in the region, and the Taliban militancy \nmaintains its deadly spectre over my country. \nBoth continue to receive sanctuary and support in \nthe region, which keeps them alive. This \nsanctuary problem is, without a doubt, the \nAchilles’ heel of this war. \n “To the extent that international terrorism \nand extremism remain real threats to international \nsecurity, peace will remain mortgaged to the \nsuccess of the fight in the region. To succeed, \nhowever, we must fundamentally review and \nadjust our approaches in this fight. It is urgent \nthat we focus our strategy to make our collective \nstruggle more objective and results-oriented. Our \nenemy must not be defined by a selective \ntreatment of the geography to which we have \naccess, but by an assessment of the threat it \nposes, regardless of where it may be based. \n “The Afghan people remain ardent \nsupporters of the fight against international \nterrorism, despite having suffered unspeakable \nlosses in this endeavour. However, we fail to see \nthe efficacy of the fight in which ordinary \ncitizens bear the brunt while terrorist sanctuaries \nremain untouched, far away from the towns and \nvillages of Afghanistan. The continued credibility \nof the fight will depend above all on taking its \nfocus to where terrorism originates. \n “On the other hand, when it comes to the \nTaliban insurgency, we do not see military action \nas the only solution. In our eager quest for \nrestoring peace to the lives of our people, we \nhave extended a hand of peace and reconciliation \nto all those Afghans who have had reason to \nremain outside the boundaries of the current \npolitical process in Afghanistan. \n “Led until now by the late Mr. Rabbani, \nwho is tragically no longer among us, through the \nHigh Peace Council, and supported by our \npartners from the international community, the \npeace process is a comprehensive effort. It covers \nthe reintegration of armed combatants into \ndignified civilian life and reconciles the \nleadership of the Taliban. \n “The reconciliation policy is based on our \ncommitment to make the political process more \ninclusive and to provide a genuine and acceptable \nalternative to violence for all Taliban and other \nmilitant leaders, most of whom are currently \nbased outside Afghanistan. Those leaders are \nwelcome to return home and play their proper \nrole in Afghan politics and Government — \nprovided that they break ties with Al-Qaida, give \nup violent activities and accept the Afghan \nConstitution. Clearly, without sincere cooperation \nfrom regional and international partners, notably \nthe Islamic Republic of Pakistan, this strategy \nwill not succeed. \n “The year 2011 is a crucial year for \nAfghanistan. The most important development for \nour country was the commencement of the \ntransition process last July. This process will see \nthe complete transfer of security responsibility \nfrom international forces to Afghans by the end of \n2014. With the completion of the transition \nprocess, we Afghans and our international \npartners will achieve the most important strategic \ngoal of our 10-year partnership: the emergence of \na sovereign Afghanistan that is self-reliant and is \nthe peaceful home of all Afghans, an Afghanistan \nthat is at peace and lives in peace with the rest of \nthe world. \n “Needless to say, the success of the \ntransition process depends on, besides the \ndemand and solid resolve of the Afghan people, \nthe continued support of the international \ncommunity. The role of our NATO partners, \nparticularly in terms of the capacity development \nof our security institutions, will be vital. \n \n \n7 11-51179 \n \n “On the other hand, transition is not just \nlimited to security. Indeed, while transition is \nboth desirable and inevitable, the economic effect \nof the withdrawal of foreign forces from \nAfghanistan needs to be managed carefully. In \nother words, for Afghanistan to become truly self-\nreliant, apart from the security transition, we will \nneed a comprehensive economic transition. That \ntransition will take much longer than the security \ntransition and will require the continuation of \nsteadfast support on the part of our international \npartners beyond 2014. \n “In this context, we look forward to the \nmuch awaited International Conference on \nAfghanistan, to be held in Bonn, Germany, on \n5 December 2011. Hosted by Germany and \nchaired by Afghanistan, the Bonn conference will \nbe an opportunity for us to brief our international \npartners about the major Compact accomplishments \nof the past 10 years, and in particular about the \nprogress of the Transition and reconciliation \nprocesses. \n “Most importantly, at Bonn we will call for \ncontinued commitment of the international \ncommunity to assist Afghanistan in the post-2014 \nperiod, after the foreign military presence on \nAfghanistan soil comes to an end. To that end, we \nwill share our vision for the next 10 years — the \nvision of developing Afghanistan into a stable \ncountry, a functioning democracy and a \nprospering economy. As a country at the centre of \nan emerging ‘new silk road’, Afghanistan can \nbecome a regional hub for trade and transit. This \nvision is worth all the efforts we Afghans can \nmuster, as well as all the support we can get from \nthe international community. \n “As a framework for long-term partnership, \nwe will call for a new paradigm of cooperation \nbetween Afghanistan and our friends and \npartners. The strategic partnership that we are \ncurrently negotiating with the United States and \nother partners, including the European Union, \nwill be a model for the kind of enduring and \ncomprehensive partnership we wish to have with \nmembers of the international community. Such \npartnerships will help guarantee Afghanistan’s \nsecurity and stability, as well as assist our future \neconomic development. I emphasize that neither \nour strategic partnership with the United States, \nnor any other partnerships we will forge in the \nfuture, will be a threat to our neighbours or to any \nother country. \n “I also emphasize that in the context of \nthese future partnerships, the principle of Afghan \nsovereignty and the centrality of the Afghan State \nmust be given due credence; the manner of our \ncontinued partnership should conform to the \nrequirements of a sovereign Afghanistan. As an \nimportant step in this direction, all the parallel \nstructures created by the international community, \nbe it in the security, governance or development \narenas, must be removed to make space for the \nemergence of genuine and capable indigenous \ninstitutions. \n “In particular, the role of the United Nations \nin Afghanistan must be adjusted to the \nrequirements of Afghan sovereignty. I welcome \nthe review of the mandate of the United Nations \nAssistance Mission in Afghanistan, as authorized \nby the Secretary-General. In the months ahead, \nwe look forward to participating in this review \nand to its positive conclusion. \n “On the subject of regional cooperation, we \nare currently working closely with Afghanistan’s \nold friend and brother, the Republic of Turkey, \ntowards a regional conference to be held in \nIstanbul on 2 November 2011. Hosted by Turkey \nand championed by Afghanistan, the Istanbul \nConference will help build a common regional \nvision for peace and stability. The Conference \nwill recognize Afghanistan’s quest for stability, as \nwell as the region’s growing need for confidence-\nbuilding and cooperation in the face of the \ncommon challenges we face, notably terrorism, \nextremism, the drug trade and obstacles to \nlegitimate interaction and movement, to name but \na few. \n “Over the past 10 years, we have \nundertaken numerous initiatives to promote \nregional cooperation, mainly with a view to trade \nand economic activities. However, we have \nlearned that unless we boldly address our political \ndifferences and the deficit of trust and confidence \nthat divides the region, regional cooperation will \nremain an aspiration. It is for that very reason that \nat the Istanbul Conference we will aim to focus \non political and security issues. \n \n \n11-51179 8 \n \n “In the coming weeks, we will expect to \nconsult with all countries in the Heart of Asia \nregion to develop a common understanding in the \nrun-up to the Conference. \n “In today’s interconnected world, \ndevelopments in Afghanistan and the surrounding \nregion are hugely influenced by events in the \nwider world. Therefore, we in Afghanistan are \nclosely watching the situation in the Middle East. \nAs a nation that has experienced war and \ndestruction for many years, the eruption of \nviolence in these countries fills us with anxiety. \nWe are particularly concerned by the \ndevelopments in Libya. We recognize the \nNational Transitional Council as the legitimate \nGovernment of Libya. However, based on our \nown experience, we urge the brotherly Libyan \nnation to recall that the shortest route to peace \nwill be through ensuring inclusivity and \nsafeguarding the unity of the Libyan nation. \n “The people of Afghanistan deeply \nsympathize with the plight of our brothers and \nsisters in Palestine. We reiterate our call for an \nimmediate end to their suffering and the \nrealization of their inalienable rights, including \nthe right to an independent State. In this \nconnection, we stand firmly behind the efforts \naimed at Palestine’s admission as a full Member \n \n of the United Nations. I hope that this year we \nwill witness, with pride, the inclusion of Palestine \nas the 194th Member of the United Nations. \n “The Afghan people also shared the pain of \nthe loss experienced by the Japanese people when \nthe natural disasters struck earlier this year. Japan \nis a longstanding friend of Afghanistan, and we \nare confident that this great nation will soon \novercome the challenges of recovery. \n “The Assembly is a manifestation of our \ncollective will to stand together against the \nchallenges that face human society and to realize \nthe potential for a peaceful and prosperous world \nfor all. Our gathering here is also a testimony to \nthe valuable role that the United Nations plays in \nthe realization of our collective will. I applaud \nthe remarkable leadership that Secretary-General \nBan Ki-moon has demonstrated in steering the \nUnited Nations in a direction where it can truly \nbecome an asset to a peaceful world. \n “Finally, many countries from across the \nglobe have stood in solidarity, over the past \n10 years, with the Afghan people. On behalf of \nthe people of Afghanistan, I again thank them for \ntheir support.”
## 55 As we speak today, the world\nis being shaken by the depravity of fanatics who\nhave committed acts insulting the faith of more than\n1.5 billion Muslims. We strongly condemn such\noffensive acts, whether they involve the production\nof a film, the publication of cartoons or indeed any\nother insults and provocations. Such acts can never\nbe justified as manifestations of freedom of speech\nor expression. Equally, they cannot become a reason\nfor genuine protests to be used to incite violence and\nterrible losses of innocent lives.\nIt is a matter for grave concern that our world\nremains strewn with daily outbreaks of violence, hatred\nand injustice. In particular, the menace of Islamophobia\nis a worrying phenomenon that threatens peace and\ncoexistence among cultures and civilizations. I call on leaders in the West, both among politicians and in the\nmedia, to confront Islamophobia in all its many forms\nand manifestations. It is incumbent on us all to advance\nthe cause of dialogue and cooperation, to fight the\nforces of division and hatred and to fulfil the promise\nof a better and brighter future for future generations.\nWe must work to defeat the forces that foment conflicts\namong civilizations, and to support the voices of\ntolerance and understanding.\nMy country, Afghanistan, is testament to the\nbenefits of multilateral cooperation and international\nsolidarity. It was a little over a decade ago that many\ncountries from around the world joined the Afghan\npeople in our struggle for peace and against the forces\nof extremism and terrorism. At the time, Afghanistan\nwas a country decimated in every way. For decades we\nhad suffered, unnoticed, from violence, deprivation\nand sinister foreign intervention. Long before terrorism\nbecame a security threat to the whole planet, Afghans\nwere victims of atrocities inf licted by terrorist\nnetworks from various parts of the world that had made\nAfghanistan their haven.\nLooking back 10 years, Afghanistan has undergone\na remarkable transformation. Democracy has taken\nroot; health services are accessible to the majority of\nthe population in every corner of the country; millions\nof students, boys and girls, are enrolled in primary and\nhigher education. Our achievements have not come\nabout easily, though. The aspirations of the Afghan\npeople for security and peace have yet to be realized. As\nthe global fight against terrorism continues unabated,\nthe Afghan people continue to pay a bigger price than\nany other nation, in both life and treasure.\nTerrorism is not rooted in Afghan villages and\ntowns; it never was. Its sources and support networks\nall exist beyond Afghanistan’s borders. Thus while\nthe security of the international community is being\nprotected from the threat of terrorism, the people of\nAfghanistan must no longer be made to pay the price\nand endure the brunt of the war. It is in deference to the\nimmense sacrifices of the Afghan people, and to the\nprecious lives lost from the international community,\nthat the campaign against terrorism must be taken to\nthe sources of terrorism and be results-oriented.\nToday in Afghanistan, we are pursuing the cause of\npeace and an end to violence as a matter of great urgency.\nSince peace is the greatest desire of the Afghan people,\nand since we are convinced that military efforts alone\nare not an adequate strategy for ensuring security, we have initiated a peace and reconciliation process, which\naims to induce all elements of the armed opposition to\ntake up peaceful lives in our country.\nAt this time last year, my visit to the General\nAssembly was cut short by the tragic assassination of\nProfessor Burhanuddin Rabbani, the then Chairman\nof the High Peace Council. A terrorist posing as a\npeace emissary took his life, and by doing so dealt our\npeace process a serious blow. This year, however, and\nfortunately, the late Professor’s son, Mr. Salahuddin\nRabbani, who stepped up to take the Chair of the High\nPeace Council, is part of the Afghan delegation and\npresent in the Assembly today.\nI have often said that our hand of peace and\nreconciliation remains extended not only to the Taliban\nbut also to all other armed opposition groups who wish\nto return to dignified, peaceful and independent lives\nin their own homeland. What we ask of them in return\nis simple: bringing an end to violence, cutting ties\nwith terrorist networks, preserving the valuable gains\nof the past decade and respecting the Constitution of\nAfghanistan. To help facilitate the peace process, I am\nasking the Security Council to give its full support to\nour efforts. In particular, I urge the Security Council\nCommittee established pursuant to resolution 1988\n(2011), the Taliban sanctions committee, to make more\nactive efforts to delist Taliban leaders, as a step towards\nfacilitating direct negotiations.\nIn pursuing the path of peace, we remain hopeful\nabout the critical role that our fraternal neighbour the\nIslamic Republic of Pakistan has to play. Over recent\nyears, we have engaged our brothers in Pakistan in a\nclose dialogue in support of the Afghan peace process.\nIt is a dialogue that we believe is critical for Pakistan’s\nown security and for the security of the wider region\nand beyond. We are deeply committed to our brotherly\nrelations with Pakistan, but we are aware of the\nchallenges that may strain our efforts to build trust\nand confidence. Such incidents as the recent shelling\nof Afghan villages risk undermining the efforts of both\nGovernments to work together in the interest of our\ncommon security and prosperity.\nFor the past two years, our national priority has\nbeen to have Afghanistan’s own security forces assume\nfull responsibility for the security of our country and\nour people. The transition process will be completed\nby mid-2013 and NATO and International Security\nAssistance Force forces withdrawn from our country\nby the end of 2014.\n\nApart from advancing transition and pursuing the\npeace process, the past year has been one of significant\nprogress for consolidating international commitment\nand partnership. In Chicago in May, we received the\nlong-term commitment of NATO and other countries to\ntraining, equipping and ensuring the sustainability of\nthe Afghan National Security Forces. In Tokyo this past\nJuly, the international community reaffirmed its strong\ncommitment to Afghanistan’s social and economic\ndevelopment during the transformation decade, for\nwhich we are grateful.\nThe Mutual Accountability Framework adopted in\nTokyo sets in place a clear structure for a more results-\noriented partnership and cooperation. We welcome the\ninternational community’s readiness to align aid with\nour national priorities and channel assistance through\nthe Afghan budget. For our part, we have reiterated our\ndetermination to improve governance and to collaborate\nwith our international partners to wipe out the cancer of\ncorruption, whether it is in the Afghan Government or\nthe international aid system.\nWe recognize that Afghanistan’s destiny is tied to\nthe region that surrounds it, with respect both to our\ncommon threats, such as terrorism, extremism and\nnarcotics, and to the opportunities we must grasp to\ngrow and prosper. In that context, the Istanbul Process\npresents a new agenda for security, confidence-building\nand cooperation across the region of which Afghanistan\nis the centre. We will spare no effort to build strong and\nlasting relations with our neighbors near and extended.\nTurning to the international arena, Afghanistan\nviews the situation in Syria with much concern.\nOver the course of the past year, thousands of our\nSyrian brothers and sisters have lost their lives due\nto an escalating cycle of violence. We welcome the\nappointment of the new Joint Special Representative\nfor Syria of the United Nations and League of Arab\nStates, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi. We know him very well.\nMr. Brahimi is well respected in Afghanistan, and he\nbrings vast experience and a unique ability to the task\nbefore him. Here, I say to the people of Syria that we\nAfghans have experienced violence ourselves, and we\nknow what it takes to rebuild a country. I hope very\nmuch, on behalf of the Afghan people, that the Syrians\nwill sit down together as soon as possible and find a\nway to end the violence, since it will be not easy to\nrepair.\n\nThe continuing plight of the Palestinian people\nhas been a source of deep distress for Afghanistan and\nthe rest of the international community. The people of\nPalestine have suffered immensely for far too long. We\nremain in full support of the realization of the rights\nof our brothers and sisters in Palestine, including their\nright to an independent Palestinian State. The time has\ncome for an end to the occupation and for realizing the\njust aspirations of the people of Palestine.\nFinally, reform of the United Nations remains an\nimportant item on the international agenda. Since its\ninception in 1945, the United Nations has exercised\na key role in promoting a safer and more secure\nworld, improving the lives of citizens worldwide,\nand safeguarding and promoting human rights.\nNevertheless, in view of our ever-changing world, we\ncannot deny the fact that the Organization is in dire\nneed of comprehensive reform, enabling it to better\nreflect the new challenges and realities of our time.\nThe reform of the Security Council is long overdue.\nAchieving a reformed Council that is more inclusive,\nrepresentative and transparent must remain a priority.\nWe welcome the ongoing progress within the framework\nof the intergovernmental negotiations.
## 56 I bring to all warm \ngreetings and the good wishes of the Afghan people. \nI have the honour to address the General Assembly \nin the last year of the current elected Government of \nAfghanistan. I therefore think that it is useful briefly to \nrevisit the story of Afghanistan over the past 12 years, \nour historic successes, the achievements that have \ntransformed Afghanistan and, yes, the challenges we \nhave faced continuously during that time. I should \nthen like to share with the Assembly the vision of \nthe Afghan people and Government for the future of \nfreedom, dignity, prosperity and democracy that we \nare striving to solidify in our country and, briefly, to \naddress the critical importance of our relations and \ncooperation with countries in our region and with the \nbroader community of nations.\n\nTo better illustrate the journey that Afghanistan \nand its noble people have been on over the past 12 years, \nI should like to share two contrasting pictures of the \nreality of Afghanistan — in the year 2001, at the time of \nthe collapse of the Taliban regime, and in the year 2013, \nas we are going through a historic period and a process \nof transition.\n\nFor a little more than two decades prior to November \n2001, when the Afghan people ousted the Taliban regime \nfrom power, with military backing from the United \nStates-led international military coalition, the people \nof Afghanistan suffered incalculable pain, deprivation \nand losses through three distinct periods. Between \nthe communist coup in 1978, followed by the invasion \nof our country in 1979, and the fall of the communist \nregime, more than 1 million Afghan men, women and \nchildren were killed, more than 2 million were made \norphans or left with severe war wounds, and more than \n5 million were forced out of their villages and towns \ninto refugee camps in neighbouring countries, mainly \nin Pakistan and Iran, as a result of the brutality of the \noccupation and the communist regime and in the course \nof our resistance against that occupation. We fought for \nour freedom and independence — our holy jihad — and \nwe won, in the process helping the national freedom \nand independence movements in Eastern Europe.\n\nThe international community that had supported our \nstruggle for several years abandoned us when the defeat \nand withdrawal of the Red Army became apparent. \nExploiting the vacuum and internal strife created during \nthe early 1990s, the foreign-backed Taliban movement \nrose to power and quickly controlled more than 90 per \ncent of Afghan territory. Then, equally quickly, they \nremoved their masks and revealed their true identity, \nholding the Afghan nation hostage and embarking on a \nperiod of particularly cruel and barbaric violence and \ncruelty under the guise of Islam. With their backward \nviews, violence and brutal suppression of the rights and \nfreedoms of the Afghan people, especially women, they \nturned our country against itself. The international \ncommunity did not mobilize to take action against the \nTaliban regime until the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the \nUnited States, including in this city.\n\nAt the end of 2001, when, with the military backing \nof the United States-led international coalition, we were \ngetting ready to drive the Taliban regime from power, \n\n\n\f\nAfghanistan was in near-total isolation from the region \nand the world community. The Afghan people were a \nterrorized population, without rights or freedoms and \nwithout protection from the Taliban regime’s brutality. \nSevere poverty and disease were endemic, with little \nor no access to health-care services. The education \nsystem, which completely excluded women and girls \nand had fewer than half a million male students \nattending schools and universities, was a catastrophic \nfailure. The average annual per capita income was \nabout $100 and the country lacked a single national \ncurrency. Our roads, bridges, irrigation networks and \nother components of critical national infrastructure \nwere completely destroyed. Afghanistan was without \na national army or a national police force, and all our \nother State institutions had been reduced to nothing. In \nshort, Afghanistan was a failed State, ruled by a proxy \nmilitant group that provided shelter to international \nterrorists, thus posing a real danger to regional and \ninternational peace and security.\n\nThe situation in Afghanistan during that period \nwas indeed bleak. The Afghan people had little hope for \ntheir own or their children’s future. However, following \nthe Al-Qaida terrorist attacks in the United States, the \nAfghan people came together and, with support from the \nUnited States and a multitude of other friends and allies \nin the international community, removed the Taliban \nfrom power and embarked upon a new era of hope, \nreconstruction, development and progress — a new \nera marked by an entirely different reality. Primarily \nas a result of our own sacrifices and the considerable \nsacrifices and support of our international friends and \nallies during our 12-year partnership, Afghanistan once \nagain has become the home of all Afghans, men and \nwomen, where they enjoy equal rights and freedoms \nunder our democratic Constitution.\n\nToday Afghanistan is a forward-looking young \ndemocracy with functioning State institutions, an elected \nPresident, an elected Parliament and elected provincial \ncouncils in each one of our 34 provinces, backed up by a \npowerful civil society movement. Afghan independent \nmedia, with approximately 50 independent television \nchannels, more than 100 community FM radio stations \nand hundreds of print publications, are arguably among \nthe freest in the region. Today there are more than \n20 million mobile-phone users across Afghanistan, \nan increasing number of them accessing information \nand using various platforms on the Internet. Per capita \nincome has increased from $100 a year to $600 a year, \nour national currency has been consistently stable, \nand our trade ties with the outside world are rapidly \nexpanding.\n\nToday in the new Afghanistan the number of children \nattending school stands at well over 10 million, 40 per \ncent of them girls, and there are hundreds of thousands \nof young men and women attending some 70 public \nand private colleges and universities. More than 70 per \ncent of our people today have access to basic health-\ncare services. That, among other things, has increased \naverage life expectancy from approximately 40 years to \nmore the 60 years in just one decade.\n\nWe have built thousands of kilometres of roads, \nirrigation canals, bridges and other pieces of our \ncountry’s critical physical infrastructure, thereby \ncutting travel time and facilitating trade and movement \nwithin the country and with neighbouring countries. \nAfghanistan today is a proud and active member of \nthe international community, while managing its ever-\nexpanding relations and cooperation with countries and \norganizations throughout the world, through a network \nof some 70 diplomatic and consular missions.\n\nThe examples of rejuvenation and development, \nprogress and achievements that I have just described \nrepresent the true picture of today’s Afghanistan. \nConsidering that 12 years is not a very long time in \nthe history of a country, especially a country such as \nAfghanistan, which has gone through more than 35 \nyears of war and destruction, those achievements and \ngains are nothing short of a historic transformation. \n\nI have drawn that clear contrast between the \nAfghanistan of 10 years ago and the positive reality of \ntoday for two main reasons: first, to underscore a model \nof collective action and international cooperation in \nsupport of one country’s efforts to establish peace, \nsecurity and development; and, secondly, to counter \na narrative of doom and gloom for Afghanistan by \nthose who are ignorant about our progress, or who \nharbour ill-will towards us. The new Afghanistan is \nindeed currently going through a critical period of \nsecurity, economic and political transition that comes \nwith its difficulties and challenges but that is helping \nus to consolidate our fledgling democratic order and \nstrengthening our national sovereignty, independence \nand ownership of our own affairs.\n\nThat is the vision of the Afghan people and \nGovernment for the years leading up to the completion \nof the transition in 2014 and into the transformation \ndecade of 2015 to 2024. In the security area it is our \n\n\n\f\nmore than 350,000 brave and professional soldiers \nand police officers — not foreign soldiers — who are \ndirectly responsible for the security of more than 90 per \ncent of the Afghan population. The transfer of security \nresponsibilities from the international forces to Afghan \nnational security forces, launched in the summer of \n2011, will be completed throughout the country by \nthe end of 2014. Our forces have demonstrated their \ncourage, commitment and effectiveness in successfully \ntaking over from their international partners. It is \nthrough the enormous and selfless sacrifices of our \nproud and patriotic national security forces on a daily \nbasis that security in most cities and towns that have \ngone through transition has improved and the Taliban \nhave been beaten back. We are fully confident that, with \nthe continued financial assistance of the international \ncommunity for equipment and other requirements and \nneeds, as pledged at the Chicago NATO Summit in May \n2012, Afghan national forces will be able to provide \nsecurity to the Afghan people and defend the country \nagainst external threats.\n\nParallel to our ongoing efforts to enhance the \ncapacity and capabilities of our national security \nforces, the Afghan Government is pursuing a political \nprocess of peace and reconciliation with the Taliban. \nThe key principles and conditions for that process \nare clear: respect for Afghanistan’s Constitution, \nwhich guarantees full and equal rights to Afghan \nmen and women; the preservation and enhancement \nof the advances made over the past decade; and the \nrenunciation of violence against the population.\n\nThe Islamic Republic of Pakistan, a major neighbour, \ncan play a key role in supporting our peace process. \nWe have been heartened by the recent successful visit \nto Islamabad by President Karzai and the positive and \nconstructive dialogue that took place between the two \nGovernments during that visit. We look forward to \nfurther steps and progress in the weeks and months to \ncome. Pakistan’s essential role in advancing the Afghan \npeace process is a clear example of the support that \nAfghanistan’s neighbours and other countries in the \nregion, especially Muslim countries, can provide to the \nAfghan peace process.\n\nAs far as the economic component of transition \nis concerned, the presence of a large international \nmilitary force over the past 10 years has generated \nemployment and income opportunities for thousands of \nour citizens, so it is natural that there will be an adverse \nimpact resulting from the withdrawal of those forces. \nIn addition to our best efforts to fulfil Afghanistan’s \nrole as the trade, transit and economic integration \nroundabout in the heart of Asia region for the benefit \nof all people of the region, the Afghan Government is \nkeen to reduce the negative economic impact of the \ninternational military withdrawal and to strengthen our \nnational economy in at least three ways. \n\nThe first is by focusing on the development of the \nagriculture and agribusiness sector, in which more than \n70 per cent of our population is directly or indirectly \nengaged, and where there is enormous potential for \ngrowth and employment generation. \n\nSecondly, Afghanistan is estimated to hold trillions \nof dollars of natural resources, including minerals and \nhydrocarbons, representing a guaranteed source of \nwealth and income for generations to come. We already \nhave several State-owned and private companies — from \nChina, India, the United Kingdom, Canada, Turkey, the \nUnited Arab Emirates and other countries, in addition \nto Afghan companies — expressing a keen interest in \ninvesting billions of dollars in copper, iron ore, gold, \nrare-Earth minerals, oil and gas. We are actively \nseeking to attract additional foreign investment to this \nsector, while remaining duly diligent to make sure that \nour natural riches serve the goal of a strong legitimate \nnational economy and improved prosperity and welfare \nfor the Afghan people.\n\nThirdly, the Tokyo Conference last July pledged \nmore than $16 billion through 2015 to help the Afghan \nGovernment fill its projected fiscal gap. Conference \nparticipants also committed to providing additional \nfinancial assistance to Afghanistan beyond 2016 at \nor near the levels of the past decade. That generous \nfinancial support will be critical in tiding us over the \nnext few years.\n\nIn addition to the security and economic transitions, \nwe have a crucial political transition coming up next \nyear, namely, the presidential and provincial council \nelections. Next year’s presidential elections will mark \nthe first time in our history that one elected President \nwill transfer power to another elected President \nthrough a peaceful democratic process. The Afghan \nGovernment is doing everything possible to ensure \nfree, fair and credible elections, so that the Afghan \npeople can choose who the next President will be. A \nsuccessful presidential election will entrench our \ndemocratic process and greatly contribute to our efforts \ntowards lasting peace, security and prosperity.\n\n\n\f\nAs we go forward in implementing the transition \nagenda and preparing for the transformation decade, \nanother key foundation of our long-term success will \nbe the strategic partnerships we have forged with some \nof our closest friends and allies over the past few years. \nSince October 2011, when we signed our first long-term \nstrategic partnership agreement with the Republic of \nIndia, we have entered into similar partnerships with the \nUnited States, Germany, Australia, France, the United \nKingdom, Italy, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Poland. \nWe have also concluded or are currently negotiating \nsimilar partnerships with the European Union, Turkey \nand the United Arab Emirates. In that regard, I should \nlike to reiterate the Afghan Government and people’s \nappreciation for the solid and broad-based expression of \nlong-term political support for a peaceful, prosperous, \ndemocratic Afghanistan by more than 100 countries \nand organizations at the historic international Bonn \nConference, kindly hosted by the German Government \nin December 2011. \n\nWith the United States, we are negotiating a \nseparate bilateral security agreement that will define \nthe parameters of the long-term security and defence \ncooperation between our two countries. I should like \nto reiterate our long-standing principled position that \nany bilateral security agreements that Afghanistan \nsigns with other countries, including the United States, \nwill be purely for the purpose of ensuring peace, \nsecurity, development and the consolidation of our \nyoung democracy, and not directed at our neighbours \nor any countries in the region. Afghanistan belongs to \nits region. As recent history has clearly demonstrated, \nthe peace, security and stability of Afghanistan, as the \ncentre of the heart of Asia region, has a direct impact \non the peace, security and stability of the entire region, \nand vice versa. We want Afghanistan to serve its \nrightful role as a key land bridge in our vital region \nfor the flow of people, goods and investments. In that \ncontext, the Istanbul Process on Regional Security and \nCooperation for a Secure and Stable Afghanistan, which \nwe launched together with our Turkish friends and all \nother participating and supporting States in November \n2011, is of vital importance for confidence-building \nand promoting results-oriented cooperation. \n\nTwo follow-on ministerial meetings, in Kabul in \nJune 2012 and in Almaty in April of this year, have \ntaken the Process to the level of maturity. It has now \ndeveloped into a meaningful forum for discussion on \nspecific confidence-building measures and enjoys \nconsiderable momentum. As the permanent co-Chair \nof the Process, the Afghan Government is particularly \ngrateful to the People’s Republic of China for hosting \nthe next ministerial meeting next summer.\n\nIn addition to improving cooperation and confidence \non a whole range of other issues, all countries in our \nregion, and our allies and friends in the international \ncommunity, must continue decisively to confront \nthe single biggest challenge that still endangers our \ncollective peace and security and undermines the \nwelfare of our people, namely, the continuing menace \nof terrorism and extremism and their sanctuaries and \nsupport systems in the region. We will not achieve the \nfull potential of our citizens or realize true and lasting \npeace and security in Afghanistan or the wider region \nuntil we have dealt decisively with the brutality and \nevilness of the terrorists who try to harm us every day. \nFortunately, we are more hopeful now than in the past \nabout a gathering common approach against terrorism \nand extremism in our region. \n\nThis year’s General Assembly session is taking place \nat a time in which the United Nations has seen a number \nof conflicts continue, while new ones have taken shape. \nIn Syria, we watch the ongoing immeasurable suffering \nof the great people of that country. Afghanistan calls \nfor an immediate halt to the violence there, which has \ntaken the lives of more than 100,000 people, forced \nmore than 2 million Syrians to become refugees and \nleft 6.8 million people in urgent need of humanitarian \nassistance. We strongly support a political solution, \nreached through a broad-based national dialogue that \nmeets the aspirations of all Syrians. Moreover, the \ninternational community must provide the support \nnecessary to address the humanitarian needs of those \naffected by the conflict, including the millions who \nhave sought refuge in neighbouring countries. \n\nSpeaking of long-standing conflicts, none is more \nevident than the decades-long strife between Palestine \nand Israel. Following years of deadlock and impasse, \nwe see that renewed efforts for a peaceful settlement \nhave emerged with the resumption of direct negotiations \nbetween the two sides. That is an important development, \nwhich we hope will result in durable peace, enabled by \nthe establishment of an independent Palestinian State. \nWe also hope to witness the inclusion of the State of \nPalestine as a full Member of the Organization.\n\nIn conclusion, as I stand before the Assembly, I \nfeel more strongly than ever that our shared vision of a \nworld free from violence, conflict and destitution will \nbe achieved only if we put our differences aside and act \n\n\nas one. If we adhere to the principles of understanding, \nsolidarity and cooperation, we will be able to secure our \ncollective future, as evidenced in the historic successes \nwe have achieved in Afghanistan over the past 12 years.\n\nThe United Nations has been a reliable partner in \nhelping us come this far. As we prepare to embark upon \nthe transformation decade, we expect the Organization \nto continue its support through a renewed approach that \nreinforces Afghanistan’s leadership and ownership. Let \nme also assure the Assembly that, as we in Afghanistan \nwork to preserve our gains and consolidate our young \ndemocracy in the crucial years ahead, we will remain \nan active Member of the United Nations.
## 57 It gives me \ngreat pleasure to express my sincere congratulations \nto the President on his well-deserved election to the \npresidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-\nninth session. We are confident that his wisdom and \nexperience will ensure constructive and fruitful \ndeliberations on the very important and vital issues \nbefore the Assembly. I should like to assure him of the \nfull cooperation of my delegation to that end. I also \nexpress my deep appreciation to his predecessor and \nmy gratitude to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his \ncompetent and excellent leadership of the Organization.\n\nI am delighted to report to the Assembly that \nAfghanistan has achieved a significant milestone \nwith the successful conclusion of its presidential \nelections, including the important task of recounting \nthe votes. The new President, Mr. Mohammad Ashraf \nGhani Ahmadzai, will be sworn in on 29 September. \nAfghanistan is witnessing the transfer of power from one \nelected administration to the next. While Afghanistan \nfaces marked challenges, we are confident that the new \nGovernment, which enjoys the full backing of the vast \nmajority of Afghans, will strive to bring about political \nsecurity and socioeconomic prosperity to Afghanistan \nand, by extension, to the region and beyond.\n\nIt was more than a decade ago that many countries \nof the world joined the Afghan people in their struggle \nfor peace and fought against the forces of extremism \nand terrorism. In that regard, we have collectively \nachieved tangible results. Unfortunately, however, \nthe menace of terrorism and extremism continues to \nthreaten security, socioeconomic development and \npeace, not only in Afghanistan but also in the region. \nThere is an urgent need for a comprehensive response \nto the threats from terrorism, drugs and extremism at \nthe regional and international levels.\n\nToday, Afghanistan has credible political \ninstitutions, an elected Parliament, a Constitution \nand elected provincial councils supported by the \nbrave Afghan National Security Forces. The people \nof Afghanistan have witnessed many positive \nachievements in the past decade, including in the fields \nof socioeconomic development, education — especially \neducation for our girls — health, communications \nand information technology, and the promotion and \nprotection of human rights, including particularly \nthe rights of women. Afghanistan has one of the \nmost dynamic media scenes in the region, propelled \nby the freedom of expression that the Afghan people \nhave enjoyed for more than a decade. We should also \nunderscore the pioneering spirit of our youth, who are \nbehind much of the innovativeness and diversity of \nthought in academia and in the private sector.\n\nThe Afghan people appreciate and thank the \ninternational community for the vital support that it has \ngiven the country to build security, peace and prosperity \nin Afghanistan. We look forward to continued mutual \ncooperation with the international community to \nprotect our achievements and ensure the sustainability \nof a strong partnership.\n\nThe transfer of security responsibilities from the \ninternational forces to the Afghan National Security \nForces for the whole of Afghanistan, launched in the \nsummer of 2011, will be achieved by the end of 2014. \n\n\nAs we speak, Afghan forces are providing security \nindependently across the country, despite increasing \nacts of terrorism inside Afghanistan, which are being \ncommitted with support from terrorists from beyond \nour borders. The growing levels of violent extremism \nand the alarming developments in the Middle East and \nother parts of the world make international support \nfor the NATO mission in Afghanistan even more \nimperative.\n\nParallel to our ongoing efforts to enhance the \ncapacity and capabilities of our National Security \nForces, the Afghan Government is also pursuing a \ndialogue to achieve peace through political means and \nreconciliation. We have put in place clear conditions \nin order for that process to be accepted by the Afghan \npeople. For instance, we demand the renunciation of \nviolence and respect for Afghanistan’s Constitution, as \nit guarantees full and equal rights to Afghan men and \nwomen and is the only tool for the preservation of our \ncollective achievements of the past decade.\n\nAfghanistan strongly believes in comprehensive, \nlong-term, friendly and good-neighbourly relations \nbetween Pakistan and Afghanistan in the fight against \nterrorism and the strengthening of peace and stability \nbetween the two nations in the region. At the same time, \nwe would like to express our serious concern over the \nrocket attacks by Pakistani forces onto Afghanistan’s \nsoil. The continuation of such attacks is unacceptable \nto Afghanistan. We hope that the Government of \nPakistan, considering our common interests in ensuring \npeace and stability, will put an end to any kind of acts \nthat could endanger the prospects for good-neighbourly \nrelations and will act to protect cooperation and trust \nbetween our two nations.\n\nThe Afghan Government is keen to reduce the \nnegative economic impact of the security transition and \nto move towards sustainable economic development in \nat least three ways.\n\nFirst, we will focus on the development of \nagriculture and the agribusiness sector, where more \nthan 70 per cent of our population is directly or \nindirectly engaged, with enormous potential for growth \nand employment generation.\n\nSecondly, Afghanistan is estimated to hold trillions \nof dollars worth of natural resources, including minerals \nand hydrocarbons, representing a guaranteed source of \nwealth and income for generations to come. We already \nhave several State-owned and private companies from \nChina, India, the United Kingdom, Canada, Turkey, the \nUnited Arab Emirates, Azerbaijan and other countries, \nin addition to Afghan companies, expressing a keen \ninterest in investing billions of dollars.\n\nThirdly, Afghanistan is now on the eve of a \ntransformative decade, from 2015-2024, which will \nbe a multidimensional process that will have security, \npolitical and economic ramifications. Therefore, \nthe pledges made at the 2012 Tokyo and Chicago \nConferences will maintain the Afghan Government’s \noverall socioeconomic efforts. Afghanistan critically \nneeds the continuation of that support from its \ninternational partners over the next few years.\n\nAfghanistan’s report on its progress in achieving \nthe Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), published \nin late 2013, shows that the progress with regard to most \nof the MDG targets, in particular those related to health \nand universal primary education, is commendable. \nDespite only starting in 2005, Afghanistan is committed \nto achieving most of the MDGs by 2020. Meanwhile, \nnational consultations are under way to synchronize \nefforts towards achieving the off-track MDG targets, \nbearing in mind the outcome of the Open Working \nGroup on Sustainable Development Goals.\n\nAs we embark on the important task of crafting \nthe new post-2015 development agenda at this session, \nI am happy to inform members that that process also \ncoincides with Afghanistan’s transformation decade. \nBoth are top priorities for Afghanistan’s national \ndevelopment agenda. We appreciate the work of the \nUnited Nations in recognizing the need to reduce \nthe number of sustainable development goals to an \naffordable, achievable and realistic number in the post-\n2015 development agenda. We are of the view that \nthat agenda should leave no one behind, it should be \nadaptable to both global and local settings, and it should \nhave sustainable development and poverty eradication \nat its centre.\n\nOur region is blessed with vast resources and \nopportunities for economic cooperation. An expanded \nlevel of regional cooperation can serve both economic and \nsecurity purposes. The Afghan Government’s regional \nstrategic goal for economic cooperation is to establish \nregional economic growth and resource corridors that \nconnect the Silk Road through Afghanistan, the people \nof South and Central Asia and the Middle East and their \nkey economic activities, including agriculture, light \nmanufacturing and mineral extraction, with essential \ntrade, transit and energy enablers.\n\n\nRegional cooperation is one of our priorities. \nThe Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process represents a \nsignificant step towards enhancing stability and \nregional cooperation between Afghanistan and the \n12 participating countries, with the support of 12 other \ncountry partners and nine international organizations.\n\nThis year’s General Assembly session takes place \nat a time when the United Nations has seen a number \nof conflicts continue and new ones have taken shape. \nMy Government fully supports the inalienable rights \nof the Palestinian people and the establishment of \nan independent Palestinian State with Jerusalem \nas its capital. We strongly condemn illegal actions \nand violations by the occupying Power against the \nPalestinians as a whole, especially the ongoing \ndisproportionate and indiscriminate attacks on innocent \nPalestinian civilians.\n\nWe express our grief at the killing of innocent \ncivilians in Syria and support a political resolution, \nreached through a broad-based national dialogue that \nmeets the aspirations of all Syrians. With the worsening \nsecurity situation in Iraq and Libya, we strongly \ncondemn the actions of the Islamic State of Iraq and the \nSham and its brutality, and we call for joint efforts to \ndefeat that evil. In that context, I call upon the United \nNations to take appropriate action within its mandate to \nuphold international peace and security.\n\nMy delegation believes that there is an urgent need \nfor the international community to pay attention to the \nresolution of the crisis in Ukraine, while taking into \naccount the situation of civilians.\n\nIn conclusion, let me assure members that \nAfghanistan remains committed to its national and \ninternational responsibilities and obligations. We \nreaffirm our strong will for a further strengthening of \ndemocracy and good governance, including a further \nstrengthening of the rule of law; accountability and \ntransparency; the promotion and protection of human \nrights, particularly the rights of women; justice reforms; \nthe fight against terrorism, narcotic drugs, corruption; \nand the eradication of poverty. The support of the \ninternational community is essential for all of that.
## 58 It gives me great pleasure, on behalf of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, to express my sincere congratulations on the President’s well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly at its seventieth session. I also express my deep gratitude to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his hands-on leadership of the Organization at a very demanding time.\nThe state of the world today, 70 years after the founding of this unique Organization, is at best a mixed one. While the newly drafted Charter of the United Nations asserted its primary principles as the maintenance of international peace and security after the Second World War, today a set of threats, mostly created by humans, challenges societies throughout the world and pose a threat to security, basic rights, dignity, our ecosystem, health care, State viability, governance, national and community cohesiveness and even cultural and religious identity. However, it\n15-29425 31/34\n\f\nA/70/PV.15 28/09/2015\nalso poses a serious challenge to the United Nations existing mandate, structure, resources and traditional approaches to dealing with global issues.\nThe Organization has tried its best to keep up with and adapt to an evolving environment, but if we look at the past seven decades, we see that our predecessors did their best to deal with a litany of conflicts, arms races, social and economic upheavals, ideological contests and geostrategic rivalries. But never has the world or the United Nations faced such fast-paced change, both constructive and harmful. Such abrupt fluctuations heighten expectations and immediate demands for solutions and answers. Those monumental tasks — coupled with population growth, unprecedented mobility, connectivity and access to information and technological know-how — necessitate constant negotiations, legal frameworks and new management and leadership skills. They also encompass inherent risks and security concerns.\nAt the same time, as the world shrinks and the human village grows, we are faced with the ugly aspects of globalization and inter-dependence. We are seeing the emergence of societies of haves and have-nots, subgroups, disenfranchised communities, abject poverty, upscale corruption, injustice, repression, sectarianism, terrorism and criminality, among others. At some point, it is the United Nations and other specialized and multilateral organizations that will need to be ready to drive the agenda and provide the required platform for decision-making. We urge future reforms to take the needs of our times into account and to offer flexibility and fast-track problem management for the work at hand.\nAllow me to dwell on the case of my own country as a prime example of a nation in transition, as well as of a country exposed to multiple risks and threats at the forefront of our fight against international terrorism and extremism. Afghanistan is suffering, and its people demand solutions that are practical, verifiable and durable. The presence of terrorist sanctuaries and support networks in Pakistan continues to cause trouble inside Afghanistan. The Haqqani Network has been identified as a main culprit. It needs to be dismantled, as has been our demand in the past.\nOur demands are legitimate, as our people continue to suffer at the hands of terrorist elements who cross into Afghanistan and indiscriminately victimize our citizens. That matter needs to be addressed on a bilateral basis and facilitated by trusted international partners.\nAs a case in point, over the past 48 hours, hundreds of militants, some of whom are foreign fighters, organized attacks in Kunduz province, where heavy fighting is raging. The day before, more than 10 spectators at a sports stadium were killed and many more were injured in Paktika when a bomb was detonated.\nThose attempts will fail to subdue us, just as they failed to do so on other occasions over the past few years. In the broader context, Afghanistan continues to be the victim of terrorist organizations and violent extremists, including Daesh-type cells that are trying to find a foothold. Another fact is clear to Afghans across the board, namely, were it not for an external support system, access to arms and munitions, rest areas and hospitals and funding and training, as part of strategic collusion with powerful elements in our neighbourhood, this guerrilla-style low-intensity warfare would have been history by now.\nWe call on Pakistan to do what its leadership promised to us a few months ago when they agreed to crack down on known terror outfits, meaning the enemies of Afghanistan. We agreed to a paradigm change in our relations and engagement towards peace talks with the Taliban. Events turned out differently after it was divulged that the Taliban leader had been dead for over two years and the episode was a sham. A loss of trust can have irreparable consequences for all sides. We need to learn from that.\nWe have reached the one-year mark for the anniversary of the national unity Government. I am delighted to report to the General Assembly that Afghanistan has achieved significant milestones in the past year. Thanks to the exemplary generosity of our friends, the progress made in Afghanistan over the past 14 years cannot be discounted. We succeeded in prioritizing the needs of the most vulnerable, improving living standards, providing access to education to boys and girls and improving health-care quality. Life expectancy has increased by an average of 20 years since 2001, with Afghans living well beyond the mere 40 years of age that was once the norm. Improvement in the health of women and children is particularly notable, as illustrated by the 54 per cent increase in the number of infants delivered and the 62 per cent decrease in infant mortality.\nThanks to the Government’s focus on gender equality, equity and equal opportunity, female political participation has also been strengthened. During the 2014 election, 35 per cent of voters were females.\n32/34 15-29425\n\f\n28/09/2015 A/70/PV.15\nWomen now claim 11 per cent of judgeships, with an additional 20 per cent in training.\nMoreover, we are also strengthening laws and regulations that deal with torture, and we are taking necessary measures to prevent and prosecute individuals involved in any form of torture, as per the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture.\nWe sincerely thank the international community for the exemplary support it has provided and for the generosity and patience it has so tirelessly bestowed upon us as a war-torn nation. I would very especially like to mention the United States of America, NATO, the European Union and the entire donor community for the blood of their soldiers, the sacrifices of their civilian workers and their expertise and encouragement.\nAs mentioned earlier, the recently escalating security issues have slowed down State-building and overall progress. But, through their patriotism and resilience, our national security forces have demonstrated their readiness to face the challenges posed by the Taliban and their terrorist and violent extremist groups. Furthermore, President Ghani and I prioritized a comprehensive reform agenda to root out corruption from our society and institutions and to promote transparency and efficacy at all levels of Government, the judiciary and at the national and subnational levels. An important component of our reform agenda concerns necessary changes in the work of our electoral institutions to strengthen the credibility and integrity of our future elections. In that respect, the reform commission recently presented a comprehensive set of recommendations, and we plan appropriate steps to implement them. We are confident that those efforts will go a long way in the consolidation of participatory democracy in our country.\nIn addition to security challenges, the menace of the illicit drug trade in Afghanistan is having an adverse impact on the economy and society. However, we have a new comprehensive action plan to combat the drug economy more effectively. We appreciate the contributions made by donors, especially the assistance provided by the United States. We are determined to meet the 10-year-long goal of defeating narcotics once and for all.\nRegional cooperation on the drug problem is another key pillar of our strategy. Beyond cooperation on counter-narcotics, the unity Government is committed to enhancing regional engagement and\nbuilding constructive relationships based on win-win formulas, and turning Afghanistan into a connectivity hub for energy, trade, transit, transport, pipelines and fibre optics. The sixth Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan, held in Kabul recently, agreed to work on ways to develop and consolidate partnerships towards promoting regional economic cooperation and integration in Afghanistan and across the region. Success stories are already taking shape, such as the Central Asia South Asia Electricity Transmission and Trade Project and the Trans-Afghanistan Pipeline, turning Afghanistan into a land bridge connecting China and India through South Asia and Central Asia to the Middle East and Europe.\nMy Government has a strong political will to implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (resolution 70/1) with the support of the international community, while we implement the remainder of the Millennium Development Goals and targets.\nI would like to add Afghanistan’s voice in support of a reformed Security Council that is more inclusive, representative and transparent. Like most Member States, we agree that the Security Council is in dire need of comprehensive reforms to better confront twenty-first century challenges.\nMy Government supports the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. We reiterate our long-standing position that a two-State solution offers the best guarantee for long-term and sustainable solutions to the conflict.\nIn addition, I would like to express my strongest condemnation of the terrible acts against humanity committed by all sides in Syria, especially the Islamic State in Iraq and Shams. The people of Syria and Iraq are suffering. As a war-ravaged country, we feel their pain, dispossession and trauma. I call upon the global community to take prompt and urgent action and to facilitate a political solution through talks.\nWe look to the United Nations to remain beside us for years to come on our journey into the transformation decade. As we move forward, we expect a strategic realignment in the support role of the international community and the United Nations. In that regard, we welcome the outcome of the work of the tripartite review commission to determine the guiding principles of the United Nations future engagement in Afghanistan.\n15-29425 33/34\n\f\nA/70/PV.15 28/09/2015\nIn conclusion, let me reiterate my Government’s steadfast commitment to promoting the very principles on which the United Nations was founded. We are confident that, with the continued support of the family of nations represented in this noble Organization, we will realize our shared goal of a peaceful, stable and prosperous nation that is a catalyst for security and prosperity in our region and beyond.
## 59 It is my distinct pleasure to attend the seventy-first session of the General Assembly. I sincerely congratulate Ambassador Peter Thomson of the Republic of Fiji on having been elected to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his tireless efforts and wise leadership in support of fundamental freedoms, the rule of law and justice for all over a decade. We wish him every success in his future endeavours.\nThe twenty-first century has brought with it an ever-complex international arena, in which certain old conflicts have lingered and been exacerbated, while new threats and challenges — in the form of violent extremism and terrorism, displacement and migration, climate change and other challenges — have emerged, threatening all of humankind. We have come to realize that dialogue and cooperation provide the most viable avenue to promote peace and security and ensure a world without hatred and conflict.\nWe believe that the United Nations remains the single most important international body for promoting global peace, security and prosperity, and that achieving a stronger Organization remains a priority for all of us in the way forward. The United Nations vital role in helping Afghanistan to transition into a democratic and pluralistic society is a clear example of its profound impact in helping to create real change for bettering societies and communities around the world. Allow me to update the Assembly on the current state of affairs in my country.\nWhile two years have passed since the establishment of the Government of National Unity of Afghanistan, I would like to briefly present an overview of the achievements of my Government under the leadership of Mr. Mohammad Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai, the elected President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. We in Afghanistan aim to strengthen the spirit of national participation and cooperation so as to take into account the wishes and will Afghan citizens. Based on national consensus, all groups, political figures and Afghan elites inside and outside the Government are jointly sharing ideas now how to strengthen the political system and the Government of National Unity and to implement reforms within the framework of our national interests.\nThe Afghan nation has inherited a legacy of conflict, oppression, discrimination and inequality. We believe that democracy is the best solution to these problems, as it provides the only foundation to ensure justice and equality and to enable social and political groups to be adequately represented. We have a modern Constitution that provides for this goal, and only its full implementation can ensure political stability in our society.\nOur Government has registered considerable achievements in different areas over the past two years, including in reducing maternal and child mortality, increasing access to education, improving basic freedoms, strengthening the telecommunications and information sectors, improving the rule of law and preserving justice and human rights. Internationally, our Government enjoys its due status, having proved to be a trustworthy partner to the many countries that are engaged in Afghanistan and invested in the security and stability of the country.\nWe are sparing no effort to implement our commitments to reform. We are pursuing our well-planned and systematic efforts to eliminate corruption, strengthen good governance, undertake judicial reform, promote women’s empowerment, ensure effective service delivery for our citizens and accountability standards at all levels of Government, institutionalize merit-based appointments of senior officials and secure transparency in Government contracts, with the establishment of the National Procurement Authority.\nIn order to strengthen transparency of our future parliamentary, presidential and district council elections, the process of consultations and technical and legal studies on reforming our electoral bodies and laws have been concluded, and initial steps towards electoral reforms will begin very soon.\nCombating the threat of narcotics is another priority of the National Unity Government. In this regard, we are cooperating closely with United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and other international partners, and will maintain our joint efforts within the national action plan framework.\nAt the 2016 NATO Warsaw Summit in July, NATO members and our other allies pledged to provide $1 billion in support on an annual basis for the Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF) until the end of 2020. The Resolute Support Mission, which offers support in training, advice and assistance to ANDSF, was also extended beyond 2016. We extend a particular debt of gratitude to the United States of America for providing the largest share of support.\nIn less than two weeks time, Afghanistan and our international partners will come together at the Brussels Conference on Afghanistan to review, and reach important decisions on, the full scope of the joint partnership in the way forward. The National Unity Government will present a comprehensive update on the positive trajectory of our reform efforts, conducted on the basis of the Self-Reliance through Mutual Accountability Framework. We look forward to our international partners making new pledges of assistance on the basis of Afghanistan’s National Peace and Development Framework.\nDespite these achievements, the ongoing undeclared war against Afghanistan and the need for security remain a serious challenge for the National Unity Government, as our people are still subject to the merciless attacks of terrorist groups. Currently, more than 10 terrorist groups, sent from outside the country with the goal of impeding our State-building efforts and preventing the establishment of peace and stability, are fighting against us in Afghanistan. One of their main objectives is to suppress democracy, freedom of speech, and our free and independent media. That is why our journalists are subject to serious threats while reporting from the battlefields and during terrorist attacks. Afghanistan asks the United Nations to appoint a special representative for the safety of journalists, focused on protecting all journalists, including those serving in Afghanistan.\nOver the past several months, terrorist groups, including the Taliban and Da’esh, which continue to enjoy foreign support, have attacked a peaceful and civil demonstration of the Enlightenment Movement in Deh Mazang square in Kabul, and killed dozens of our educated youth and elite. They have also attacked the American University of Afghanistan and other civilian facilities, killing hundreds of innocent civilians. Based on existing evidence, these attacks were planned and organized from the other side of the Durand Line, inside Pakistani territory.\nThis year, the Taliban has tried to take control of more areas in the country, especially in Kunduz and Helmand provinces, but have been confronted by the ANDSF. As a result, hundreds of extremist militants of the Taliban and Da’esh, many of whom were foreign fighters, were killed or captured. We call on the international community to focus on eliminating terrorist safe havens located outside of the country. We urge States to honestly implement their international pledges in the fight against terrorism and to avoid the dual policy of distinguishing between good and bad terrorists, which undermines the international order.\nWhere were the previous leaders of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda residing, and where were they killed? At this very moment, where are the leaders of the Taliban and the Haqqani network located? Where and how are terrorists being trained, equipped and financed to wage a full-scale war? We have repeatedly asked our neighboring country Pakistan to destroy the known terrorist safe havens, but we have unfortunately yet to witness any change in the situation. Afghanistan has always desired peaceful relations with all countries of the region, but the Government of National Unity reserves the right to do whatever is necessary to defend and protect our people.\nWe have also kept the doors of peace and negotiations open to those Taliban elements and other armed opposition groups that are willing to renounce violence, return to peaceful life and adhere to our Constitution. In this connection, a peace agreement is about to be signed between our Government and the Hezb-e-Islami party. That will be an important step for progress in our peace process.\nWe believe that the Quadrilateral Coordination Group on the Afghan Peace and Reconciliation Process — composed of Afghanistan, the People’s Republic of China, Pakistan and the United States — can remain a useful platform to further peace efforts so long as the Government of Pakistan acts in good faith to meet and fulfil its commitments within the parameters of the Group’s road map.\nDespite our security challenges, Afghanistan has always maintained a positive approach to our relations with all regional countries and the Islamic world. We consider Islamic countries to be our best partners and seek to strengthen our cultural, social and economic ties and to use our experience to promote peace and coexistence and present a moderate interpretation of Islam. In this regard, we welcome the express readiness of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation and any Islamic country to help promote the peace agenda in Afghanistan. I would add that Islam is a religion with a clear thought, culture, civilization and history that respects human dignity, rights and freedoms, and derives national sovereignty from the will of the people. It is also against any kind of injustice, exclusivism, hatred, radicalism and violence.\nThose individuals and groups that resort to violence, terror and killing under any name are not acquainted with the spirit of this humane religion, and are in fact using Islam only as a tool to achieve their evil goals. How can Islam possibly permit terrorism and suicide attacks, or the taking of the lives of thousands of innocent people, when it clearly considers the human individual to be the representative of God on Earth, assigning him dignity and offering him heavenly insight in the holy verses of the Quran? Islam also considers the killing of one innocent human to be equal to killing all humankind. We expect the prominent Islamic scholars who will soon take part in an important conference in the holy city of Mecca to further elucidate the true image of Islam and declare their condemnation of terrorists and extremists on behalf of our great religion.\nIn order to achieve regional cooperation, we need a stable region. Afghanistan’s foreign policy is founded on the creation of a secure economy-based society. Afghanistan is an active member of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation and the European Community Humanitarian Office, as well an observer member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and seeks to play an active role in the revitalization of the Regional Cooperation Agenda within the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process.\nAfghanistan and all countries of its region share common threats and common interests. We should come together and cooperate in the fight against our common threats, which include terrorism, radicalism, drugs, organized crime, illegal immigration and smuggling. The establishment of a regional railroad, energy transit, mine extraction, trade and transportation infrastructure can provide us with an important opportunity for joint economic cooperation.\nAfghanistan, as an important crossroads for trade, transport and economic activities, can connect South Asia to Central Asia, and the Middle East to East and South Asia. Afghanistan has already made significant progress through projects such as the Turkmenistan- Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline; the Central Asia South Asia Electricity Transmission and Trade Project; the Lapis Lazuli Corridor; a railway corridor between China, Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia; and extended cooperation with Iran regarding Chabahar Port. The implementation of these projects will allow Afghanistan to reach international markets and improve connections between the regional countries.\nWith respect to the principles of non-interference in the affairs of other countries; avoiding the use of force in the resolution of conflicts; respect for territorial integrity and national sovereignty; the exchange of knowledge, science and technology; and, most importantly, the promotion of peace and lasting security and stability, we can prepare for the economic growth of all countries of our region. We therefore call on all our neighbouring countries to cooperate with us in the provision of security and stability throughout the region.\nIn November 1946, Afghanistan was the first country to become a United Nations Member State after the 51 founding countries, and since then it has solemnly adhered to its international commitments. Over the past 16 years, we have served as a point of convergence at which the international community has been able to come together. In this regard and on behalf of the Afghan nation, I also wish to highlight and thank the United Nations for the central role it has played in facilitating effective international support for the stability and prosperity of Afghanistan. In recent years, we have signed documents for long-term strategic cooperation with 20 of our allies, including the United States, the European Union and NATO, which have announced their valuable support for the policies and decisions of the Afghan Government at important conferences in Bonn, Tokyo, London, Chicago and Warsaw.\nAfghanistan, like other members of the international community, is serious and resolute in its fight against radicalism and violence and will continue to battle this ominous phenomenon. For years, our nation has been on the front line of the fight against terrorism and has made tremendous sacrifices in defence of the common values of humanity. We have lost many of our great national figures, including the martyrs Ahmad Shah Massoud, Ustad Burhanuddin Rabbani, Ustad Abdul Ali Mazari and Abdul Haq, as well as hundreds of ulamas, Members of Parliament, officers, journalists and members of our political elites.\nWe believe that terrorism and radicalism have become global threats to world peace. We have seen signs of radicalism emerge in different forms throughout Europe and America and incidents of terrorist attacks in many countries around the world. Given the extent of these threats, the measures taken by the international community in the fight against terrorism and radicalism will never be sufficient or successful unless effective, comprehensive measures encompassing political, cultural, economic and even military aspects are considered to be a universal strategic necessity.\nThe United Nations should hold an international conference on the fight against radicalism with the aim of introducing a new legal framework to combat terrorism. We believe that serious efforts in the fight against terrorism and radicalism require thorough and precise planning for at least 20 years. Afghanistan, which is on the front line of this fight, should receive special attention from the international community in this regard.\nOne of the ominous outcomes of violence and radicalism is the new wave of immigration over the past year, which has emerged as an important international challenge. We thank those countries that offer support to Afghan immigrants, especially Germany and other European countries that have welcomed Afghan refugees with open arms and a humane, loving spirit. We also ask the United Nations and its Member States to take a new approach towards this international challenge and help countries of origin to address the root causes of and reasons for immigration, particularly the ominous phenomena of war, poverty and illiteracy.\nA glimpse into global conditions shows that injustice, threat, violence and conflict are still endangering millions of human lives throughout the world. We have seen devastation and terror in Syria. We announce our full support for a comprehensive solution to the Syrian conflict that reflects the will of all Syrians. We also hope to see a comprehensive and peaceful solution to the conflict in Yemen.\nWe support new international efforts to resolve the issue of Palestine and to provide the brave and noble Palestinian people with their legitimate rights, including the right to have an independent Government. We invite all sides to initiate direct talks so as to achieve a sustainable solution based on the principles of peace and peaceful coexistence.\nAfghanistan supports the historic agreement between the 5+1 countries and the Islamic Republic of Iran on the Iranian nuclear programme within the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, and views the implementation of the agreement as constructive for the restoration of peace, stability and sustainable development in the region and the world. With regard to nuclear programmes, I should add that we believe that the Democratic Republic of North Korea’s tests of nuclear weapons are dangerous for the region and can endanger world peace and security.\nSince 2001, when it began a new chapter of its modern history, Afghanistan has regained its historical place among the responsible members of the family of nations represented in the General Assembly. Through words and deeds, we have shown our full and abiding commitment to upholding the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and played our due role in promoting global peace, justice, human rights and the rule of law. It is in that context that we have presented our candidacy to the Human Rights Council for 2018- 2020. We call respectfully and amicably on all our friends and Member States to support our candidacy in the upcoming election.\nIn conclusion, I wish to reiterate, on behalf of the Afghan people and Government, our deepest gratitude to all our international partners that have stood beside us in our quest for peace, security and prosperity over the past 16 years, and I especially thank the troops of NATO and the International Security Assistance Force for the sacrifices they have made in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan. Together, we have come a long way in our journey, but our task is undoubtedly unfinished. We look to the Assembly’s continued support over the coming years and remain confident in realizing the goals that we have jointly set to achieve.\nI wish to highlight once again Afghanistan’s firm commitment to the realization of a world in which peace, harmony, justice and tranquillity prevail.
## 60 As I stand here before the General Assembly today, I am reminded that the wise men and women of 1945 displayed a unique capacity to learn from and act on the lessons of history. Shaped by the Great Depression and tempered by the carnage of the Second World War, they established global order through institutions that would provide security and stability for generations to come. The United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other organizations were founded to coordinate responses to international challenges and to make crimes against humanity a thing of the past.\nThere can be little doubt that today the scale, scope and speed of their imagination and efforts have not yet been matched. But future historians will judge those institutions on how they respond to the challenges of today and the challenges we must confront in the future. As global leaders, we seek certainty and familiarity in the rules of the game that dominated the twentieth century. But in today’s ever-changing world, the dominant contextual characteristic defining our times is extreme uncertainty. It is easy to illustrate this uncertainty by looking at threats we are facing — to our economies, our security and our values. There is an emerging consensus that advanced economies have yet to arrive at proper growth models to overcome high unemployment, decreasing income and wealth inequality. The threat of economic crisis, therefore, still hangs over us.\nSixteen years after the tragedy of 11 September 2001, the threat of violence by non-State actors has taken the form of a fifth wave of political violence and terrorism. Driven by transnational terrorist networks, criminal organizations, cybercrime and State sponsorship of terror, this fifth wave promises to be a decades-long threat to international security rather than a passing phenomenon. In the twentieth century, the world came together to push back the spread of fascism so that democratic freedoms could be secured. Those very freedoms are under attack today from global terrorism. Terrorism is not only an attack on human life and basic freedoms, but an attack on the compact of citizenship, an attack on the nation-State’s relationship with its people, which makes democratic societies unique, fair and free. We must confront the threat of terrorism as a united force and meet it with a long-term solution that matches the long-term agenda of the terrorists themselves.\nLastly, despite the incorporation of tenets of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights into the Constitutions of most countries of the world, crimes against humanity still occur with painful regularity. The ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya is especially shocking. Aung San Suu Kyi’s lengthy silence was tragic, as our hopes that an icon of human rights would choose principle over power were frustrated. I welcome the chance for Afghanistan to have a seat on the Human Rights Council in order to have a more central role in discussions on these important issues. As a people who are still experiencing crimes against humanity — the latest being killing of civilians in the Mirza Ulang village and attacks on mosques in Kabul and Herat and elsewhere — we are eager to add our voice in support of human rights.\nOvercoming the destructive and disruptive patterns of change in the twenty-first century requires collective and coordinated action at the global, local and individual levels. An effective, efficient and respected United Nations is the need of the hour; we must let our twentieth-century institutions be put to the test. I therefore congratulate His Excellency Mr. Miroslav Lajčák on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-second session. I also want to recognize and appreciate the efforts of His Excellency Mr. Peter Thomson during the previous session, and I commend His Excellency Secretary-General Guterres for launching his reform of the United Nations.\nIf the United Nations did not exist today, we would have to invent it to address the demands of our time. Delivering on the promises of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the context of uncertainty requires re-examination of core functions, re-engineering of business processes, reinvigoration of organizational culture and values, and the reform of systems of accountability. If the United Nations is to be more relevant to countries like mine, it must deliver as one United Nations. But this objective has not yet been fulfilled. The inherited model of the United Nations agencies as instruments of technical assistance and capacity-building should be subjected to the market test, namely, value-for-money and sustainability of results in comparison to Government, private sector and non-governmental modes of delivery. Mutual accountability is a proven mechanism of consolidation and expansion of partnerships and trust-building.\nI am honoured to stand before the General Assembly to represent and speak for the people of Afghanistan. We have borne adversity, deprivation and drought with dignity, met invasion with valour and defended our homeland with patriotic fervour. As the front-line State in the global struggle against terrorism and in the front-line of defence of democratic freedoms, our people and security forces are accomplishing heroic deeds on a daily basis. We too — as a nation, a State and a people — are reinventing ourselves to address the challenges and potential offered to us in the twenty- first century.\nWith President Trump’s recent announcement of his strategy to counter terror and stabilize South Asia, Afghanistan’s enduring partnership with the United States and the international community has been renewed and redirected. We welcome that strategy, which has now set us on a pathway to certainty. The Afghan people have looked to the United States for this type of resolve for years. We pay tribute to all the men and women of allied nations who have served with us, particularly those who paid the ultimate sacrifice.\nThe strategy consolidates all instruments of American power, conveying a message that the Taliban and their backers cannot win militarily. Only through political settlement can we achieve enduring peace, and I call upon all ranks of Taliban to engage in intra-Afghan dialogue.\nWe now also have an opportunity for a dialogue with our neighbours on how we can work together earnestly to eliminate terrorism and contain extremism. I call upon Pakistan to engage with us in a comprehensive State-to-State dialogue on peace, security and regional cooperation leading to prosperity.\nThe Afghan Government has proven that we are committed to peace through our own internal processes, as demonstrated by the peace agreement with Hizb-international Islami. We now call on all of our neighbours, near and far, to join us through the Kabul process in our comprehensive quest for peace and regional stability. However, moving forward, we ask for a change of perspective from our international partners. For too long, the conflict in Afghanistan has been viewed through the prism of civil war; but the war is not within our soil, it is over our soil.\nToday there are over 20 international terrorist groups with an imposed presence on Afghan soil. The future of Afghanistan matters because we are on the front lines of the global effort to eradicate the threat of terrorism. Our brave soldiers are fighting and dying for the cause and the sovereignty of the Afghan nation every day. Although we may be on the front lines, the threat knows no boundaries.\nFor terrorist groups that are harboured in the region, attacks in Kabul, Brussels, Paris, Barcelona, London or anywhere else are equal victories. President Trump’’ new strategy includes the disruption and denial of sanctuary to terrorists, whose motives know no boundaries. However, a strong and enduring commitment from our international partners alone will not ensure our collective success in Afghanistan. The roots of success are indeed within us, as Afghans.\nToday, nearly three years into our decade of transformation, we are turning Afghanistan into a platform for stability. The foundation has been laid. We have articulated and are rigorously implementing road maps for reform: we are prosecuting the corrupt, ending corruption in the security sector, replacing systems of patronage with merit-based systems and making financial processes transparent.\nWe are also reaching out to those who had previously been excluded from society — young people, the poor and women. Yet those people are our nation’s source of resilience. The generation that grew up in the 1990s, which makes up the majority of our population, is now being entrusted with wholesale leadership of the country. A generational change is taking place as youth are empowered at every level. This generation will be the one that reforms the Government into one that is citizen- and service-oriented.\nThrough unimaginable hardship, women kept the fabric of our communities and societies together, even as they fell to shreds. Yet women were relegated to the very bottom of society. That was unacceptable, and our nation suffered for it. Today there are more Afghan women in Government, the workforce and active in civil society than ever before in Afghan history, yet we still have far to go. At the helm, we have six women Ambassadors and four women Cabinet members. Simply put, women’s empowerment is crucial to our future.\nThe poor, along with women and young people, are the numerical majorities in Afghanistan that cross ethnic, linguistic, gender and religious lines. About 40 per cent of Afghans still live below the poverty line. Research shows that poverty perpetuates itself because it affects the physiological make-up of a child’s brain. We must empower the poor. For too long, they have been the silent majority in our country.\nWe are recreating the bonds of society in order to change the culture of our State. And we are strengthening our bonds not only internally, but regionally. As we look to our neighbours in South and Central Asia, we are simultaneously strengthening national, global and regional connectivity. Afghanistan will again become a multifaceted hub in the twenty-first century for transport, energy, water and mining and for the benefit of the entire region’s economic prosperity and security.\nWe are already seeing the fruits of our labour. Transmission lines for Central and South Asia, power projects are under construction; the Turkmen railway has reached our border; and the Turkmenistan- Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline for natural gas is under construction. As a central part of our plan for economic advancement, we continue to work with our regional partners to seek avenues of collaboration. We can see now, amid the uncertainties and unique challenges and threats of the twenty-first century, how Afghanistan has become a conundrum for the twentieth-century approaches within which the global order tends to still operate.\nWhile the threat of international terrorism playing out on our soil has dominated the narrative of our country and driven the fate of our people for far too long, we also have enormous potential to be the regional brokers of peace, a hub for economic prosperity and a beacon of democratic values. The birthplace of Rumi still resounds with messages of love, peace and hope. Afghanistan will yet again be the Asian crossroads for dialogue among civilizations and a model of harmony and culture of tolerance and engagement. I am confident that our plans and programmes for self- reliance and reform, bolstered by the commitment of our international partners, will chart out a path for us towards realizing our full potential.
## 61 Allow me to start by extending my congratulations to Ms. María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés and wishing much success to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- third session. Let me also assure her that, by working with Member States and the United Nations family, we look forward to advancing the seven priorities set out in the agenda of the General Assembly at its seventy- third session.\nFrom this rostrum, I would like to provide the General Assembly with the latest regarding the situation in Afghanistan and the gains, opportunities and challenges that my nation faces at this critical juncture, in addition to our views on other key global challenges.\nThe record of accomplishments by this institution over the past 73 years demonstrates that, wherever it might be and whoever it might impact, we cannot escape the ripple effect of, or de-link ourselves from, the global, national, communal and human connections that bind us, whether in relation to the environment,\n \nthe climate, international finance or even the cyber and technology arenas. It is therefore critically important to go beyond just words, the duplication of effort or ineffective models that intermingle and, at times, spur countervailing or lopsided interests.\nAs Albert Einstein once said, “We cannot solve our problems with the same level of thinking that created them”. Whether we are addressing hunger, acute poverty, climate change, overpopulation, terrorism, conflict, displacement, inequality or organized crime, we all share and own bits and pieces of the problem in the same way that we collectively benefit or learn from the solutions. As a result, we need to explore new means and identify new tools for reaching a wider consensus through more thoughtful dialogue and results-oriented actions.\nTo this day we do not have a globally and officially acceptable definition for terrorism, a nefarious phenomenon used by a rogue or politically connected criminal, State or non-State actor using religious, ideological, economic or psychological cover to disrupt the status quo, upend the global and nation State order and reach a particular set of radical goals through the sheer use of indiscriminate violence that no religion in its undistorted form condones.\nWhile we are determined to fight with vigour against newer versions of terror presenting themselves as remnants of Da’esh in a few pockets inside Afghanistan, we are still struggling to fully comprehend the role that terror breeding grounds, sanctuaries and funding pools, in many cases tied to criminal and illicit drug networks, play in the use and spread of terrorism. We are still trying to figure out how to render terrorism impotent as a policy tool used by some to further specific agendas.\nFor example, for almost a quarter of a century, Afghanistan experienced the loss of tens of thousands of innocent lives and major infrastructural damage. It is partly due to geography and partly due to shortsighted strategies and regional agendas that have generated an umbilical reliance on non-State actors, used to keep others unstable through violence and the promotion of extremism. It has resulted in complacency and impunity; therefore, we need to do more and go beyond ineffective norms to bring about change and accountability. We have asked our neighbouring States, especially Pakistan, to help targeted societies, including their own, to deal with this menace. We are looking forward to the timely and effective implementation of\nthe recently agreed Afghanistan-Pakistan Action Plan for Peace and Solidarity.\nAll stakeholders need to agree to treat all shades of terrorism as one, shut down the breeding grounds and sanctuaries and prosecute or repatriate the violators. The response thus far has been sparse and insufficient. We are working with all countries, near and far, to bring about better results. On that basis, Afghanistan stands for the balanced implementation of all four pillars of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, and non-compliance must be seriously addressed as well. My country has also begun a process of structured cooperation with the United Nations Office of Counter- Terrorism, and we are supportive of regional initiatives through forums that focus on such priority concerns. We will continue to engage in work with regional stakeholders in that regard.\nSince we last met, Afghanistan turned a page and made unprecedented overtures to the Taliban to be part of a credible, Afghan-owned, Afghan-led peace process that could lead to a just and comprehensive political settlement through talks and reconciliation. On several occasions, we have pledged our commitment to unconditional intra-Afghan dialogue and the restoration of all rights and privileges for those who agree to end the cycle of violence. We even announced a unilateral ceasefire earlier this year, which was agreed to by the Taliban for a three-day period and gave Afghans a glimpse of what peace can look and feel like. Unfortunately, extraneous agendas prevented us from replicating a second ceasefire more recently, but we will not rest. We will have to pursue both what is right and attainable.\nI want to express my sincere thanks to all nations, especially the United States, other concerned nations and parties — including the Governments of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and of Indonesia, both of which recently hosted United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) gatherings — the United Nations and others for encouraging all sides to set the stage for a process that would lead to talks and a just and comprehensive negotiated settlement. Looking at the 25-year record, a prerequisite for talks is to learn from the history of peace engagement. We see that a dual approach is necessary to make sure that we win peace, but also protect and preserve our people’s gains and hard-earned achievements, which include constitutional order, freedom of expression, human and gender rights and creating economic opportunities.\n \nI want to pause here and pay tribute to Afghans who continue to suffer as a result of violence, as well as to our valiant National Security Forces for their steadfast defence of our nation and for standing tall and strong on the front line against terrorism.\nThere are two important popular tests on the horizon for Afghanistan: parliamentary elections are slated for next month and presidential elections for next year. Drawing on past experiences, both President Ashraf Ghani and I agree that political legitimacy is derived from the will of the people. While we pursue peace efforts and deal with security and governance challenges, we are reminded that, given our circumstances, eventually we must make sure that the electoral process is trustworthy and that the electorate can agree to a fairly credible and legitimate outcome. Regardless of who wins or loses, Afghanistan’s future rests on nurturing a national consensus that provides unity of purpose aimed at peace and political stability that derives legitimacy from foundations that are pluralistic, inclusive and democratic.\nIn that regard, I wish to thank the United Nations — UNAMA in particular — the European Union and all other contributors and donors for helping us move the process forward. Furthermore, we look forward to the upcoming Geneva ministerial conference on Afghanistan in November. It will be an excellent occasion to evaluate our work and the path ahead since we last met with donors.\nOn the humanitarian front, Afghanistan also faces daunting tasks associated with an impending drought, refugee resettlement and internal displacement caused by climatic and national abnormalities, food insecurity and security threats. Those are estimated to impact two thirds of the country and the livelihoods of more than 4 million people, with the potential to force 1 million more into migration. We sorely need to attend to their humanitarian needs. I want to thank the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, other United Nations agencies, non-governmental organizations and donors for their contributions and hard work on the ground; however, we urge the international community to fully fund the 2018-2021 Afghanistan humanitarian response plan.\nThe peaceful settlement of disputes and the protection of oppressed people are core principles of the Charter of the United Nations, benefiting the promotion\nand preservation of international peace and security. As a war-ravaged country, we sympathize with and feel for the people of Syria, Yemen and other victimized communities around the world. Likewise, we stand for the basic right to protection for the Rohingya population in Myanmar. Afghanistan stands in full support of all United Nations and other international efforts aimed at achieving a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement to the question of Palestine, including the General Assembly’s call for an international protection mechanism for civilians.\nMoreover, United Nations peacebuilding activities should provide due focus on the principle of national ownership, the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the promotion of greater coherence among the relevant United Nations entities and agencies working on development.\nWith regard to the reform agenda, we stand in full support of efforts aimed at strengthening the role of the United Nations in the context of the Secretary-General’s initiatives. The establishment of the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs is a welcome move, as is the setting up of the Office of Counter- Terrorism. We look forward to the implementation of the resolution adopted on the repositioning of the United Nations development system and believe it will enhance our achievements in the establishment of One UN for Afghanistan.\nAfghanistan’s active role within the United Nations system is currently more pronounced than ever. Our chairmanship of the Third Committee during the seventy- third session comes at a crucial time, as we have aimed to initiate and adopt several draft resolutions on shared themes, including victims of terrorism and the threat of improvised explosive devices, in addition to refugee and migrant issues, the rights of children, women’s empowerment, human rights, social development and other relevant Committee agenda items.\nFurthermore, Afghanistan’s election to the Human Rights Council for the first time in 2017 marked our commitment and showcased our achievements in that regard. We remain party to major international protocols and conventions on human rights. I am pleased to inform the Assembly that Afghanistan recently passed a set of national laws on prohibiting cruel and degrading treatment, endorsed the law on prohibiting torture and combating human and migrant trafficking and adopted a code prohibiting child recruitment into our security\n \nforces. With regard to the latter, we are working closely with the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict.\nI want to leave this rostrum by presenting a bold concept, also recently mentioned by President Ghani, that can form a new, visionary paradigm for my country and our region as we strive to end four decades of conflict and enter a new phase free of violence and the forced implementation of stagnant ideas and spoiler habits. It is a concept that dwells on Afghanistan becoming a platform of cordiality for regional and hemispheric cooperation over the next few years, in sharp contrast to being pushed and pulled towards becoming an area of instability and confrontation.\nOur people, who pose no danger to anyone, are demanding a fundamental change in which they can play a constructive and collaborative role across boundaries and help turn their country into a roundabout of people, goods, services, communications, cooperation and ideas across the wider region. I believe that, with the help of the international community, we can turn this concept into a reality. I hope to further engage our regional partners in helping us bring this vision to fruition. I hope that the Assembly and all concerned Member States will play a supportive and positive role to put an end to years of agony and open up a new path leading to durable peace, stability and prosperity.
## 62 It is an honour for me to and stand at this prestigious rostrum today to represent my fellow countrywomen and men and address distinguished colleagues and partners in the General Assembly.\nI am even more proud today because just two days ago, approximately 3 million Afghans, facing the threat of terrorism, risked their lives to vote in our young democracy’s fourth presidential election. Those who voted included men and women, the very elderly, some voting for perhaps the last time, and the very young, those voting for the very first of many times, as well as those living with a disability, for whom the journey was longer and more tiresome, and some who came out despite having had their fingers cut off by the Taliban during previous votes. We all voted not just for a president, but also for democracy. We voted for our Constitution. We voted for freedom and sovereignty. We voted for prosperity and connectivity. We voted for peace. We voted for the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. I congratulate my fellow Afghans on exercising their right to vote.\nI also wholeheartedly thank the brave and professional Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF) for protecting that right. Some 70,000 of our brave soldiers protected citizens during this historic event. Because of their professionalism, most attacks — and all attacks that were intended to inflict mass casualties on civilians — were averted.\nI also congratulate and thank my fellow citizens of the world. The international community, particularly the member countries of NATO, has stood by us over the past two decades. As we recovered from war, we rebuilt and reimagined a new Afghanistan — a new Afghanistan based on Islamic values, Afghan traditions and hope for a permanent escape from our bloody past. Members of the international community has invested heavily and dearly in our vision for an Afghan democracy, even with the lives of their own countrymen and women, from the time when it was only an idea, to today, when we can witness that those investments have been turned into policies, actions, institutions, principles and people. We, the young Afghan leaders of today, have embraced democratic values and principles, the same principles on which the United Nations itself was founded.\nI congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- fourth session, and we support the broad range of goals you are pursuing in the agenda of the General Assembly — advancing peace and security, enhancing equal education, eradicating poverty and addressing climate change. We also commend the efforts and leadership of the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Ms. Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces.\nTwo years ago, His Excellency President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani stood on this platform at the seventy- second session of the General Assembly and spoke of the uncertainty that challenged the global community with questions that we must confront together to find solutions (see A/72/PV.6). Since then, Afghans have created a bit more certainty in our corner of the world. We Afghans have confirmed our commitment to democracy and peace. The ANDSF has proven itself to be a solid and professional institution able to protect our democratic process, and the international community has taken a firm stand in solidarity with the Afghan people and their Government.\nBut uncertainty still lies with those who stand in the way of peace. To the Taliban and their foreign sponsors, I would transmit this message from the Afghan people: join us in peace, or we will continue to fight. As my colleague Ambassador Adela Raz said at the United Nations last week, this is a fight we can win.\nToday, I represent my people not only because it is my duty to do so but because I, like the vast majority — about 60 per cent — of my fellow citizens, have spent three and half decades of our lives in war. My colleagues, Ambassador Adela Raz and Ambassador Roya Rahmani, the latter of whom represents us in Washington, are also part of this generation born and raised in war. We are the new Afghanistan.\nIncreasingly, Afghanistan is now more than ever a country driven and defined by the expectations of its youth. The opportunities afforded to us through the gains of the past 20 years have allowed us to change hope into something much more powerful: belief. We believe in our ability to bring about the peace that we have hoped for all of our lives. We have already taken many steps, but we have a long way to go on this journey. The next step belongs to us Afghans. No matter the outcome of the presidential elections, one thing is clear — peace is and will remain the Government’s priority, now further strengthened by the mandate given to us by the Afghan people.\nThe next step in the journey to peace will be taken by Afghans, just as the first step was. In February 2018, President Ashraf Ghani extended an unconditional offer of peace to the Taliban, one that still stands today. In June 2018, the unthinkable happened — a nationwide three-day ceasefire over the Eid holidays. Those days gave Afghans tremendous belief that peace is possible and proved that the Government has the ability to directly negotiate peace with our enemies. In November 2018, President Ghani presented the Government’s road map to peace and announced a negotiating team. As 2019 began, Afghanistan’s journey towards peace continued with nationwide consultations with the Afghan people.\nIn this context, I would like to give credit to Afghan women, who were the first group of Afghan citizens to unite nationally around the agenda for peace. In February, 15,000 women were consulted from all 34 provinces on what would be acceptable to them in a\npeace agreement, and 3,000 of them came together in Kabul to endorse that agenda.\nIn April, the Afghan Government organized a historic nationwide consultative jirga for peace, which laid out the people’s demands for a peace agreement. Each of these has been a significant step in an ongoing Afghan-led process that is geared toward an inclusive, sustainable and dignified peace for all Afghans.\nAs we prepare to take the next step in this process, we are committed to the principles of inclusiveness, sustainability and dignity. The Afghan people have demanded a ceasefire to immediately stop the bloodshed. They have also demanded that talks happen among Afghans and that the Islamic Republic be preserved as the foundation of our nation State. We want not to only preserve the gains that we have made but to maintain the foundation that will allow us to further advance those gains.\nThroughout the process, we have welcomed and appreciated the assistance from our international partners. This assistance has been aligned with our principles of peacebuilding and supported our Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process. Peace is our common objective, and terrorists are our common enemy. We must not rush the former, at the risk of empowering the latter. I would like to thank our international friends and partners that have supported our peace efforts, including the United States of America, the European Union, Germany, Norway, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Indonesia and Uzbekistan, among many others.\nToday, Afghans fight on the front lines of global terrorism so that others can maintain peace in their homes and on their land. But peace is not a permanent state of being. Peace requires care and constant reappraisal undertaken by partners who share the same values, even as the fault lines between war and peace across the globe shift. The terrorists that Afghan soldiers are holding at bay today pose a threat to us all.\nTerrorism is an idea as much as it is a form of violence. We must continue to work together to extinguish the ideologies behind terrorism, wherever they may exist. The zero-tolerance approach that has been repeatedly called for must no longer be a talking point and instead become an action point. We need more institutional cooperation. We need more decisive action within the region.\nA strengthened collective security approach must take into account the wide nexus of transnational criminal activities as a whole, with a view to stemming the flow of terrorist fighters as well as their recruitment and the resources that allow them to remain lethal. Fighting terrorism is the basis of our critical partnership with the United States and our NATO partners — one to which Afghanistan remains firmly committed. I pay tribute to all those members of the military who have lost their lives, and their families, including our brave ANDSF and our partners who have fought shoulder to shoulder with us, including 2,438 soldiers from the United States and all others who have stood by us and paid the ultimate sacrifice. We Afghans will never forget their sacrifices, and we thank them for standing with us.\nAs the discussions at this General Assembly have shown, terrorism and conflict are only a couple of today’s many threats. The detrimental effects of climate change and the global humanitarian crisis are also priorities — ones that we face on a daily basis in Afghanistan. These challenges will be tackled only by ensuring a new scale and scope of international cooperation. We need to look beyond the prism of individual interests if we are to address these challenges and meet the Sustainable Development Goals. Afghanistan has invested in the fulfilment of these goals, aligning them with our own national development agenda — the Afghanistan sustainable development goals. These goals are embedded within the Afghanistan national peace and development framework and our national priority programmes.\nWith a predominantly agricultural economy, Afghanistan has felt the enormous adverse effects of climate change. For our people, prolonged drought has been a matter of life and death, driving many from their homes and into severe poverty. Climate change is an issue to which we are still struggling to find long-term solutions, while simultaneously providing immediate humanitarian relief to those affected. Last week’s Climate Action Summit reaffirmed the urgency with which new measures are needed in order to mitigate the effects of this threat. We will continue these important discussions in the upcoming Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which will take place in Chile in December.\nI want to conclude with a forward-looking message centred on the promise of the United Nations. Afghanistan’s journey in re-emerging from the rubble and making steady progress is testament to the importance of international and multilateral cooperation. This year, Afghanistan celebrated the centenary of the restoration of its full sovereignty. Over the past two decades, the United Nations has helped us to build our democracy. We now stand confidently on its strong foundation, and we continue to advance toward self-reliance, prosperity and peace. The new Afghanistan continues to transform itself into a centre of cooperation, connectivity and development in our region. Afghan-led initiatives, such as the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process and the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan, are already paying economic dividends, opening new frontiers for trade and the movement of goods, people and ideas throughout South and Central Asia. We can now say that Afghan democracy is a success story that belongs not only to Afghans, but to all of us at the United Nations.\nTime has witnessed our progress, but time remains a source of agony for us. Afghans agonize over the death of each of our compatriots. We lament each moment of time that takes an Afghan life in its passing. Our mission now is to bring about a peace that can end the suffering of all Afghans. Only when we have peace will each and every Afghan be able to experience the freedoms and opportunities of the democracy we have sacrificed so much to build. And no Afghan will truly be able to live in peace and freedom until the day when every single Afghan lives in peace and freedom. That is the day we live and work for — the day we know we will achieve in solidarity with our international friends and partners. It is the day that we no longer hope for, but that we believe in.
## 63 Bismillah Rahman-ur-Rahim\nMr. President, ladies and gentlemen,\nWe, the peoples of the United Nations, this year observe our 75th anniversary. We do so at a time of unprecedented global turmoil. All of us here today share a common condition — a condition that does not distinguish between developed or developing countries. This turmoil that defines our times is a global phenomenon. And while all of us bear a share of the burden of this turmoil, some countries bear a much larger share than others.\nAfghanistan is one such country. We find ourselves simultaneously at the centre of regional opportunity and also at the centre of the manifestation of global problems. Afghanistan is positioned right at the heart of Asia. Our water ties us together; our cultures and languages give us a common denominator. South Asia’s need for energy resources and Central Asia’s abundance of them makes Afghanistan a critical connector. Asia cannot integrate without us. We are right at the heart of untapped potential that could bring prosperity and peace to our region. But this means that we are also right in the middle of the turmoil that is affecting us all today. We are experiencing the worst of it. But Afghanistan could be a model for successfully overcoming the turmoil we all face. That task, like the turmoil, is one that belongs to all of us.\nWe must first identify the drivers of this turmoil. There are five sources, all of which Afghanistan has been dealing with simultaneously. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed our vulnerabilities, to the point that we, as a global community, could no longer afford to ignore them. We Afghans were fortunate to have contained the first wave of the pandemic through close Government, business and societal cooperation, with minimal input from UN agencies, but the pandemic has exposed gaps in our systems that must be addressed.\nThe COVID-19 pandemic has done for us what World War II did for generations before us — both had such immense human costs and were phenomenon that had such a global impact that then, and now, we are forced to pay attention and take unprecedented action.\nIn the face of vulnerabilities exacerbated by the pandemic, another driver of inequality and unemployment is upending our world — the 4th industrial revolution. The digital age is upon us, challenging us to adapt the ways we consume, the ways we work, and the ways we govern.\nIn Afghanistan, we are experimenting with how to adapt so that this digital revolution can be wielded as a source of economic opportunity for our overwhelmingly young population, as well as a way to strengthen our systems of governance and rule of law. We are looking far ahead with the knowledge that if we try to replicate 19th or 20th century models now, they will become irrelevant as soon as we stabilize them.\nThe same can be said for global attempts to harness the drive of the 4th industrial revolution — we have to think ahead of our time.\nThis new kind of industrial revolution, combined with the pandemic, presented challenges in planning and executing this very gathering, and yet the UNGA leadership has managed to creatively transform this experience into one that is more efficient, effective, convenient and far less risky. I want to congratulate His Excellency Volkan Bozkir not only on assuming the Presidency of this 75th Session of the UNGA, but also for his success in overcoming the particular challenge of hosting a massive gathering of global leaders during the pandemic.\nViolence and warfare have also evolved, an evolution we Afghans have witnessed and suffered in real time. We are living, and dying, inside the 5th wave of global terrorism, in which global terrorist networks are closely linked with global criminal networks, making warfare totally unconventional and peace-building even more of a challenge.\nAs a state and society, we have demonstrated the commitment, compassion and courage to take hard decisions to start direct peace talks with the Taliban. This won’t be enough. For sustainable in Afghanistan, we must get to the root of the terrorism problem blighting our region and address it as the global phenomenon, and threat, that it is.\nThe untold sorrow of the Afghan people, particularly our women and children, during the last 40 years, serves as a reminder of the relevance of the UN Charter, and also of its unfulfilled promise, of “maintaining international peace and security.”\nClimate change has effected another type of violence and suffering on our people. Afghanistan is the 17th worst affected country in the world.\nJust last month, hundreds of Afghans were killed or injured, and had their entire homes and livelihoods destroyed, when massive flood waters ripped through the province of Parwan and 13 other provinces. Two years before, the other extreme — drought — led us to nation-wide wheat shortages and upended the livelihoods of the majority of our population who rely on jobs in agriculture to put food on their tables.\nDrought and floods are seasonal occurrences for Afghanistan. We need regional solutions based on international models to address the problem of climate change.\nWe have signed memoranda of understanding with the Fortescue Metals Group to change Afghanistan into a leading green industry, energy and intend to produce 20,000 megawatts from hydro and use it to produce zero emissions steel and other products from an estimated $1 trillion in mineral resources.\nWe are also in discussion with other corporations to turn 70,000 megawatts of wind, and 220,000 megawatts of solar into renewable energy, thereby become a hub for renewable energy and green industry in the region.\nThe fifth driver of turmoil is a culmination of the first four — an unprecedented explosion of inequality that will continue to perpetuate this state of turmoil, until — or unless — we take action. In Afghanistan we are focusing on human capital and human security to create the equality of opportunities for our fellow citizen and societal stability for our people.\nI come back now to the first driver — the COVID-19 pandemic — because the scope and scale of its impact forced us to see the other four drivers, which were worsened and highlighted by the pandemic.\nThe pandemic taught us an urgent lesson: We can no longer ignore these drivers.\nThe cost of our inaction is uncertainty.\nWe are asking ourselves at this General Assembly what kind of future do we want to live in?\nIn truth, the extreme levels of uncertainty make the future very difficult to predict, but if I were to try and address that question my answer would be simple.\nWe have to get back to basics. We have to go back to the foundational values of the United Nations and the documents that enshrine them — the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights — and we have to fulfill these yet- unfulfilled promises.\nThe future must hold, to quote the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, “ recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family,” which is truly the “foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.”\nThese values have been embraced the world over. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is today universal discourse. Its values have been reflected in almost all state constitutions since the demise of the Soviet Union.\nBut these values have not been actualized.\nThese should not be lofty ideals and aspirations of the international community. They should be achievable goals. In Afghanistan, they are urgent and real problems we grapple with daily.\nWhat will it take to fulfill these promises of peace, prosperity, dignity, justice, and freedom?\nTo shape our shared future in a direction that will fulfill these promises for all of us will take unprecedented acts of cooperative and coordinated actions at all levels of the global village’s community, economy and governance.\nWe need frameworks for the future that present pragmatic solutions for collectively addressing and solving the five drivers of turmoil, particularly global terrorism and climate change.\nThis will require the type of imagination and leadership that gave us the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Charter and the capabilities that overcame the global turmoil inflicted on the world by the Second World War.\nWith these frameworks in place, we can get back to the foundational basics that the United Nations was created to address in the first place.\nThe United Nations that we need is an organization with the authorities, capabilities, capitals, and commitments to fulfill the purposes and principles of this Charter.\nI would like to commend His Excellency Secretary-General Guterres for the progress made so far in his reform agenda for the UN. But we have much further to go, and we all have a shared responsibility to shoulder in efforts to progress the sustainable development goals and progress peace, prosperity and security across the globe.\nIn Afghanistan, we are moving into the next five years with a clear plan for progressing the values of the UN, which are enshrined in our constitution, and working toward prosperity, security and peace in our own country.\nOur plan is based on building our markets for economic development, moving from an aid to a trade model, increasing our labor and capital productivity in key areas in which we have a competitive advantage.\nThe objective is self-reliance, moving away from donor relationships to mutually beneficial partnerships.\nAt the same time, we will invest in strengthening state governance structures to create an environment conducive to growth. This means continuing to combat systemic corruption, improving our public financial management systems, and strengthen provincial and district level governance.\nWe are looking closely at the gaps and weaknesses exposed by the pandemic, and strengthening our systems for the long-term.\nThough we are facing multiple drivers of turmoil all at once in Afghanistan, above all, peace remains our most urgent and important priority.\nThere is a passage from the preamble of the Charter of the United Nations that encapsulates our current goals for peace in Afghanistan. We want “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and... to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security”.\nThe role of the United Nations in standing for our shared values throughout the peace process is absolutely critical, and we thank the United Nations for their support so far throughout this arduous process. We thank the UN for their call for a global ceasefire.\nThe role of the UN and our international partners and allies will continue to be extremely important as our negotiating team sits across from the Taliban in Doha.\nAt those talks, the Afghan people have a clear and urgent priority: a ceasefire. An urgent end to the violence will, more than anything else, give us a chance to progress.\nI would like to take this opportunity to call on every member of the General Assembly and the Permanent Members of the Security Council to help us achieve the end-state of a sovereign, united and democratic Afghanistan, at peace with itself and the region, capable of preserving and expanding the gains of the last 19 years. A democratically stable and prosperous Afghanistan will be an example of how our collective will can overcome the turmoil and uncertainty that defines our world today. Thank You.
## 64 42.\t Almost one year ago, the young People's Republic of Angola was historically and officially admitted as a full Member to the United Nations. The time that has since elapsed has not yet been sufficient to efface from the Angolan people's memory the struggle waged by their revolutionary vanguard against the anachronistic, anti-democratic and hostile attitude taken by the United States of America in the Security Council when it delayed and vetoed the admission to the United Nations of the People's Republic of Angola.\n43.\tOn 1 December 1976, when the People's Republic of Angola for the first time made its voice heard from this rostrum, it was stated that our admission to this world body was not just a victory for the Angolan people: it was a victory for all peace-loving and freedom-loving peoples, - a victory for all the progressive forces and countries which supported our long and hard national liberation struggle. But it was an incomplete victory, because we were not at the same time celebrating the admission of the glorious Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Today, however, the picture of that victory is complete, and tomorrow it will assume even greater proportions with the inevitable admission of other independent countries.\n44.\tPermit us now, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of the People's Republic of Angola, to extend our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly and to wish you every success in the fulfilment of your arduous task.\n45.\tWe should like to convey to the President of the thirty-first session our appreciation of the outstanding services he rendered during the period in which he was invested with the same high responsibilities, and »5so to express to the Secretary-General of the United Nations our deep gratitude for the great dedication he has brought to the solution of various grave problems with which both the People's Republic of Angola and the international community have had to deal.\n46.\tThe foreign policy of the People's Republic of Angola is governed by unequivocal guiding principles, which we should like to recall and indeed to reaffirm: the establishment and maintenance of diplomatic relations with all countries of the world on the basis of mutual respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity, non- aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, equal and reciprocal advantage, peaceful coexistence and non- alignment; respect for the principles of the Charters of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity; the intransigent safeguarding of our complete national independence and of our socialist option; the diversification of relations of co-operation in the most varied fields; militant solidarity with the national liberation movements, with oppressed peoples and with the struggle of the workers of the whole world, on the basis of proletarian internationalism; and the progressive strengthening of bonds of friendship and co-operation with the socialist community and anti-imperialist communities of every continent.\n47.\tHowever, despite the clarity and indeed the universality of most of the principles enunciated, the People's Republic of Angola and hence the Angolan people are still faced with a lack of any kind of understanding, with accusations and labels 'with biased press campaigns, with divisive manoeuvring and multiform offensives orchestrated by the imperialist Powers with the connivance of external and internal agents, all aimed at the annihilation of the revolutionary process now in progress, the establishment of neo-colonialism and the consequent paralysis of the liberation struggle of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa, with grave consequences for the other front-line States.\n48.\tThe Government of the People's Republic of Angola will not fail therefore to speak out in accordance with the principles that guide it, or to act with the authority and responsibility vested in it so as duly to comply with the duties and obligations it has assumed vis-à-vis the Angolan people and the progressive international community. By this we mean that we intend to face problems objectively and not to resort to compromise merely as a way of finding provisional solutions or of concealing a lack of political courage in the face of the complexity or delicate nature of some situation or another. This implies that we shall clearly, honestly and courageously assume the responsibilities of our positions and options.\n49.\tThe present state of international political affairs is essentially characterized by a multiplicity of conflicts of different types. No one in this Assembly can or should be unaware that the growing contradiction between the capitalist camp and the socialist camp has shifted the scene of military confrontation from South-East Asia to the African continent, where, as a result of the resounding defeat of North American imperialism in Viet Nam and the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire, an offensive is being mounted by certain imperialist Powers in the form of indirect intervention, the immediate effect of which is the destabilization of progressive African regimes.\n50.\tA brief analysis of the international panorama shows that the direct confrontation of the peoples with imperialism, neo-colonialism, colonialism, Zionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man is still an incontestable reality in the present era. Peace is therefore far from being assured in all parts of the world, because we are still witnessing a frenzied arms race, the perpetuation of colonial wars, all manner of aggression against independent States, foreign domination and occupation, economic plunder and a proliferation of plots by the imperialist Powers against the national sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of States.\n51.\tAt the same time, and in particular, the shameful armed aggression against Benin; the heinous assassination of the President of the People's Republic of the Congo, Marien Ngouabi; the criminal attempted coup d’état in Angola organized by a group of factionalists serving foreign interests; the armed aggression and incursions carried out by the racist and Fascist regimes "of so-called Rhodesia and South Africa against Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and Angola; the military conflicts between contiguous African countries; the fostering of subversion and counterrevolution in certain African countries; the troop movements north and south of Angola's borders; the financial, material and even logistic support given to Angolan puppet organizations, and so forth—all this is a very clear indication of the aggressive designs of international imperialism on the African continent.\n52.\tIn view of this somewhat gloomy picture, and in order better to face up to imperialist manoeuvres, it seems to us essential that there should be joint action, particularly within the framework of the movement of non-aligned countries, whereby each nation would ensure its complete national independence by taking national resources into its own hands and exploiting them for the benefit of its people; reject any form of subordination and dependence and any interference or pressure whatsoever, whether of a political, an economic or a military nature; prohibit the establishment of foreign military bases on its national territory and support all those fighting for the dismantling of such bases, which are generally imposed or maintained against the will of the people; seriously devote every effort to a necessary and effective international detente, to general and complete disarmament, and to the implementation of measures designed to strengthen international security and to ensure a total ban on the production and use of any kind of chemical, bacteriological or nuclear weapons, including the neutron bomb; prevent by every means the Indian Ocean from becoming the scene of any military confrontation and contribute decisively to its maintenance as a zone of peace; put into effect, as far as possible, development programmes which can be defended against economic blocs; and firmly support genuine national liberation movements in every possible way.\n53.\tHowever, one of the most serious problems to be faced over the coming years, especially for under-developed countries, will undoubtedly be the economic crisis in the capitalist world, essentially characterized by rising inflation and growing unemployment, by the diminished level of real profits from the export of commodities from underdeveloped countries and the growing indebtedness of those same countries.\n54.\tIn the face of this situation, which basically affects the countries of the so-called third world, practical ways must be devised of applying the oft-repeated principles concerning the establishment of a new world economic order founded essentially on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and co-operation between States.\n55.\tIt has therefore become necessary to act in such a way as effectively to create a new equilibrium in international economic relations based on social justice, human dignity and the inalienable right of peoples to exercise total and permanent sovereignty over their national resources and freely to use and dispose of those resources.\n56.\tIn the course of two years of independence, the Angolan people and the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, under the leadership of the Movimento Popular de Libertagao de Angola and of their far-sighted leader, Mr. Agostinho Neto, have managed to overcome a series of difficulties and obstacles. With each passing day and month, they become ever more involved in the great and inspiring battle for national reconstruction in order to respond more adequately to the interests of the most exploited strata and to build a truly socialist society. At the same time they are preparing for an event of great historical significance: the holding of the first Congress of the MPLA and the creation of the party of the working class.\n57.\tDespite the invasions from the north and the south by the regular armies of Zaire and South Africa, together with bands of puppets and mercenaries supported by certain Western Powers and certain French-speaking African countries; despite the destruction and plunder carried out by those same forces, with material damages estimated at S6,700 million, for which compensation has not yet been paid; and despite the flight and departure of technical cadres, most of them Portuguese—all factors which caused the paralysis of internal trade and of industrial and agricultural units and the consequent sudden sharp decline in production—it is absolutely undeniable that quite positive and encouraging result have already been achieved, especially in the fields of education, health, agriculture, industry, fisheries, construction, the economy, internal and external trade, and national defence.\n58.\tIn this respect, there is still a state of emergency in the People's Republic of Angola, and the tremendous efforts made in the task of national reconstruction have not as yet made it possible to attain the production levels reached in 1973, the last year of Portuguese colonial domination.\n59.\tFor all the foregoing reasons, the so-called gross national product in the People's Republic of Angola is today very much lower than S300-that is, S250 per capita. Hence, we have good reason to regard ourselves as being among the least developed countries, and we are justified in our appeals for assistance to many types of international bodies and, in particular, to the specialized agencies of the United Nations.\n60.\tFor the activity already carried out in the People's Republic of Angola by those specialized agencies, we must express our most sincere gratitude, particularly to UNDP and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, for the volume of assistance - and for the projects carried out or now in progress We express the same feelings of gratitude to all the countries and organizations which in this respect have, directly or indirectly, contributed to lessening the sufferings and the sacrifices of the Angolan people.\n61.\tBecause it is our understanding that the consolidation of the independence of the People's Republic of Angola should now lead to a more substantial contribution to the national liberation struggle of peoples still subject to colonial domination, and because we consider that the armed struggle waged by the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe, South Africa, the so-called Western Sahara and East Timor is still the most valid way for them to achieve their inalienable right to independence, we have, out of the most elementary spirit of militant solidarity and internationalist duty, assumed the responsibility of giving our support, in every possible way and in accordance with our modest possibilities, to their legitimate representatives, namely, SWAPO, the Patriotic Front, the African National Congress, the Frente POLISARIO and the Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente.\n62.\tHowever, there are certain considerations which come to our mind. In the first place, the various forms of support given to the Fascist and racist Pretoria and Salisbury regimes by the imperialist and neo-colonialist Powers, in particular the United States of America, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United Kingdom, such as the sale or supply of arms or military equipment, financial investment, the refusal to observe the embargo on arms and oil supplies and other decreed sanctions, and the provision of nuclear technology and the requisite equipment, constitute clear acts of aggression against the peoples of southern Africa and against the United Nations itself.\n63.\tWhile it is true that we do not reject a priori the possibility of creating favourable conditions in Namibia and Zimbabwe for a negotiated settlement on the independence of those territories, it is no less true that we do not yet believe that a just solution to the existing antagonism can be found merely through talks between the so-called "group of five" and the Vorster regime—in the case of Namibia—or through the already rejected Anglo-American plan, in the case of Zimbabwe. Moreover, we still cannot conceive of the supporters of such regime really being able to convert themselves into sincere champions of the aspirations of the Namibian and Zimbabwean peoples.\n64.\tIn this connexion, we should like to recall that, as clearly stated by the President of the MPLA and of the People's Republic of Angola:\n".. . only through armed struggle is it possible to defeat the oppressive forces in the world. It is not through negotiations, through conferences or councils, that the peoples will determine their own future, because there is a struggle of interests, a struggle between classes now developed through imperialism and through the desire of one social group to dominate all the others. It was armed struggle that led to the talks in Switzerland and it was armed struggle which brought the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia to the forefront. Without armed struggle, the national liberation struggles would have no vigour. It must therefore be intensified."\n65.\tWhat will be decisive for the People's Republic of Angola, however, will be the positions or decisions taken in the near future by SWAPO and the Patriotic Front.\n66.\tWithin the context of support for the armed struggle for national liberation, we consider that the democratic and progressive forces in the international community cannot remain indifferent or sit by with folded arms, as we have already openly stated, either with regard to the difficult and legitimate struggle of the Saharan people under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO, or with regard to the equally hard and legitimate struggle of the people of East Timor, led by FRETILIN, for their legitimate right to self-determination and independence. After the withdrawal of the former colonial Powers and in the light of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), which contains the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, it is inconceivable that, in the face of a certain conniving passivity, those two liberation movements should find themselves obliged to fight, weapons in hand, against foreign armed forces belonging to certain countries which are members of the non-aligned movement and which did not take up arms during the period of Spanish and Portuguese occupation. It seems to us indispensable that the State members of 041) and of the United Nations Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples should assume, with urgency, their responsibilities.\n67.\tIn the context of solidarity with other struggling peoples, we should like once again to reaffirm our unconditional support for the Arab people of Palestine and their legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization, in their struggle against Zionism to recover their national rights and their homeland, which has been usurped by Israel. At the same time we support the full right of the Palestine Liberation Organization to take part in all negotiations concerning the solution of the situation in the Middle East. The absence of that Organization and the attempt to push it aside will make it impossible ever to halt or eliminate the conflict. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with the Korean people in their persistent efforts to reunify their country by peaceful means without any foreign interference in their internal affairs; and we again reaffirm our unreserved support for the people of Puerto Rico in their just struggle for their full right to self- determination and independence and against the annexation of the country to the territory of North America. We also reaffirm our militant solidarity with the Chilean people in their determined struggle to regain their freedom, their independence and their human dignity.\n68.\tThe Angolan people and their revolutionary vanguard, MPLA, who wish only to live in peace within their geographical boundaries, are conscious of their national and international duties, as well as of the dangers that surround them and the acts of aggression that are. being prepared against the People's Republic of Angola.\n69.\tThe Angolan people and their leading bodies are not unaware of the grave threats to which they are subject, coming on the one hand from the Zairian regime, which, apart from everything else, recently concluded a contract with the Orbital Transport and Raketen Company of the Federal Republic of Germany and, on the other hand, from the South African regime, which continues to train bands of puppets on Namibian territory and to infiltrate armed groups into Angolan territory to spread death and destruction among the population on the border, while their mentors, without the slightest scruple or even the least sense of the ridiculous, proclaim in certain European, American and African capitals that such and such provinces in the country have been occupied, although no one has seen them even in a commune or municipality\n70.\tThe consequences of these designs, which can prove disastrous, are already the full responsibility of certain Governments of Western Powers and of certain French- speaking African countries.\n71.\tIn reaffirming our profound gratitude for the militant solidarity extended to the Angolan people by the socialist countries, particularly the Soviet Union and Cuba, and by progressive African countries and the democratic forces in general, we wish to assure the Assembly that nothing can deflect the Angolan people from the revolutionary course they have freely chosen.\n72.\tThe struggle continues. Victory is certain.\n \n\n
## 65 \n1.\tOn analysing the agenda of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly, we foresee intense and delicate activity, in view of the complexity and vast number of the items included. However, we hope that in the course of the debates on such important questions ways and means may be found best suited to the solution of the international problems that we are all obliged to face seriously.\n2.\tMay I first, Mr. President, on behalf of the People's Republic of Angola, extend to you most sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty- third session of the United Nations General Assembly, which is testimony of recognition of your noble qualities. At the same time, may we wish you every success in the discharge of your difficult and strenuous mandate.\n3.\tMay we also reaffirm to the outgoing President our highest appreciation of the brilliance and dynamism he imparted to the manifold tasks of this international body during the period when he was invested with similar high responsibilities.\n4.\tOur feelings of significant appreciation extend to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the dedicated efforts he has consistently made for the solution of the grave problems that affect the international community.\n5.\tIn the course of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, which took place in Belgrade at the end of July this year, we had an opportunity to state that the direct confrontation of many peoples with imperialism, neo-colonialism, colonialism,\nZionism, apartheid expansionism and the exploitation of man by man still constituted an indisputable reality of our era. Under these circumstances, the supreme aspiration of the peoples to peace is far from being guaranteed everywhere in the world, in that we still see continuing colonial wars, acts of aggression of every kind against independent States, inadmissible military interventions, the resurgence of the use of mercenaries, multiple plots against the sovereignty and security of States, foreign domination and occupation and economic plunder. All these factors are fostered entirely by the imperialist or neo-colonialist Powers.\n6. This alarming situation prevails, and will continue to prevail for an indeterminate period, so long as the Governments of a certain number of countries, which have already been amply characterized, do not strictly respect the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the Charter of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the policy of non-alignment; so long as many of us are unable to achieve complete independence, taking our national resources into our own hands and using them for the benefit of our peoples and not for that of multinational companies; so long as there is not a categorical rejection of all forms of subordination and dependence, of all interference and of all pressure, whether political, economic or military; so long as it is not forbidden to establish military bases in the most diverse parts of the world, generally imposed or maintained against the will of the peoples concerned, and so long as those already existing are not duly dismantled; so long as all United Nations Members are not seriously and sincerely aiming towards achieving detente, general and complete disarmament and the absolute prohibition of the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons, including the neutron bomb; so long as all do not recognize the imperative need to make the Indian Ocean effectively a zone of peace as long as all do not equally recognize and respect the rights of the oppressed peoples to struggle, by armed force or any other means, for national liberation and to choose the political regime that best suits them; so long as the astronomical sums spent on the arms race are not judiciously earmarked for the economic development of under-developed countries; so long as a New International Economic Order has not been created, in accordance with\nprinciples long established and enunciated.\n7. In the middle of this year, in this same place, the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, was held. Of the about 150 items on the agenda of this current session of the General Assembly, 14 are related exclusively to general and complete disarmament. This prompts us to make a few brief remarks on this problem of cardinal importance, although the Prime Minister of the \n\nPeople's Republic of Angola has already defined our position from this same rostrum.\n8. The trend towards achieving real detente appears to us to be predominant now, and this implies taking tangible steps in the field of disarmament. Thus, together with the efforts pursued to achieve agreement on the destruction of stocks of nuclear weapons, it becomes imperative for the nuclear Powers, without exception, to undertake to sign and respect the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and for the guarantees for the security of non-nuclear countries to be strengthened by the adoption of an international convention, in the same way, a treaty on a general and complete end to all nuclear tests should be concluded as soon as possible.\nIt is our belief, however, that the achievement of these prime goals should be accompanied by the gradual reduction of the military budgets of countries that produce the most diverse types of weapons.\n10. Nevertheless, we wish to reaffirm clearly that the principle of not resorting to force for the settlement of international conflicts should not in any way constitute an impediment to the armed struggle of peoples for their national independence or to the exercise of the right to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity against foreign aggression.\n11. For these reasons we regard it as absolutely necessary to establish now the requisite conditions or foundations for the holding of the World Conference on Disarmament.\n12.\tWithin this context of general and complete disarmament we cannot fail to mention the untiring and praiseworthy efforts made by the socialist countries, and particularly by the USSR, for the establishment of the most varied treaties and conventions aimed at preserving mankind from the disastrous consequences of the frenzied arms race and greater and lesser wars. If those praiseworthy goals have pot yet been completely achieved, this is solely and exclusively due to the patent lack of seriousness and sincerity on the part of the imperialist Powers, in particular the United States of America, which thus benefit from the fabulous profits made by their armament consortia.\n13.\tAnother question which also merits some reflection is that related to the promotion of and respect for human rights.\n14.\tWe start from the principle that in the constitution of each country Member of the United Nations the rights of its citizens are duly safeguarded. Every Member of this Organization has adhered to or proclaimed its respect for the norms laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Any action honestly intended to make human rights prevail where they are trampled underfoot is, therefore, legitimate.\n15.\tHowever, what we cannot understand is that certain Western Powers set themselves up as the great and sole champions of human rights when they themselves clearly\ndo not respect them. How, for example, can it be conceived that those which most frequently invoke the much acclaimed rights of man should be precisely those which, through their multiform support for the racist and Fascist Pretoria and Salisbury regimes, not only have ensured the survival of the criminal apartheid system, which constitutes the most flagrant violation of human dignity, but have tried to impede the national liberation struggle of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa? Moreover, how can one understand the fact that they have not recognized the legitimate right to independence of the peoples of the Democratic Saharan Arab Republic and the Democratic Republic of East Timor? How, then, can the economic blockade against Cuba and the maintenance of a military base at Guantanamo against the will of the Cuban people be justified? How can one explain the failure to recognize the right of the Arab people of Palestine to recover their usurped homeland and set up an independent State and, at the same time, the massive support given to Israel, which enables it to occupy Arab lands, impose Israeli laws on Arab citizens and establish settlements on land which also is Arab? Furthermore, how can one justify support for the Fascist regimes of Latin America-in Chile, Nicaragua and Uruguay-in the face of the courageous struggle of the peoples concerned for their right to freedom? Where, then, is the morality of such champions? As we understand it, the campaign launched on this question is supposed to be against an alleged lack of freedoms in socialist countries, and hence is an attempt to discredit socialism.\n16.\tSince the People's Republic of Angola is an independent country on the African continent, it cannot fail to assume its growing responsibilities within the geopolitical context, both as regards the progressive development of political and economic relations and as regards the national liberation struggles.\n17.\tIn this respect, our special attention centres on the situation prevailing in southern Africa. No one is unaware that the five Western members of the Security Council have for some time now been devoting certain efforts to finding a negotiated solution to the Namibian problem through numerous talks held with the« South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the front-line countries and the Fascist and racist Pretoria regime.\n18.\tAfter the Luanda Agreement of 12 July 1978,3 the requisite steps were taken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the progressive implementation of the decolonization programme for Namibia, as SWAPO has always shown a certain flexibility and a marked spirit of co-operation in order to achieve the desired solution. Moreover, SWAPO's proposal to sign a cease-fire with the Pretoria regime, which was duly authenticated by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on behalf of the Security Council, is clear evidence of its firm intention to honour the commitments undertaken. However, faced with the imminence of a Security Council resolution, the Pretoria regime embarked on a series of shameless manoeuvres aimed at compromising the implementation of the decisions of that international body.\n19.\tIn these circumstances the Government of the People's Republic of Angola considers that the unilateral decision of the Pretoria regime to hold early elections in Namibia is intended, as a minimum, to achieve the following purposes: to prevent at all costs the participation of SWAPO in a necessarily free and democratic electoral process; to impose a puppet government which would be constituted on a tribal basis and do its bidding, so as to prevent the transfer of power to SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people; to perpetuate the illegal occupation of Namibia and the inhuman exploitation of the people and natural resources of that Territory; to pursue its constant acts of provocation, violation and aggression against the People's Republic of Angola.\n20.\tAt the same time, the Angolan Government also considers that the putting into effect of the Pretoria regime's pernicious designs to reject the decolonization plan for Namibia, as set forth in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), will have grave consequences, both inside and outside Namibia, which will be the entire responsibility of the five Western Powers if they do not decide to act with due and indispensable firmness-of which, moreover, they have never given proof—to ensure the strict application of the sanctions long advocated at various international conferences and in international bodies.\n21.\tIn view of the possibility that the Governments of the five Western countries may show their habitual timid and hypocritical attitude in facing this insolent challenge to the international community, we think that the appropriate response is perfectly summarized in the ever-timely statement made more than a year ago by the far-sighted leader of the Angolan revolution, when he said:\n"Only through armed struggle is it possible to defeat the oppressive forces in the world. It is not through negotiations, through conferences or councils, that the peoples will determine their own future, because there is a struggle of interests, a struggle between classes now developed through imperialism and through the desire of just one social group to dominate all the others. Without armed struggle, the national liberation struggle would have no vigour in it. It must therefore be intensified."\n22.\tAnd, because the People's Republic of Angola is and will be by its own will a firm bastion of the revolution in Africa, no one should underrate its unshakeable determination to support SWAPO by all necessary means, and also the other national liberation movements, until such time\nfully attained.\n23.\tThe present evolution of the situation in Zimbabwe is no less disturbing. While it is true that the people of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of their legitimate representative the Patriotic Front, have achieved significant victories in their armed struggle for national liberation, it is no less true that there are ever more imperialist manoeuvres aimed at seeking to push aside the Patriotic Front or destroy it, to create differences among the front-line countries and to establish a neo-colonialist regime in Zimbabwe.\n24.\tIt was on the basis of the connivance of certain imperialist Powers and their agents that the Fascist and racist Salisbury regime saw fit to resort to the farce of the so-called "internal settlement", and also saw fit to perpetrate systematic and criminal acts of aggression against the People's Republic of Mozambique and, albeit on a lesser scale, against the Republics of Zambia and Botswana.\n25.\tIn these circumstances, winning national independence for Zimbabwe inevitably will be achieved through the continuous development of the armed struggle and, consequently, through the growing politico-military implantation of the Patriotic Front on its national territory. We reaffirm our unconditional, militant solidarity with it.\n26.\tIn its turn, although under extremely difficult conditions the African National Congress of South Africa is pursuing its politico-military action against the Pretoria regime, which before long will have to face internally a truly explosive situation. To the Congress, the revolutionary vanguard of the South African people, we express our full support in its struggle against the, odious system of apartheid and in favour of national liberation.\n27.\tWithin the context of decolonization, the total liberation of our continents and solidarity with the national liberation movements, there is a need for all Members of the United Nations to give serious thought to the courageous armed struggles of the peoples of Western Sahara, East Timor and Palestine, under the respective leadership of the Frente POLISARIO, FRETILIN and the PLO.\n28.\tAllow us to refer once again to the fundamental facts of the question of Western Sahara. The heroic armed struggle of the Saharan people constitutes the basis of permanent or growing tension among three non-aligned countries, and that has seriously affected the harmonious development of bilateral relations among some of our States.\n29.\tIn the light of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the right of the Saharan people to self-determination and independence is indisputable, and this, moreover, was officially recognized by the parties directly concerned until 1975.\n30.\tAt the advisory hearing of the International Court of Justice held on 16 October 1975, it was clearly denied that there existed any ties of territorial sovereignty or any form of uninterrupted exercise of political authority, by any country whatsoever, over Western Sahara prior to Spanish colonization.\n31.\tThe mission sent to the Western Sahara by the United Nations in 1975 clearly stated in its report that the people of the Territory whom they met were virtually unanimously In favour of independence and also recognized that the Frente POLISARIO was the predominant political force, thus acknowledging its representative character,\n32.\tFinally, the Madrid Agreement of 15 November 1975 was reached without Spain, the then administering Power having previously consulted the Saharan people. For these reasons, it is clear to us that any territorial claim over the Western Sahara is therefore illegitimate.\n33.\tAlthough we still hope that a just solution will be found within the framework of the OAU, through the work of the ad hoc Committee composed of five Heads of State of the OAU and the holding of a special summit on the question of the Western Sahara'0 we are convinced that it is now necessary, by means of negotiations and with the full participation of the Frente POLISARIO, to face up to the inevitable political solution, so as to safeguard the Saharan people's right to national existence and to preserve the region from foreign intervention.\n34.\tIn East Timor the situation is very similar to that in the Western Sahara. When the administering colonial Power withdrew, the Maubere people, already for some years under the leadership of their legitimate representative, FRETILIN, were preparing to assume full power, when suddenly foreign armed forces belonging to a member country of, the non-aligned movement invaded East Timor and occupied the capital despite the proclamation of the Democratic Republic of East Timor.\n35.\tSince 1975 the armed struggle has been considerably intensified. Despite the progressive increase of invading military contingents, which now number some tens of thousands of troops, and also despite the lack of external logistic base and the inconceivable passivity of the progressive community as regards military and financial help for the FRETILIN fighters, the Maubere people, relying on their own forces, undoubtedly control the greater part of the national territory.\n36.\tIt is important to note that after three years of war the. invading armed forces have not succeeded in eliminating or crushing FRETILIN, nor have they been able to beat them back further than about 30 kilometres from the capital. It is therefore imperative that the United Nations Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the non-aligned movement itself address themselves seriously to the grave situation existing in East Timor and that the democratic and progressive forces of the world express militant solidarity with the Maubere people.\n37.\tAt the same time, the gravity of the present crisis in the Middle East also merits particular attention in view of the high degree of tension and the military confrontations in that area. We are wholly convinced that this deplorable situation will continue so long as the legitimate rights of the\nArab people of Palestine to recover their homeland usurped by Israel and to establish an independent State are not recognized. At the same time, we believe that without the participation of the PLO in any negotiations on a solution to the problem it will not be possible to solve that grave conflict.\n38.\tFor these reasons it does not seem to us that the bilateral Camp David agreements arrived at under the tendentious auspices of the Carter Administration can contribute to a just and lasting solution to this crisis that would accord with the interests of the Arab peoples as a whole and of the Palestinian people in particular.\n39.\tThe permanent hostility of the Israeli regime and the impunity it enjoys owing to the massive support it receives from North American imperialism, which permits it to commit multiple acts of aggression against certain Arab countries, prevents us from being able to conclude that these two could one day favour the just cause of the Arab peoples to the detriment of the sordid objectives of the imperialist Powers in that area, where Israel is the operative tool.\n40.\tThe heroic people of Viet Nam, an exemplary source of inspiration for all peoples fighting for national liberation, are today suffering fresh and treacherous aggression and provocations which barely conceal patently expansionist designs. We thus reaffirm our unshakable militant solidarity with the just and well considered positions taken with the aim of solving present conflicts through the correct method of negotiation.\n41.\tTo the fighting people of Korea we express our total support for their persistent intention to reunify their country by peaceful means and without any foreign interference in their internal affairs.\n42.\tTo the people of Puerto Rico we convey our full solidarity and our warmest congratulations on the victories recently achieved, as reflected in the recent resolution of the Special Committee reaffirming their inalienable right to self-determination and independence, including the complete transfer of all powers to the people of that territory.\n43.\tTo the Chilean people we reaffirm our unconditional support for their just struggle to recover their human dignity, freedom and independence.\n44.\tWe express our most heartfelt solidarity with the people of Nicaragua and their fighting vanguard in the courageous struggle they have been waging to achieve their legitimate aspirations.\n45.\tAnd, since the policy of non-alignment identifies with the liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples, it is fitting here to hail the holding in Cuba of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and to express our conviction that that Conference" will\n\n46.\tThe People's Republic of Angola will shortly be commemorating the third anniversary of the proclamation of its independence, and in assessing the efforts already made in this short period we can note with legitimate pride, as an example, that, in the field of education, one out of every three Angolans is studying. The number of pupils receiving primary education has tripled in comparison with that in the colonial era, and in secondary education the number has doubled. One hundred and sixty thousand young people and adults have already become literate, and 600,000 are taking literacy courses. In the People's Republic of Angola education is free of charge.\n47.\tIn the field of health., all medical and health care is also free of charge. Substantial efforts are being made to ensure that such care gives the best possible coverage to the rural areas of our country.\n48.\tWith regard to agriculture, the basic factor, and that of industry, the decisive factor, the state production" units have been progressively increasing their output, thanks to the selfless efforts of our peasants and workers.\n49.\tIn the fields of construction, transport and fisheries, the results already achieved are quite significant.\n50.\tYet, the levels attained do not as yet correspond to the targets set because, among other things, it has not been possible to compensate for the material damage sustained because of the invasion of South African armed forces, which is estimated at $6.7 billion and for which compensation has not yet been forthcoming.\n51.\tThe people of Angola, their Party and their Government are enthusiastically pursuing the tasks of national reconstruction in order to consolidate the revolutionary process, strengthen national unity and defence, establish the Party structures throughout the country and build the foundations for a socialist society.\n52.\tThe struggle continues; victory is certain.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 66 282.\tI wish to begin by conveying to the President, on behalf of the People's Republic of Angola, our warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This significant choice is undoubtedly a recognition of his distinguished personal and diplomatic qualities and merits. We wish him the greatest possible success in the exercise of his difficult task.\n283.\tI should also like to convey to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim our deep appreciation for his brilliant performance as President of the thirty-fourth session and reaffirm to him our pride at the farsighted and dignified manner in which he performed his task, thus enhancing the prestige not only of the United Republic of Tanzania but, above all, of the African continent.\n284.\tFurthermore, we wish to express to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our most profound gratitude for his tireless efforts to find the most just and appropriate solutions to the serious problems confronting the international community and pay him a tribute for his perseverance and his courage in the many contacts undertaken with those who feel directly concerned in the delicate situation prevailing in southern Africa.\n285.\tAt this time, as the thirty-fifth session is beginning its work, the world is in an extremely complicated, delicate and dangerous situation because there is considerable aggravation of direct confrontations between numerous peoples and those who support imperialism, neo-colonialism, colonialism, expansionism, Zionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man.\n286.\tTwo years ago, from this very rostrum we declared that the disturbing situation at that time might get even worse and deteriorate indefinitely as long as the Governments of certain Western Powers well known to us failed strictly to respect the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Charter of the OAU and the principles of nonalignment; as long as they continued to foment colonial wars and to perpetrate acts of aggression of all kinds, directly or indirectly, against independent States; as long as they continued to proliferate plots against the sovereignty and security of States; as long as they continued their economic pillage of the underdeveloped countries and persisted in preventing a gradual reduction of the gap that is ceaselessly growing between the affluent or developed countries and the poor or underdeveloped countries; as long as they imposed military bases in the farthest corners of the globe, bases generally maintained against the will of the peoples concerned; as long as they persisted in thwarting the serious efforts of the socialist and progressive and democratic forces to bring about detente, general and complete disarmament and a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons, including the neutron bomb; as long as they failed to comply with resolutions adopted by international bodies that clearly stipulated that it was imperative to make the Indian Ocean an effective zone of peace; as long as they continued to devote astronomical sums to the arms race instead of judiciously setting aside those same sums for the economic and social development of the developing countries; and as long as they strove to thwart the establishment of a new international economic order in spite of the principles already enunciated by the nonaligned movement.\n287.\tToday we note with the gravest concern that those positions remain unchanged and that consequently there must be coherent unity of action against those who alone are responsible—that is, the Western Governments and their allies—for the growing tragedy of all human beings subjected to exploitation, oppression and injustice.\n288.\tThus, it is time for the millions of human beings still without freedom or the right to choose their own future to be able to avail themselves of ways and means of fighting servitude, humiliation, tyranny, poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease.\n289.\tIt is time for all developing peoples to take resolute action in the fight against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, zionism, expansionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man so as to be able freely to choose their economic, political, social and cultural systems free from intimidation or pressure. It is time for them to take into their own hands their own natural resources and to exploit them for their own benefit and not for the benefit of multinational corporations. It is time for them flatly to reject all forms of subordination and dependence on any Power and all interference and all pressure, be it political, economic or military. It is time for them to demand, in combined and concerted fashion, the dismantling of foreign military bases on the territories of their countries which have been established against their will. It is time for them to make an effective contribution to the safeguarding of international peace and security and the easing of international tension. It is time for them to make a further effort to find effective means of mobilizing their human, financial, organizational and technological resources, thus laying a solid foundation for mutual economic cooperation in the raw materials field and in trade, transport, industry, agriculture, fisheries, health, insurance and so on.\n290.\tIn a word, it is time—and perhaps all that is necessary is for all the nonaligned countries without exception decisively to put into effect the final Declaration and the Programme of Action for economic cooperation approved at the historic Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, held at Havana, from 3 to 9 September 197924 for the serious problems besetting the world today to be properly resolved. That is our hope and our conviction.\n291.\tPermit us to dwell at rather greater length on the problems of detente, disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms race, because these are the major concerns of the countries that love peace and justice. Once again we are obliged to repeat ourselves. Considerable and praiseworthy efforts have been made, particularly by the socialist countries, to bring about detente and disarmament, to stave off the nuclear threat and to halt the arms race. If detente, which is so ardently desired, is to be meaningful and effective it is indispensable for it to lead to the eliminate f all sources of tension and the halting of aggression, for interference and the political and economic exploitation of the weakest countries, as well as to the adoption of serious and concrete measures by all in the field of disarmament.\n292.\tIn so far as concerns general and complete disarmament, it is imperative for negotiations to continue towards the establishment of treaties or conventions designed to save mankind from the disastrous consequences of an unbridled arms race as well as major or minor wars. Once and for all, all nuclear Powers in particular must undertake to embark upon the gradual destruction of their arsenals of nuclear weapons and to adhere to and respect the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.\n293.\tWe all know that the international situation is one of extreme tension. Over and above the factors I have mentioned, we must bear in mind the escalation of the cold war started by the United States Administration following the important victories won by the struggling peoples which have frustrated its shameful policy of domination and exploitation. Many threats of aggression, of military intervention, of economic sanctions were then forthcoming from the imperialist Powers.\n294.\tThat climate of tension was to encourage a certain number of States to engage in an arms race, which is something that has always been of benefit to the Governments of imperialist Powers because of the fabulous profits they earn through their military consortia; and, apart from that, it served certain electoral interests, particularly in the United States of America.\n295.\tWithin the same context, certain representatives of Western Powers have frequently donned the mantle of champions of human rights, but that has always been a matter of opportunism, transient interests or the needs of their constituents.\n296.\tIf, from the point of view of credibility, the words they have uttered reflect a coherent attitude of action and determination on the part of their Governments to defend human rights, we would venture formally to call upon them to render every kind of assistance to the Namibian peoples and to the South Africans, the Sahraoui, the Palestinians, the Mauberes of East Timor, the Chileans, the Uruguayans, the Salvadorians, the Kampucheans and the Puerto Ricans, as well as all other fighting against tyranny, oppression, exploitation, social injustice and racial discrimination; and we would call upon them at the same time to denounce the regimes that are oppressing those peoples; to lift the economic blockade imposed upon Cuba and denounce the pressure exerted on and the threats uttered against the Cuban revolution; to halt all economic and military support for dictatorial racist and Fascist regimes; and to reduce, considerably and steadily, their military budgets and thus to help the peoples of the underdeveloped countries to combat famine, poverty, disease, illiteracy, unemployment and so on.\n297.\tIn reviewing the situation that prevails in the African continent, we note with regret that one of the fundamental objectives of the OAU has not yet been achieved—the total liberation of Africa.\n298.\tWho is to blame for this? Not the OAU. Once again, the responsibility lies with the imperialist Powers, inasmuch as they are pursuing their aggressive policy to perpetuate or extend their domination and exploitation of the African nations and to destabilize States that oppose their plans. In the context of southern Africa, one people, that of Zimbabwe, has also just seized its independence after a fierce armed struggle. Today, Zimbabwe is a sovereign State, a member of the OAU, of the United Nations and of the nonaligned movement. The People's Republic of Angola rejoices at this happy event and reiterates its congratulations to the people and leaders of Zimbabwe, who have fought so valiantly and have thwarted all manoeuvres designed to set up a puppet regime.\n299.\tIn the same region another people, that of Namibia, is awaiting the historic moment when it will regain its inalienable right to freedom and independence within the territorial integrity of its own country.\n300.\tDuring the last 20 years, numerous relevant resolutions have been adopted by various international bodies recognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence and, on the other hand, denouncing or condemning the illegal occupation of Namibia by the criminal South African regime, with its shameful system of apartheid, which is an intolerable and flagrant violation of human rights and the rights of peoples, its unacceptable arrogance and scorn for the international community and its organizations, and the lavish support afforded by certain Western Powers.\n301.\tEver since the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia in May 1967 as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until its independence and as the decision-making organ of the United Nations for that Territory, the Pretoria regime and its accomplices have striven to obstruct the fulfilment of the Council's mandate and have arranged a series of manoeuvres designed to delay for as long as possible the inevitable independence of Namibia. Throughout all these years, the Namibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], it sole and legitimate representative, has been carrying on an armed struggle for national liberation and has achieved considerable success.\n302.\tWhat is the situation today? If, on the one hand, the United Nations, and particularly its Secretary General, the OAU, and particularly the frontline countries and the nonaligned countries, as international organizations, have bent every effort to finding a just solution to the Namibian problem, on the other hand, the racist and Fascist Pretoria regime, which not only enjoys the support of certain Western Powers and Israel in the economic, military and nuclear fields, but which also, and consequently, takes advantage of their lack of determination, their selfishness and their hypocrisy, has continued insolently to defy the international community, to be intolerably rude and arrogant towards the Secretary General of the United Nations, to intensify its criminal aggression against countries bordering on Namibia, in particular the People's Republic of Angola, and to set up a so-called Ministerial Council, loyal to it, in order to keep SWAPO out of the process of independence.\n303.\tSince the efforts of all of us seem to be directed more clearly towards the search for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question under the auspices of the United Nations, we must necessarily and unambiguously give all the necessary support to the Secretary General so that he may have every possibility of ensuring the earliest possible implementation of the plan established by the United Nations in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).\n304.\tHowever, if the South African regime, by its stubbornness, frustrates the solution of the Namibian question by means of negotiations, that will mean the choice of war, and as a consequence that regime and certain Western Powers will bear the very heavy responsibility for the disastrous consequences of such a choice. Whatever the circumstances, our support for SWAPO will be unswerving.\n305.\tAllow me to remind this Assembly that the material damage to the People's Republic of Angola caused by the invasion by South African armed forces in 1975 and 1976 has been evaluated at $6.7 billion, as was pointed out by the present Head of State of Angola in his first address at this rostrum in December 1976, speaking as the Minister for Foreign Affairs. On that occasion, he proposed for the consideration of the United Nations General Assembly the creation of an international fund for national reconstruction of some $300 million, but this was not given the slightest attention by the international community. I would also venture to add that the material damage from 1978 to the present day has been estimated to amount to $200 million. With rare exceptions, international solidarity in our regard has amounted to only indifference or inaction.\n306.\tThe People's Republic of Angola reaffirms its determination to cooperate closely with the United Nations Secretary General to ensure that the parties to the conflict, namely, the South African regime and SWAPO, resolutely undertake to seek a negotiated solution to the Namibian question.\n307.\tThe firm and hard line we have taken may seem surprising, but it is difficult, if not impossible, for us to translate into diplomatic language the feelings of genuine revulsion of the heroic people of Angola in the face of the enormous sacrifices it has already made and the extremely high price it is still paying, almost alone, in thousands of human lives lost and in material damage, in order to fulfil its international duty and to comply with the relevant resolutions of international bodies with regard to Namibia, that the people of Namibia may also become free and independent.\n308.\tIn South Africa, as everyone knows, the internal situation is gradually getting worse, thanks to the persistent fight being waged by the numerous and valiant militants of the African National Congress against the last bastion of imperialism in the African continent. At the same time, the internal contradictions of the apartheid regime are becoming aggravated because of this very struggle for national liberation. What we need then is concrete and growing solidarity with the valiant fighters of the African National Congress.\n309.\tIn Western Sahara, the heroic Sahraoui people under the leadership of the POLISARIO Front, its sole and lawful representative is continuing its relentless struggle against Moroccan occupation to recover its inalienable right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. The recognition of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic by a considerable number of countries, especially African countries, makes it abundantly clear that final victory is near.\n310.\tThus it is with justified hope that we await, within the framework of the OAU and in cooperation with the United Nations, through the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Western Sahara, the necessary political solution following the recent deliberations held by that Committee, which met at Freetown from 9 to 12 September this year . The Sahraoui people will triumph. The considerable success won both in the military field and in the diplomatic field justifies this assurance of ours.\n311.\tWe should not like to leave the African continent without referring, however briefly, to the tragedy which has afflicted the people of Chad as a consequence of numerous instances of foreign intervention. We appeal to the international community to provide urgent financial and humanitarian assistance to the Government of National Union, either directly or through the OAU, and also to neighbouring countries which have given shelter to thousands of refugees, thus enabling the people of Chad themselves to solve their own problems.\n312.\tIn the Asian and Latin American continents, we find a proliferation of sources of tension fomented essentially by North American imperialism.\n313.\tWith regard to the development of the situation in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, it is our belief that the concrete proposals contained in the statement of its Government made on 15 May 1980 provide a valid means of seeking the necessary solution, that is to say a negotiated political solution. The taking into account of these points by the neighbouring countries, namely, Pakistan and Iran, pursuant to the principle of the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, would make it possible to normalize relations among the three nonaligned countries and to promote a climate of harmony and stability in the area.\n314.\tFor its part, the valiant people of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has since last year scored some very important and indisputable successes in the consolidation of its revolutionary process and control over its territory, as well as in the fields of agriculture, education and health care. The circulation of the new national currency is also a significant step for the economy of the country. The gradual recovery from the shock caused to the Kampuchean people by the murder of 3 million of its people, its compatriots, committed by the criminal regime that was overthrown, deserves all our admiration, which we wish to convey to the leaders of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.\n315.\tIt is, however, regrettable and unthinkable that the legitimate representatives of the Kampuchean people should still not be occupying their proper place in all international bodies and that in the meantime we, the nonaligned countries, have not been able to gain the endorsement at the United Nations of the decision taken at Havana at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, namely, to keep the seat empty until it has been determined to which of the two parties that empty seat belongs. Sooner or later, justice will be done.\n316.\tIn spite of the persistent efforts of the heroic Korean people to reunify their country by peaceful means and without any outside interference in their internal affairs, it is with indignation that we note the continuation of imperialist manoeuvring aimed at establishing two Koreas. We demand the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in the southern part of Korea, the replacement of the Armistice Agreement by a long-term peace agreement and the dismantling of the military bases that exist there so as to enable the whole Korean people to bring to fruition the three principles essential to their future: independence, peaceful reunification and broad national unity.\n317.\tWith regard to the situation prevailing in East Timor, it is deplorable and unacceptable that foreign troops belonging to a member of the nonaligned movement should have continued to occupy part of the territory—the capital, as a matter of fact—of the Democratic Republic of East Timor ever since the proclamation of its independence in 1975 following the withdrawal of the former administering Power, without the legal and political status of the territory having been established. For five years the people of East Timor, under the leadership of their lawful representative, FRETILIN have been waging an armed struggle to recover national sovereignty and territorial integrity, although in extremely difficult circumstances marked by a lack of external logistic bases, a lack of replacements of heavy weaponry and modern antiaircraft weapons, a lack of financial assistance and the incomprehensible inaction of the progressive community.\n318.\tIn order to prove, should proof be needed, the gradual development of the armed struggle of the Maubere people against the Indonesian military occupation, it is sufficient to refer, by way of example, to a large-scale attack carried out by 300 FRETILIN fighters on the night of 10 to 11 June 1980 at Dili, the capital of the country. In six hours of fighting, the television station was damaged and two military barracks were taken by storm and occupied for several hours. Three days later, the Indonesian leaders landed at Dili 40 tanks and a large contingent of marines and commandos.\n319.\tEast Timor is obviously a problem of decolonization. Like the Palestinian and Namibian peoples, the Maubere people are still prevented from exercising their right to independence because of Indonesian military occupation, in spite of the resolutions adopted by organs of the United Nations and by the nonaligned movement.\n320.\tA few days ago the Portuguese Government decided to shoulder once again its obligations and responsibilities with regard to East Timor, and it formally reaffirmed the right of the people of that country to self-determination. We would venture to hope that the Portuguese Government will undertake effectively and with determination and courage to make every effort to put an end to the Indonesian military occupation and to ensure the transfer of power to the people of the Democratic Republic of East Timor. There is no other way. It is now the duty of all countries and all international organizations which identify with the struggle of peoples to render every kind of assistance to the people of East Timor.\n321.\tIn the Middle East, the data of the problem remain unchanged, although the consequences are becoming ever more serious for the Arab peoples. As long as the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine to recover its country, usurped by Israel, and to establish an independent State are not duly recognized by everyone, as long as Israel does not withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, as long as it continues its criminal raids and its acts of aggression against Lebanon, as long as it continues to establish settlements in the occupied Palestinian or Arab territories, as long as the United States of America in particular continues to support Israel in all possible ways in its annexationist ambitions, as long as the city of Jerusalem is not restored in its entirety to the Arab nation, as long as the so-called Camp David accords and the Egypt Israel peace Treaty represent a partial and separate commitment which fails to take into account the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and is consequently a flagrant violation of the resolutions adopted by various international bodies, there will never be a just and lasting peace. However, we are convinced that the solution of the Palestinian question and of the Middle East problem lies fundamentally in the hands of the Arab countries if they jointly make up their minds to make use of all the advantages at their disposal against all those who support Israel.\n322.\tWe reaffirm our unswerving support for the Palestinian people and its sole legitimate representative, the PLO.\n323.\tWe should also like to take this opportunity to express our unswerving support for the people and the Government of the Republic of Cyprus in their just struggle to safeguard their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and nonalignment.\n324.\tIn Latin America, substantial and positive changes have taken place thanks to the valiant struggle being waged by its peoples. The Cuban revolution has been firmly consolidated and constitutes an undeniable source of inspiration for all struggling peoples, in spite of the economic blockade imposed by the American imperialists and the unjustifiable maintenance of the naval base at Guantanamo. It is time to put an end to these constant threats and acts of aggression against Cuba.\n325.\tThe revolutionary process in Nicaragua is proceeding towards the building of a future in keeping with the interests of the Nicaraguan people and we rejoice at their brilliant successes in national reconstruction.\n326.\tWe warmly welcome the victories won by the people of San Salvador and by its vanguard organization, the Revolutionary Democratic Front, as well as those of the Puerto Rican and Chilean peoples in their struggle against imperialism and its agents so that power may be transferred to those peoples and they may freely choose their own future. We denounce vigorously the manoeuvres of North American imperialism aimed at destabilizing regimes in power, particularly in Jamaica, Grenada, Guyana and Panama, and we reaffirm our militant solidarity with them in their struggle against these neo-colonialist designs.\n327.\tWhat else remains to be said, without repeating ourselves, about the grave economic crisis of the capitalist system or the urgent need to establish a new international economic order?\n328.\tWe venture to deplore the fact that, following the awakening of Africa to economic questions which marked the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU held at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980, the Plan of Action adopted there was not accorded the slightest consideration by the delegations—even the African delegations—which participated in the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on global economic questions, held recently at United Nations Headquarters.\n329.\tNevertheless, we hope that in the future we shall be better able to defend the economic interests of the African peoples or help them prevail.\n330.\tThe Angolan people is preparing enthusiastically for the celebration of the fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola.\n331.\tDuring those five years, considerable results have been achieved in the consolidation of the Angolan revolutionary process, in the establishment of Party structures over the whole of the country, in the strengthening of national unity and defence and in laying the foundations of a socialist society. At present, the Angolan people, faithful to the teachings of the immortal guide of the Angolan revolution and founder of the nation and of the MPLA Workers' Party, the late President Agostinho Neto, and under the farsighted leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, President of the MPL A Workers' Party, President of the Republic and Commander-in-chief of the armed forces, are totally involved in the preparation of the first special Party congress and in the electoral process in all the provinces of future members of the People's Assembly, which is an emanation of the power of the people which will come into being shortly.\n332.\tAt the same time, considerable efforts have been made in the fields of education, agriculture, industry, health, fisheries, transport and construction, which hold considerable promise for the economic and social development of the People's Republic of Angola.\n333.\tWhat we hope for is to be left in peace, with respect for our own wishes, so that we may better meet the aspirations of the Angolan people and thus make a valuable contribution to world peace and security.\n334.\tThe struggle continues. Victory is certain.
## 67 Mr. President, your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly represents recognition of your unquestioned qualities as a veteran diplomat and just recognition of the constructive role played by the country that you represent in such a dignified manner, Iraq, on the international scene. On behalf of the People's Republic of Angola, we are extremely pleased to express our heartfelt congratulations and our sincere wishes for success in the discharge of your mandate.\n251.\tI should like to take this opportunity to extend to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar our sincere gratitude for his tireless work during the period in which he presided over the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and for the dignified and enlightened manner in which he discharged his high responsibilities.\n252.\tI should also like to pay tribute to the Secretary General for his considerable and significant efforts in the search for solutions to the thorny problems which the international community faces.\n253.\tIt is with profound concern that we address the Assembly inasmuch as the international situation has worsened considerably to the very point of threatening the actual survival of humanity. The present crisis in the process of achieving detente has created a new danger for international peace and stability.\n254.\tDespite the praiseworthy and persistent efforts of the socialist countries and of the democratic and peace loving and just ice-loving forces throughout the world to achieve detente, general and complete disarmament and the worldwide prohibition of the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, notably nuclear and bacteriological weapons, including the neutron bomb, not only have conflicts between States and plots against the sovereignty and security of States increased, but also the arms race has proceeded even further in the escalation of the irrational. Moreover, the cold war has once again reappeared by virtue of the disastrous policies pursued by the present Administration in the United States, which is bent upon direct or indirect confrontation between East and West.\n255.\tThus, forces hostile to the emancipation of peoples continue to attack the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries as well as the right of peoples under foreign domination to self-determination and independence. More and more they have resorted to the use of force, military intervention, occupation and interference, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Thus, hotbeds of tension persist, above all in the Middle East, Africa particularly in its southern part—SouthWest and SouthEast Asia, the Caribbean and Central America. New conflicts between States have been further exacerbating the international situation. .\n256.\tA year ago [7th meeting], we drew the attention of the Assembly to the progressive deterioration of the international situation. It is regrettable to note that its causes have persisted and their effects have been aggravated by the policies of certain .Western Powers: the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the policy of nonalignment have npt been strictly respected; aggression of all kinds against independent States has been fomented and encouraged; military bases have been imposed or strengthened in all parts of the world; the serious moves repeatedly made by the socialist countries and progressive and democratic forces aimed at achieving detente, general and complete disarmament and a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction have been blocked; the arms race has been deliberately and dangerously encouraged; the efforts of the developing countries aimed at a gradual reduction of the existing and ever-growing gap between the rich and poor countries have been impeded; resolutions clearly setting forth the imperative need to make the Indian Ocean a real zone of peace have not been respected; and the legitimate right to independence of the Namibian, South African, Sahraoui, Palestinian, East Timorean, Chilean, Salvadorian and Puerto Rican peoples, as well as many others, have been thwarted.\n257.\tIn this alarming situation which clearly threatens the future of peoples, especially that of the peoples of the developing countries, and the growing tragedy of human beings subjected to exploitation, oppression and injustice, we are compelled to repeat our earlier words:\n"It is time for the millions of human beings still without freedom or the right to choose their own future to be able to avail themselves of ways and means of fighting servitude, humiliation, tyranny, poverty, hunger, ignorance and disease.\n"It is time for all developing peoples to take resolute action in the fight against imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, Zionism, expansionism, apartheid and the exploitation of man by man so as to be able freely to choose their own economic, political, social and cultural systems free from intimidation or pressure. It is time for them to take into their own hands their own natural resources and to exploit them for their own benefit and not for the benefit of multinational corporations. It is time for them flatly to reject all forms of subordination and dependence on any Power and all interference and all pressure, be it political, economic or military. It is time for them to demand, in combined and concerted fashion, the dismantling of foreign military bases on the territories" of their countries which have been established against their will. It is time for them to make an effective contribution to the safeguarding of international peace and security and the easing of international tension. It is time for them to make a further effort to find effective means of mobilizing their human, financial, organizational and technological resources, thus laying a solid foundation for mutual economic cooperation [in a wide variety of fields]".\nTo achieve that, perhaps all that is necessary\n"is for all the nonaligned countries without exception decisively to put into effect the final Declaration and the Program of Action for economic cooperation approved at the historic Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of NonAligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, for the serious problems besetting the world today to be properly resolved. That is our hope and our conviction".18\n258.\tDirectly faced with the provocations, acts of aggression and challenges of the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime, the People's Republic of Angola expects from the international community further commitment and decisions commensurate with the requirements of the moment, so that the Angolan people can, for its part, make greater efforts to expel the racist invaders, to retaliate against future acts of aggression and to ensure the defense of its national sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the crucial situation facing southern Africa, any passiveness, any abdication of duty on the part of the international community would be a reward for illegality, a substantial encouragement for criminal acts of aggression and even a contribution to the consolidation of the minority racist and terrorist Pretoria regime.\n259.\tNo one here is unaware of the magnitude or the intent of the recent armed invasion perpetrated by the Pretoria regime against the People's Republic of Angola, or the enormous sacrifices already made by the people of Angola and the extremely high price it is paying, virtually alone, in thousands of human lives and in material damage, in the accomplishment of its internationalist duty and in the implementation of the relevant resolutions of international bodies concerning the independence of Namibia.\n260.\tAt that time, the head of State and Government of Angola took care to bring to the attention of the competent international bodies and forums the facts of the brutal aggression and its disastrous consequences. He requested the. convening of an emergency meeting of the Security Council so that the Council could take effective measures commensurate with the situation, once it had recognized a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola and a grave threat to international peace and security.\n261.\tDespite the condemnations of the South African invasion made in firm and unequivocal terms by nearly the whole of the international community, the Government of the United States of America unscrupulously resorted to the use of the veto to oppose the adoption of a Security Council resolution that would have condemned the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime. That was clear proof of its close alliance with the shameful system of apartheid, and undeniable testimony to its denial of human rights and its insolent scorn for the African community in particular.\n262.\tEver since the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia in May of 1967 as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until independence and the decision-making body of the United Nations for that Territory, the Pretoria regime and its allies have endeavored to thwart the discharge of the mandate of that Council and have orchestrated a series of maneuvers aimed at impeding or delaying as long as possible the inevitable independence of the Namibian people and, notably, the coming to power of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia.\n263.\tIn Security Council resolutions 428 (1978), 447 (1979), 454 (1979) and 475 (1980) on the numerous premeditated, persistent and prolonged armed invasions perpetrated by South Africa, in flagrant violation of the airspace, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola, the Security Council, among other things, in condemning South Africa's aggression against the People's Republic of Angola,\n"... demands that South Africa scrupulously respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola" [resolution 428 (1978), para. 4]',\n"Demands that South Africa cease immediately its provocative armed invasions against the People's Republic of Angola ..." [resolution 447 (1979), para. 3];\n"Requests Member States urgently to extend all necessary assistance to the People's Republic of Angola and other frontline States ..." [ibid., para. 5];\n"Calls for the payment by South Africa of full and adequate compensation to the People's Republic of Angola for the damage to life and property resulting from these acts of aggression" [resolution 475 (1980), para. 6];\n"Decides to meet again in the event of further acts of violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola by the South African racist regime, in order to consider the adoption of more effective measures in accordance with the appropriate provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII thereof' [ibid., para. 7],\n264.\tAs can be seen, the Security Council decided on numerous occasions to envisage the adoption of more effective measures against the Pretoria regime. And we have been awaiting those measures patiently to this day.\n265.\tThus, faced with the intransigence of the Pretoria regime in regard to putting an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia, faced with its refusal to observe the relevant resolutions of competent international bodies, faced with the continued criminal aggression perpetrated against the People's Republic of Angola and other front-line States, which undeniably represents a serious threat to international peace and security, a particularly serious question arises: how many new acts of violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola, how many invasions or acts of premeditated armed aggression, how much loss of human life and how much more material damage must we suffer before the competent international bodies adopt the really effective measures that are available to them?\n266.\tEverybody knows that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the United Nations plan elaborated and negotiated by the Western Powers within the contact group are being challenged by the present North American Administration, concerned as it is with providing protection to the apartheid regime and the latter's illegal interests in Namibia.\n267.\tThe contact group having expressed in Rome its "belief that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) provided a solid basis for the achievement of a negotiated settlement of the Namibian question, Africa is waiting for the foreign ministers of the member nations of that group to establish, at their forthcoming meeting to be held on 24 September here in New York, the modalities and the timetable for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), without amendment of any kind, so that Namibia may become independent during 1982.\n268.\tIn South Africa itself, the situation continues to deteriorate progressively, to the extent that the internal contradictions of the apartheid regime have been aggravated and the heroic fighters of the African National Congress [ANC] tirelessly pursue their political and military activities, the effects of which have been recognized by the Pretoria regime and by the South African press. Our tributes and confirmation of our steadfast solidarity go to the ANC militants.\n269.\tIn Western Sahara, the heroic Sahraoui people, led by the POLISARIO Front 20 its sole legitimate representative, is victoriously continuing its armed struggle against Moroccan occupation to recover its independence and its national sovereignty. It is with new, justified hope that we are awaiting the necessary political solution in the wake of the recent deliberations of the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], which met from 24 to 26 August at Nairobi. We hope that the decision of that Committee to organize and conduct a general and free referendum on self-determination may become a reality as soon as possible, once a ceasefire has been established between the parties to the conflict, namely, the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Morocco, and once the withdrawal of the Moroccan forces has been assured.\n270.\tAs regards the development of the situation in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, we reaffirm that the specific proposals contained in the declarations of its Government since 15 May 1980 constitute a valid basis for the search for a negotiated political solution. What is essential is that the neighboring countries, that is, Pakistan and Iran, heed these words, in line with the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes, because that would result in the normalization of relations among three neighboring nonaligned countries and would favor the restoration of a climate of harmony and stability in the region.\n271.\tFor its part, the valiant people of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has won appreciable success since last year in consolidation of its revolutionary process and in gaining control of its territory, as well as in the economic and social fields. It is, however, regrettable and inconceivable that the legitimate representatives of the people of Kampuchea still do not occupy their rightful place in all international bodies.\n272.\tDespite the persistent efforts of the heroic people of Korea to reunify its country peacefully and without any foreign interference in its internal affairs, we note with indignation the continued imperialist* maneuvers aimed at establishing two Koreas. It is imperative that there be an unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in the southern part of Korea, that the armistice agreement be replaced by a lasting peace agreement and that existing military bases there be dismantled, in order that the people of Korea in its entirety may make a reality of the three principles that are essential to its future: independence, peaceful reunification and national unity.\n273.\tAs regards the situation that prevails in East Timor, it is deplorable and unacceptable that foreign armed forces belonging to a member nation of the nonaligned movement should have occupied a part of the Territory namely, the capital of the Democratic Republic of East Timor ever since the proclamation of its independence in 1975, following the withdrawal of the former administering Power without its having defined or established the legal and political status of the Territory.\n274.\tLast year the Portuguese Government decided to re-assume its obligations and responsibilities with regard to East Timor, and it formally reaffirmed the right of the people of East Timor to self-determination. We permit ourselves to hope that the Portuguese Government will effectively, with firmness and courage, make every effort to end the Indonesian military occupation and ensure the transfer of power to the people of the Democratic Republic of East Timor, in so far as it bears responsibility for finding a solution to this problem.\n275.\tIn this context, we appeal to the international community to note the verdict of the Permanent People's Tribunal on East Timor, which met in Lisbon from 19 to 21 June 1981. The verdict has been circulated as document A/36/448. That verdict clearly shows that the Indonesian Government has been guilty of the crime of war and genocide in East Timor and that the Government of the United States is guilty of complicity in the aggression.\n276.\tIt is incumbent upon the international community to render all possible assistance to the people of East Timor.\n277.\tIn the Middle East the problem remains the same, although its consequences are becoming even graver for the Arab peoples. As long as the legitimate right of the Arab people of Palestine to recover their homeland, usurped by Israel, and to establish an independent State is not fully recognized by all, as long as Israel does not withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories, as long as it does not stop its criminal raids and aggression against Lebanon, as long as it continues its policy of establishing settlements in Palestinian or occupied Arab territory, as long as the United States of America does not stop supporting Israel in all possible ways in its plans for annexation, as long as Jerusalem is not fully restored to the Arab nation and as long as the so-called Camp David agreements and the EgyptianIsraeli peace treaty represent a partial and separate commitment which does not take into account the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, thus constituting a gross violation of resolutions adopted by numerous international bodies, a just and lasting peace will never be achieved. However, we are convinced that the solution of the Palestinian problem and of the Middle East situation is in the hands of the Arab countries if they decide, together, to use all the means available to them against all those that support Israel.\n278.\tWe reaffirm our steadfast support for the Palestinian people and their sole legitimate representative, the PLQ.\n279.\tWe also take this occasion to reaffirm our tireless support for the people and Government of the Republic of Cyprus in their just struggle to protect their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non alignment.\n280.\tIn Latin America appreciable and positive changes have taken place thanks to the courageous struggle waged by the peoples there. We commend the victories won by the people of El Salvador and their front-line organizations, the Frente Democratico Revolucionario and the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación Nacional Farabundo Marti', in their legitimate struggle against the present regime, as well as the successes achieved by the Puerto Rican and Chilean peoples in their struggle against imperialism and its agents to bring about a transfer of power to them and so that they may freely decide their own future.\n281.\tIt is with particular satisfaction that we welcome the Republic of Vanuatu on its becoming a Member of the United Nations. We also welcome the proclamation of independence of Belize, which we hope soon to see a Member of the United Nations.\n282.\tThe people of Angola will soon commemorate the sixth anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola. Under the enlightened leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, President of the MPLA—the Labor Party—President of the Republic and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, the Angolan people are fully mobilized to expel the armed forces of Pretoria from the southern part of the national territory and thereby to guarantee the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic and to devote the necessary means to its economic and social development.\n283.\tWe wish to express our deep gratitude to all those who, in one way or another, have shown their solidarity with us following the criminal invasion carried out by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime. We hope that the People's Republic of Angola will be able to benefit from the urgent provision of material and financial assistance so that it may overcome the present grave situation and ensure our national reconstruction. The struggle goes on. Victory is certain.
## 68 It is a great pleasure to begin by extending to the President on \nbehalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, our most \nheartfelt congratulations on his election at this thirty-seventh \nsession of the general Assembly. Allow me to avail myself of this \nopportunity to express our great satisfaction at seeing preside over \nthis august Assembly, a distinguished representative of a socialist \ncountry, the People's Republic of Hungary, with which we maintain \nexcellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. We \nwish him every success in the exercise of his lofty responsibilities. \nMay I also reaffirm to Mr. Kittani, our deep appreciation for the \ndignified and clear-sighted manner in which he acquitted himself of \nhis mandate during the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly. May I \nfurther reiterate to the Secretary-General our most sincere \nappreciation for his tireless efforts in seeking the most appropriate \nsolutions to the grave problems which the international community \nfaces.\n184.\tThe thirty-seventh session is being held at a very critical \ntime, since the international situation has deteriorated seriously to \nthe point of gravely threatening the survival of a certain number of \npeoples.\n\n185.\tEvery year we all come to participate in the annual session \nof the general Assembly; a torrent of speeches is heard, support for \nthe noble principles of freedom, peace, justice, democracy, \nsolidarity, development and co-operation is reaffirmed by every one \nof us, but, unfortunately, the application of these ideas stops for \nsome among us as soon as we leave the United Nations Headquarters.\n\n186.\tRepeatedly, and from this very rostrum, we have expressed our \nprofound concern because of the progressive deterioration in the \ninternational situation and because of its disastrous consequences \nfor all of mankind. We cannot, nor should we conceal our great \nanguish at seeing the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of \nthe competent international bodies when faced with the proliferation \nof hotbeds of tension, which are deliberately and dangerously kindled \nby imperialist Powers, and in particular by the present United States \nAdministration.\n\n187.\tNo one here should ignore the causes and agents which are \nresponsible for so sombre a picture. We wonder how long peoples and \nGovernments which love peace and justice will have to wait for the \nadequate existing United Nations organs firmly to shoulder their \nresponsibilities and take really effective measures -which are \navailable to them-with respect to the Governments of certain Western \nPowers, in order to put an end to: the flagrant violations of the \nfundamental principles of the Charter; continuance of colonial wars, \nand the promoting of aggressions of every kind, directly or \nindirectly against States which adopt independent and progressive \npositions; the economic plundering of underdeveloped countries and \nthe persistent prevention of a gradual reduction in the ever-widening \ngap between the rich developed countries, and the poor underdeveloped \ncountries; the imposition of military bases in every comer of the \nworld, generally maintained against the will of the peoples; the \ninsistence on hampering the serious efforts made by the socialist \ncountries and progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente, \ngeneral and complete disarmament, the global prohibition of the \nmanufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, in particular \nnuclear, biological and chemical weapons, including the neutron bomb; \nthe accelerated rise of military budgets and expenditures stimulated \nby an escalation in the arms race, so that these astronomical amounts \nof money might be judiciously devoted to the economic and social \ndevelopment of the underdeveloped countries; and the systematic \nmanoeuvres designed to counter the establishment of a new \ninternational economic order, as advocated by the movement of \nnon-aligned countries.\n\n188.\tFaced with this alarming situation, which obviously endangers \nthe future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy endured by \nmillions of human beings, who are still deprived of their freedom and \nthe right to choose their own destiny, lacking in the ways and means \nto fight against servitude, humiliation, tyranny, wretchedness, \nfamine, ignorance and disease, we feel compelled to repeat, who bears \nthe grave responsibility, in the first place, for such a \ndeterioration in the international situation? As we see it, it is the \npresent United States Administration, and certain of its allies and \nagents, or preferred instruments which, bear this responsibility: the \nracist and Fascist regimes of Pretoria and Tel Aviv.\n\n189.\tWe see it this way because of the firm conviction of the \nGovernment of the People's Republic of Angola that no country that \nwas socialist, progressive or loved peace and justice has taken or \nwill take initiatives to promote hotbeds of tension, to unleash a \nnuclear war or use other weapons of mass destruction, because the \nsurvival of mankind, international peace and security, the \nindependence of peoples and peaceful coexistence are for them a \nprimary principle and objective.\n\n190.\tWorld problems which seriously affect peace, security, \ndevelopment, freedom and independence require considerable efforts \nfrom the international community as a whole and a global response \nthat has due regard forth fact that each people has the right freely \nto choose its own political, economic, social and cultural system, \nwithout intimidation or pressures; that it is the right of every \npeople to be in charge of its own national riches and to exploit them \nfor its own benefit; that it is the right of every people to reject \nany form of subordination to and dependence on any source, and any \ninterference or pressure, political, economic or military.\n\n191.\tThere is no denying that in the present situation detente, \ngeneral and complete disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms \nrace are the major concerns of countries that love peace and justice. \nIn this respect, may we recall that the position of Angola has been \nclearly defined once again during the second special session of the \nGeneral Assembly devoted to disarmament, so we need not repeat it \nhere.\n\n192.\tSince the People's Republic of Angola is a geopolitical \ncomponent of the African continent, it is legitimate for the \nGovernment of Angola to give primary attention to African problems, \nin particular to those of southern Africa, in view of the grave \nimplications for the region and for the world.\n\n193.\tFor some 20 years many relevant resolutions have been adopted \nby the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement, \nrecognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to \nself-determination and independence and, on the other hand, \ndenouncing or firmly condemning the illegal occupation of Namibia by \nthe criminal South African regime.\n\n194.\tDirectly confronted with threats, aggression and armed \ninvasion by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime since 1975, the \nPeople's Republic of Angola expects from the international community \na decisive commitment in line with the requirements of our time,, so \nthat the problem of Namibia may be finally settled and so that the \npeople of Angola may, for its part, be able to expel the racist \ninvaders, to respond to future aggression and to ensure the defence \nof its national Sovereignty and territorial integrity.\n\n195.\tWhat is the situation today? As we nil know, the contact \ngroup submitted to SWAPO, the frontline States and to Nigeria in \nOctober 1981 a plan of action that includes three phases; first, the \nadoption\n\nby the end of January of 1982 of the so-called constitutional \nprinciples by the concerned and interested parties, principles which \nare to be included in the future, constitution, of Namibia; secondly, \napproval by the end of March by the Security Council of the \ncomposition and size of the United Nations troop contingent, and \nresolution of the question of the United. Nations impartiality \nraised by the Pretoria regime; thirdly, implementation, starting in \nApril, of the United Nations plan in accordance with Security Council \nresolution 435 (1978), containing four fundamental aspects: a \ncease-fire; the gradual reduction of South African troops to 1,500 \nmen; stationing of United Nations troops in Namibia; and free and \nfair elections.\n\n196.\tSince the first meetings with the contact group -and quite \noutside its framework and mission-the United States delegation has \nasked for bilateral contacts with the Angolan authorities and has \nbegun to try to link the presence of the Cuban internationalist \nforces in the People's Republic of Angola to the negotiating process \nfor the independence of Namibia. This has always been firmly rejected \nby the Government of Angola, in view of the absurdity of such a \nlinkage which, in fact, ill conceals the obsession or paranoia of the \nUnited States Administration about the stationing of the Cuban \ninternationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola.\n\n197.\tIn view of the deadlock in the negotiations on the first \nphase, because of the electoral system proposed by the contact group, \nand since the presence of Cuban forces in the People's Republic of \nAngola has become the subject of a slanderous and hostile campaign by \nthe United States Administration which is shamelessly seeking at all \ncosts to link that presence to the process of the independence of \nNamibia-directly, or through the racist South African regime, which \nhas become its sounding board-as an additional means of preventing \nthe implementation of the resolutions which the United Nations has \nalready adopted, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the People's \nRepublic of Angola and of the Republic of Cuba, on behalf of their \nrespective Governments, prepared and signed a joint declaration on 4 \nFebruary 1982, with which all the Members of this international body \nare fully familiar.\n\n198.\tIt is therefore fitting to recall that, at the end of the \nmonth of August 1981, at a lunch offered to the foreign press \naccredited in South Africa, and at the very moment when a large-scale \naggression was being perpetrated against the People's Republic of \nAngola, the South African Prime Minister declared that the Cubans \nrepresent no threat to South Africa and that South Africa does not \nregard the withdrawal of the Cubans from Angola as a prior condition \nto the peaceful solution of the Namibian question.\n\n199.\tNevertheless, it is surprising but significant that a certain \nnumber of those who express their concern about the presence of the \nCuban internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola show \nno such concern in respect of the illegal occupation for more than a \nyear of a part of the territory of Angola by the racist and Fascist \nSouth African troops. What moral can be drawn from that?\n200.\tAnd yet, in the course of these last nine months, the South \nAfrican army has carried out 580 reconnaissance flights, 18 air \nbombardments, 96 landings of troops from helicopters and several \nsabotage and reprisal actions against the civilian population. The \nAngolan armed forces have suffered 31 dead, 65 wounded and 38 \nmissing, while the enemy forces have suffered 39 dead. Seven South \nAfrican aircraft and three helicopters have been shot down.\n\n201.\tThus we believe that the following positions of principle \nmust be borne in mind.\n\n202.\tFirst, the joint Angolan-Cuban declaration states solemnly \nand unambiguously that the intention is gradually to withdraw the \nCuban internationalist forces stationed on Angolan territory.\n\n203.\tSecondly, on 23 April 1976, a month after expelling the South \nAfrican troops, the Angolan and Cuban Governments agreed on a \nprogramme progressively to reduce those forces and, in less than a \nyear, the Cuban military contingent was reduced by more than one \nthird. Towards the middle of 1979 the two Governments once again \ndecided to implement another programme for the gradual reduction of \nthe Cuban forces. Nevertheless, those two programmes had to be \nsuspended at a certain point because of the growing number and scope \nof South African armed aggression against the provinces of Cunene and \nHuila. It should be emphasized that the Angolan and Cuban Governments \nspontaneously took the initiative to implement those programmes. Ho \nGovernment -including that of the United States of America- and no \ninternational organization dared to propose or demand that we do so. \nHow is one then to understand the sickly insistence of the United \nStates Administration on this subject and its inability to realize \nthat such an attitude is a gross and inadmissible interference in the \ninternal affairs of an independent and sovereign country?\n\n204.\tThirdly, in that same joint declaration we stated that when \nthe Governments of Angola and Cuba so decide, the withdrawal of Cuban \nforces stationed on Angolan territory will be carried out by a \nsovereign decision of the Government of the People's Republic of \nAngola when there is no further possibility of aggression or armed \ninvasion and, in that connection, the Government of Cuba reiterated \nthat it will unreservedly respect any decision taken by the sovereign \nGovernment of the People's Republic of Angola concerning the \nwithdrawal of those forces. Once again we solemnly reaffirm before \nthe Assembly what our intentions are.\n\n205.\tFurthermore, in the course of these last three months, \nAmerican representatives in the contact group have been making a very \nspecial effort to spread optimism about the results already achieved \nin the negotiations that have been going on in New York since the \nmonth of June. In fact that is a false and ill-intentioned optimism. \nIt is false, because the electoral system has not yet been defined, \nthe final composition of the United Nations forces has not yet been \ndecided, and the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime, \nwhich will constitute the essential point of departure for the \nimplementation of the United Nations plan, in accordance with \nSecurity Council resolution 435 (1978), seem to us to be far from \nbeing anticipated\n\nor applied. It is ill-intentioned in that the American Administration \nhas started a manoeuvre to attribute to the People's Republic of \nAngola responsibility for the delay of, or even for preventing, a \nswift and adequate solution of the process of independence for \nNamibia owing to the position of the Government of Angola regarding \nlinkage and the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces. In \npoint of fact, this manoeuvre constitutes an escape hatch for those \nwho are or will be the ones really responsible for such a situation.\n\n206.\tThus, since the position of the Government of Angola is a \nlegitimate one the heads of State and Government of the front-line \nStates meeting at Lusaka on 4 September 1982:\n\n ... noted with indignation that a new element has been introduced by \nthe United States of America in seeking to link the negotiations for \nthe independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban forces from \nAngora. In this respect, the Summit emphasized without any ambiguity \nthe importance of separating the decolonization process of Namibia \nfrom the stationing of Cuban forces in Angola. The insistence on \nmaintaining this linkage is contrary to the spirit and the letter of \n[Security Council] resolution 435 (1978) and can only hamper the \nnegotiating process. Furthermore, this insistence constitutes \ninterference in Angola's internal affairs. In this context, they \nexpressed their complete support for the Angolan position on the \nquestion, which is clearly defined in the joint declaration of the \nGovernments of the People's Republic of Angola and of the Republic of \nCuba, of 4 February 1982. Accordingly, they rejected any attempt to \nmake the People's Republic of Angola responsible for any delay in the \nprompt conclusion of the negotiations on the independence of Namibia. \nThey strongly condemned the aggression and invasion of Angola by \nSouth African forces and demanded that the Pretoria regime cease all \nacts of aggression and withdraw its troops from Angola.\n\n207.\tA similar position was taken during the Third Conference of \nHeads of State of the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of \nCape Verde, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, the People's Republic of \nMozambique and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, \nwhich was held in the capital of Cape Verde on 21 and 22 September \n1982.\n\n208.\tMay I be allowed to remind the Assembly of the enormous \nsacrifices which the heroic people of Angola has already made and the \nextremely high price it is paying in thousands of lost human lives \nand material damage amounting to more than $7.5 billion.\n\n209.\tI should like once again to remind the Assembly of the \nproposal made at the thirty-first session by the Angolan Government \nfor consideration by the general Assembly, that an international \nfund for the national reconstruction of Angola be established, \namounting to approximately $300 million. It is sad to note that so \njust a proposal has not received the least attention from this world \nbody, despite the fact that in its resolution 475 (1980) the Security \nCouncil requested Member States urgently to extend all necessary \nassistance to the People's\nRepublic of Angola and the other front-line States, and called for \n'the payment by South Africa of full and adequate compensation to the \nPeople's Republic of Angola for the damage to life ard property \nresulting from these acts of aggression. May we renew our hopes that \nthis bitter cry will be heard?\n\n210. Everyone knows that in South Africa the internal situation is \nprogressively deteriorating as the conflicts within the hideous \nregime and the ruling party grow worse, and the valiant fighters of \nthe African National Congress [ANC] steadfastly and heroically carry \nout political and military; their efforts are recognized even by the \nPretoria regime, and this has led to an escalation of threats and \naggression, as well as an increasing use of mercenary forces and \nbandit groups-trained, financed, organized and commanded by South \nAfrica-against the People's Republic of Mozambique. It has also led \nto acts of aggression perpetrated against the Republics of Zimbabwe \nand Zambia 2nd the Kingdom of Lesotho. All States Members of the \nUnited Nations should firmly condemn these actions and should stand \nin active solidarity with the ANC and the front-line States.\n\n21L With regard to Western Sahara, we reiterate our unflinching \nsolidarity with the heroic Sahraoui people, which, under the \nleadership of its sole authentic representative, the POLISARIO Front, \nis victoriously pursuing its armed struggle against Moroccan \noccupation to recover full independence and territorial integrity. We \nwelcome the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to the \nOAU, and we reiterate our conviction that there trust be direct \nnegotiations between the two conflicting parties in the search for a \npolitical solution.\n\n212.\tWith regard to the temporary difficulties now being \nexperienced by the OAU, we consider that any problems that might \naffect us should be discussed by us alone, within our continental \norganization, and without any interference from outside Africa, as \nhas been noted. The fact that the thirty-eighth ordinary session of \nthe Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Addis Ababa in February \n1982, and the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State \nand Government of the OAU, at Tripoli, held in August 1982, were \nobstructed is a part of the strategy of American imperialism and some \nof its allies aimed at subjugating or paralysing international bodies \nwhich play an active role in the struggle for the political and \neconomic independence of peoples. We are absolutely convinced that \nthis momentary crisis will soon be overcome.\n\n213.\tWe are deeply moved by the bloody events in Lebanon. The \nbrutal armed invasion carried out by the racist and fascist Tel Aviv \nregime, with the full and shameful connivance of the United States \nAdministration and the inadmissible passivity of certain Arab States; \nthe genocide of Palestinians and Lebanese in west Beirut; and the \nmassacre, the carnage, at Sabra and Shatila: these can never be \nforgotten, and call for our strongest condemnation and an appropriate \nresponse in due course.\n\n214.\tWe are firmly convinced that the Palestinian people and its \nsole legitimate representative, the PLO, will resume the fight after \nhaving, by their heroic resistance during the fierce battles of those \n73 historic days, won the respect andadmiration of all those who \nstand with the peoples struggling for their independence. We reaffirm \nour unswerving solidarity with the Palestinian people and the PLO as \nthey carry on their struggle to recover their usurped homeland and to \nestablish an independent State there.\n\n215.\tAfter seven years of Indonesian military occupation, the \npeople of East Timor, under the leadership of its vanguard \norganization and legitimate representative, the Frente Revolucionaria \nde Timor Leste Independente, continues its heroic resistance, in \nspite of the lack of solidarity on the part of some countries of the \nnon-aligned movement. Those countries should identify themselves with \nthe struggle of the people of East Timor, out of respect for the \nfundamental principles of non-alignment.\n\n216.\tThe inability of the Indonesian army to stamp out the armed \nliberation struggle of the people of East Timor clearly shows that \npeople's rejection of integrate into or annexation by Indonesia of \nits homeland. The 35,000 Indonesian soldiers present there, recourse \nto helicopter-borne forces to try to destroy the fighting forces of \nFRETILIN, which control 70 per cent of the national territory, the \nterror and famine imposed on the people of East Timor -will all fail \nto thwart the nationalist feelings of that people or its resolve to \nfight. Yet more than 200,000 persons have been massacred by the \ntroops of a self-styled non-aligned country which never fought \nagainst the former administering Power, Portugal, during the colonial \nperiod.\n\n217.\tThe Indonesian troops, and thus the Indonesian Government, \nare today carrying out an appalling genocide, through physical \nliquidation, cultural repression, deportation, and repopulation with \nthousands of Javanese citizens. But there are the beginnings of \nresistance in the Indonesian army against participating in operations \naimed at eliminating the patriots of East Timor. This is proved by \nthe recent refusal to act of two battalions, which are today isolated \non one of the islands of the country.\n\n218.\tIt only needed Portugal to shirk its responsibilities towards \nthe people of East Timor by not proceeding to the transfer of power \nto the FRETILIN leaders for Indonesia to invade and militarily occupy \npart of East Timor and the outskirts of the capital, where its \nmilitary contingents had established themselves.\n\n219.\tEver since the thirtieth session of the general Assembly the \nOrganization has been expressing deep concern over the situation \nobtaining in East Timor as a result of the intervention of Indonesian \narmed forces and has been requesting the Indonesian Government to \nwithdraw without delay its forces from the Territory in order to \nenable the people of East Timor freely to exercise their right to \nself-determination and independence, as provided in general Assembly \nresolution 3485 (XXX). Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and \n389 (1976) once again call on the Indonesian Government to withdraw \nits forces from the Territory forthwith. Resolution 36/50, adopted at \nthe thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, reaffirms the same \nprinciples and makes the same requests. The Indonesian Government, \nhowever, shows no sign of willingness to respect United Nations \ndecisions. It is therefore imperative that States Members of the \nUnited Nations, in particular those which are members of the \nnon-aligned movement, do not endorse the brutal annexation of East \nTimor to Indonesia, a country which does not even respect our \nresolutions.\n\n220.\tBearing in mind that the Government of Portugal seems to wish \nto resume its responsibilities as the former administering Power in \norder to bring the tragedy of the people of East Timor to the \nattention of the international community, we wish to express \nencouragement for the request of the Government of Portugal aimed at \nsatisfying the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Democratic \nRepublic of East Timor.\n\n221.\tWith regard to developments in the situation in the \nDemocratic Republic of Afghanistan, in the People's Republic of \nKampuchea, in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and in the \nRepublic of Cyprus, we reaffirm our active solidarity with those \npeoples in their respective causes and our support for the positions \nof their Governments in the quest for just and appropriate solutions.\n\n222.\tWith regard to Latin America, we reaffirm our militant \nsolidarity with the Salvadorian people and with its legitimate \nrepresentatives, the Revolutionary Democratic Front and the Farabundo \nMarti National Liberation Front in their just struggles against the \npresent regime in El Salvador, and we heartily welcome the victories \nthey have already won.\n\n223.\tWe wish to reaffirm our solidarity with the Cuban people in \ntheir revolution. We support their efforts to overcome the \nconsequences of the criminal economic boycott imposed by American \nimperialism, in flagrant violation of human rights, and we denounce \nthe aggression and the threats against the Cuban people. We welcome \nalso the revolutionary process of the peoples of Nicaragua and \nGrenada and their determination to face the serious threats that hang \nover them. We also reaffirm our active solidarity with the Puerto \nRican people and denounce the imperialist manoeuvres which, by means \nof despicable political and economic pressures, have prevented the \ninclusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda.\n\n224.\tNo one is unaware of the fact that the Security Council and \nGeneral Assembly as well as the OAU have already adopted several \nresolutions on mercenarism, condemning the activities of mercenaries, \ntheir recruitment and their use for the purpose of destabilizing \nactions in underdeveloped countries, particularly on the African \ncontinent. While it is true that a Convention for the Elimination of \nMercenarism in Africa has already been adopted by the OAU-and the \nPeople's Republic of Angola, which has suffered and continues to \nsuffer the misdeeds of mercenaries, is proud of the important \ncontribution it made to that Convention-it is imperative, none the \nless, for the General Assembly to adopt as soon as possible an \ninternational convention prohibiting the recruitment, use, financing \nand training of mercenaries and the provision of transit facilities \nto them. Indeed, we hope that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of \nan International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing \nand Training of Mercenaries, established under general Assembly \nresolution 35/48, will fulfil its mandate and that such a convention \nwith finally be adopted.\n\n225.\tNext month the Angolan people will celebrate the seventh \nanniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola, \nunder the dynamic and visionary leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo \ndos Santos, President of the MPLA-Labour Party and President of the \nRepublic. Important results have already been achieved in \nconsolidating the Angolan revolutionary process, in setting up the \nstructures of the party, in strengthening national unity and defence \nand in laying the foundations for a socialist society in the People's \nRepublic of Angola.\n\n226.\tUnfortunately, however, the Angolan Government has had to \ndevote most of its human and material resources to the defence of its \nnational sovereignty and territorial integrity, because of the \ncontinuous acts of aggression by the racist and Fascist regime of \nPretoria. This has seriously affected the economic and social \ndevelopment we had planned, but if we are to attain that paramount \ngoal the undeclared war against us must be brought to an end. We need \npeace, and we dare to hope that that peace so fervently desired by \nthe Angolan people will be attained in the coming year.\n\n227.\tThe struggle continues. Victory is certain.
## 69 149 . It is a particular pleasure for me to express to you, Sir, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Your election is a high tribute to your country, Panama, but it is also a reflection of your acknowledged remarkable diplomatic skill. We wish you the greatest success in carrying out your great responsibilities.\n150.\tAllow us to take this opportunity to convey to Mr. Imre Hollai our great appreciation for the far-sighted and dignified way in which he carried out his mandate from the very beginning of the thirty-seventh session.\n151.\tWe should like also to reiterate our keen appreciation of the devotion of the Secretary-General to the fundamental principles of the United Nations and of his important contribution to the search for just solutions commensurate with the serious problems confronting the international community.\n152.\tThe delegation of the People's Republic of Angola would like at this point to congratulate Saint Christopher and Nevis on its admission to membership of the United Nations.\n153.\tEach year, when a new session of the General Assembly is convened, we all come here to reaffirm our commitment to the noble purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to reiterate our devotion to the cause of freedom, peace, justice, democracy, solidarity, development and co-operation.\n154.\tAt the beginning of their statements, the speakers —almost invariably—stress that the General Assembly session is taking place at a very critical moment, for the international situation has badly deteriorated, to the point of seriously threatening the survival of mankind.\n155.\tBut it is undeniable that there is an ever-widening gap between fine words or good intentions and action. All of us merely repeat ourselves annually, thus putting to the test the tolerance, or resistance, of our auditors and the credibility of those who speak before this Assembly.\n156.\tOn several occasions, from this very rostrum, we have made no secret of the deep concern of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola over the impotence or resignation of competent international bodies or their abdication of their responsibility to face up to the proliferation of hotbeds of tension, which are kindled, directly or indirectly, by the imperialist Powers.\n157.\tNo one here can be unaware of the causes of and the agents responsible for this grim international picture. We repeat the question: how long will the peoples and Governments that cherish peace and justice have to wait before the existing United Nations bodies—which are adequate to the task—truly shoulder their responsibilities and firmly take the most effective measures, which they do indeed have at their disposal, against those who violate the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations; against those who carry on colonial wars and foment all sorts of acts of aggression, direct or indirect, the victims being States that take independent, progressive positions; against those who engage in the economic plunder of underdeveloped countries and who persist in preventing the gradual reduction of the gap which exists between the rich or developed countries and the poor or underdeveloped countries; against those who deliberately hinder the serious efforts of the socialist countries and the progressive, democratic forces to achieve detente, general and complete disarmament, and a comprehensive prohibition of the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, in particular nuclear weapons; against those who stimulate the arms race, thus ensuring fabulous profits for their military industries and leading to faster increases in military budgets and expenditures; against those who engage in an ever-increasing number of gigantic military manoeuvres which are intended to intimidate certain peoples or States, or even to carry out acts of aggression against them; against those who do not respect relevant resolutions or decisions of the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Non-Aligned Movement and the OAU; against those who undermine the authority of the Secretary-General and his efforts to carry out his great responsibilities by failing to provide him with all the means of which he has need; and against those who threaten international peace and security through military intervention and illegal occupation of territories, through interference in the internal affairs of other States and through a lack of respect for the principles of non-use of force and the settlement of disputes by means of negotiations?\n158.\tAll these things, but especially the unbridled arms race and the threat of a nuclear war, involve huge expenditures, thus accelerating inflation, causing large budget deficits and further reducing the already decreasing volume of economic assistance to the underdeveloped countries. This has greatly contributed to the present economic crisis, which can be solved only by taking effective measures to establish the new international economic order advocated several years ago by the Movement of Non- Aligned Countries.\n159.\tGiven this alarming situation, which clearly threatens the future of the peoples, and given the growing tragedy of the millions of human beings still deprived of their freedom and the right to choose their own destiny and without any means of resisting servitude, humiliation, tyranny, poverty, famine, ignorance and disease, it is imperative that at this session the General Assembly dedicate itself to the search for effective solutions to the problems afflicting mankind.\n160.\tWe feel that the situation in southern Africa deserves the very special attention of this session of the General Assembly, in that we are witnessing a dangerous escalation of aggression by the racist, fascist Pretoria regime against the front-line countries, and especially against the People's Republic of Angola.\n161.\tThe persistent efforts of the apartheid regime to increase its military potential and even to acquire an arsenal of nuclear weapons is one further proof of its sinister projects, which are designed to perpetuate colonialism in South Africa and deprive the overwhelming majority of the South African people of their freedom and their political, economic and social rights, so as to keep them subjected to the white minority; to maintain the illegal occupation of Namibia and to destabilize the front-line countries, employing for that purpose armed \npuppets. The complicity of certain Western countries and Israel with the South African regime in these areas, as well as the investments and economic assistance with which those countries provide South Africa, cannot help but encourage the Pretoria regime in its stubbornness and in its role of the policeman of imperialism.\n162.\tEverybody here knows that South African aggression against the People's Republic of Angola goes back to August 1975. Everybody knows too that South African troops invaded Angola several weeks before the proclamation of independence, which was scheduled for 11 November 1975. Everybody knows also that the racist and fascist Pretoria regime, encouraged by the militarist, warlike policy of the present United States Administration, put into operation a mysterious plan entitled Operation Proteus , which resulted in a new invasion and the occupation since 23 August 1981 of a considerable area of the province of Cunene.\n163.\tTo this day, reconnaissance flights, aerial bombardments, helicopter troop operations, land bombardments and attacks, mining operations and acts of sabotage against the Angolan economic infrastructure are gradually increasing. A certain number of villages are today either in ruins or are mere remnants of what they were in the past.\n164.\tThe disturbing dimension of the escalation of South African acts of aggression has become even more clear through the attack on the village of Cangamba in the province of Moxico, 500 kilometres from the frontier with Namibia. Between 2 and 8 August, six battalions, made up of UNIT A bands of South African commandos and of mercenaries, supported by heavy artillery, carried out several attacks against Cangamba, which is an important crossroads. None the less, the heroic resistance of our armed forces inflicted a crushing defeat on the enemy forces, who left behind 1,100 dead and much South African and NATO equipment.\n165.\tFollowing this defeat the Pretoria regime launched an air attack against the village of Cangamba, using a squadron of Mirage fighters and Canberra bombers, and completely destroyed the village.\n166.\tFaced with the escalation of the acts of aggression by the racist and fascist Pretoria regime against the People's Republic of Angola, the Angolan Government has alerted the competent international bodies to the seriousness of the situation and the unpredictable consequences. It is becoming clear to the Angolan Government that such acts of aggression constitute an integral part of collusion or a plot between certain Western Powers and the South African regime, closely associated with the puppet UNIT A bandits, aimed at the destabilization of the Angolan revolutionary process and the overthrow of the legitimate Government of the People's Republic of Angola. This would lead to the establishment of a neo- colonial regime in Angola, the annihilation of SWAPO and, consequently, the inevitable destruction of the Namibian independence process.\n167.\tThose plans are thus both serious and dangerous, and all this is largely due to the fact that the Angolan people, their Party and their Government have shown firm and unconditional solidarity with SWAPO and ANC in their struggle for national independence.\n168.\tIt is appropriate to recall here that the General Assembly, in its resolution 36/121 A of 10 December 1981, declared that the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa continues to constitute an act of aggression against the Namibian people and against the United Nations, which has direct responsibility for the Territory until independence . We should also recall that the\nSeventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in its Political Declaration\n strongly condemned the continued military ( pupation of part of Angolan territory by the South African racist troops in violation of the national sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola. The Conference considered the occupation of Angolan territory as an act of aggression against the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, demanded the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from Angolan territory and decided to increase support for and solidarity with the people and Government of Angola in order to consolidate Angola's national independence, and safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity. \nTo the extent that these two international bodies consider aggression to have been committed against them by South Africa, an adequate retort is called for. None the less, and in all honesty, it must be agreed that in spite of the legitimacy, the firmness and the scope of such positions, they have remained a dead letter as far as the overwhelming majority of the Members of the United Nations are concerned.\n169.\tAnd so it seems to us unjust and a bitter irony that because of the selfish interests of some and the passivity or unjustified indifference of others, the heroic Angolan people are being left almost alone to bear the high cost of solidarity with the Namibian people, reflected in the loss of more than 10,000 lives, thousands of mutilated and handicapped, and hundreds of thousands of people displaced from their homes. It is also reflected in $10 billion in material damages caused by the criminal aggressions carried out by the racist and Fascist Pretoria regime since 1975.\n170.\tNone the less, the Angolan Government ventures once again to express the hope at this critical time for the People's Republic of Angola that each Member State of the United Nations will assume its responsibilities and meet its commitments, if only to maintain the credibility of this international body. Therefore, we appeal to each Member of the Organization to lend, as an emergency measure, either individually or collectively, all the material and financial assistance the People's Republic of Angola needs. We also request an intensive and permanent national and international campaign for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from Angolan territory. We would also ask for all forms of pressure to be exerted on the Pretoria regime as well as on its friends and allies , including mandatory global sanctions, which have often been recommended but never enforced due to the opposition, of the Western Powers, so that its illegal occupation of Namibia may be ended. We also request that resolution 435 (1978) of the Security Council be enforced without further delay.\n171.\tFive years have elapsed since the Security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978). In its resolution 532 (1983), the Council decided to mandate the Secretary- General to undertake consultations with the parties to the proposed cease-fire, with a view to securing the speedy implementation of [Security Council] resolution 435 (1978) .\n172.\tIn discharging his mandate, the Secretary-General made known to all of us his further report concerning the implementation of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) concerning the question of Namibia, which will certainly be submitted to the Security Council for its assessment in a meeting to be held shortly. \n\n173.\tHowever, is it not surprising and perhaps significant that during this session of the General Assembly only one of the members of the so-called contact group- Canada—-has taken a stand on the Namibian question, especially when this was the subject of a detailed report by the Secretary-General? In this context, we take the liberty of making known to all Members an excerpt from an important statement made by President Jos6 Eduardo dos Santos, during a public meeting on the occasion of the arrival in Angola of the Secretary-General, in which he firmly reiterated, without any ambiguity whatsoever, the official position of MP LA, the party of the workers and of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola:\n We do not agree with the idea that there should be a demand for the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola. They are there because their presence was requested by the sovereign Government of Angola. What is needed is a demand for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the racist South African troops occupying part of our territory in the south of Angola.\n All those who seek to establish a link or parallelism between the independence of Namibia and the presence of Cuban forces in Angola are not our friends. They are our enemies, because they want to allow the South African troops, which are already occupying part of our territory, to march on towards Luanda and to do so without meeting the slightest resistance.\n We are prepared to continue to fight and to continue to undertake diplomatic actions for a just solution to the problems in southern Africa. And once again, I reaffirm here the position of our vanguard party and of our Government:\n The first requirement is the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops occupying this territory; secondly, resolution 435 (1978) of the Security Council must be speedily implemented in order to steer Namibia to real independence; thirdly, South Africa's attacks on Angola must cease; fourthly, all logistical and military support given to the gangs of UNITA puppets terrorizing our towns must cease.\n Only if these conditions are observed will Angola be prepared to discuss with Cuba the new timetable for the gradual withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola which are guaranteeing its security. \nIn this connection, it should be emphasized that this is the official position. Therefore, there is no other position, as claimed by some.\n174.\tWe should now like to restate the position of the People's Republic of Angola on a certain number of specific political issues which are continuing to disturb international relations and to threaten world peace and security.\n175.\tThe people of Chad are today embroiled in a bloody fratricidal war. Chad must be spared from foreign intervention so that the people can decide without constraint or hindrance how best to solve their problem in keeping with the efforts of the OAU.\n176.\tThe solution to the conflict between POLISARIO and the Kingdom of Morocco resides in the implementation of the resolution on the Western Sahara adopted at the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity. It is regrettable that the Kingdom of Morocco refuse to follow the path of direct negotiation. It thus shows n- tempt for the sovereign decision of the Heads of State and Government of Africa. It is thus responsible for the failure of the meetings of the Implementation Committee and for the consequences of the worsening of the conflict. We reiterate our militant solidarity with the heroic Saharan people and its sole and legitimate representative, POLISARIO.\n177.\tWe reaffirm our steadfast solidarity with the valiant Palestinian people and its legitimate representative, the PLO, in the continuation of its struggle to recover its usurped land and to establish an independent State. Furthermore, we reiterate our support for the Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983. Once again we call for the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and we commend the efforts of the Lebanese people to secure their unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.\n178.\tAfter eight years of armed struggle, the people of East Timor is still continuing with determination and courage its resistance to Indonesian occupation. Given the defeats inflicted on its army as a result of the scope of the political and military action of the FRETILIN fighters, the Indonesian Government was forced to seek a meeting with the leaders of FRETILIN. That meeting took place from 20 to 23 March 1983, in the free territory of East Timor. During those talks a cease-fire was arranged in order to create a climate favourable for formal negotiations, which were to be held subsequently under the auspices of the Secretary-General and with the participation of representatives of Portugal, the former administering Power.\n179.\tOn that occasion, the delegation of FRETILIN presented to the Indonesian delegation the following conditions: first, the unconditional withdrawal of Indonesian occupation forces from East Timor; secondly, the presence of a United Nations multinational force to replace Indonesian troops during the period of transition; thirdly, the forces of FRETILIN to remain in the regions which they controlled in order to keep the people free from any pressure; fourthly, a referendum supervised by the United Nations in order to determine the wishes of the people of East Timor.\n180.\tUnfortunately, it must be noted that the Indonesian Government did not respect its undertakings following the cease-fire, because it did not wish to inform the Secretary-General of the results of the talks. Instead it chose to try to go back on those talks and to reduce them to an offer of amnesty to FRETILIN. Furthermore, starting on 17 August, it launched a major military offensive in order to try to crush the heroic resistance of the people of East Timor.\n181.\tIt is difficult to imagine that a certain number of States members of the Non-Aligned Movement, States that should be identified with the struggle of that valiant people if only out of respect for the fundamental principles of non-alignment, are in fact remaining indifferent to the genocide which is being carried out against the people of East Timor. And the United Nations cannot shirk its responsibilities with respect to that serious problem. Our solidarity is a vital duty.\n182.\tThe central region of Latin America has experienced extremely disturbing developments as a result of threats and military intervention by the United States Government, particularly in Nicaragua and El Salvador. It is necessary to seek peace in the region through a negotiated political solution. To that end, we support the six-point position of the Government of Nicaragua as well as the efforts of the Contadora Group. In order to have peace in Central America, there must be peace \nin El Salvador and aggression against Nicaragua and EI Salvador must end. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front and the Revolutionary Democratic Front, the sole, legitimate representatives of the Salvadoran people.\n183.\tWe renew our steadfast support for the Cuban revolution and we denounce acts of aggression and threats perpetrated against the Cuban people. We reiterate our feelings of solidarity with the peoples of Panama, Grenada, Chile, Uruguay, Suriname and Puerto Rico in their just struggles for their national interests, independence and territorial integrity.\n184.\tWe reaffirm our support for finding a solution to the border dispute between Guyana and Venezuela through bilateral negotiations. Furthermore, and in keeping with resolutions of the General Assembly, we express the hope that there can be an immediate beginning of negotiations between the United Kingdom and Argentina for the return to Argentina of the Malvinas, South Georgia and Sandvrk islands. At the same time, we must express our deep concern at the decision taken by the British Government to establish a military base in the Malvinas Islands, since such action would constitute a further obstacle to negotiations and a new source of tension.\n185.\tWe also reaffirm our support for the efforts of the Indo-Chinese countries to secure peace and stability in South-East Asia, without foreign intervention, and for a continuation of constructive dialogue between the parties to the conflict. However, we consider it deplorable and almost inconceivable that the Kampuchean people should not yet be represented at the United Nations by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. This is an injustice, which must be corrected.\n186.\tWe reiterate our solidarity with the just cause of the people of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, in their aims of bringing about a peaceful reunification of the country without outside interference and of securing the withdrawal of United States troops from the southern part of the Korean territory.\n187.\tFurthermore, we reaffirm our support for the position taken and the efforts made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in the search for a normalization, through negotiation, of the situation prevailing in and around that country.\n188.\tWe also reiterate our complete solidarity with the people and Government of Cyprus and we support their efforts to preserve their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment.\n189.\tOnce again we urgently appeal to the Governments of Iraq and Iran to end their war and to find a negotiated solution to the dispute between them.\n190.\tIt is deplorable that the Angolan Government finds itself still compelled to devote the bulk of its human and material resources to the defence of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The undeclared war imposed on us by the racist and fascist South African regime must cease.\n191.\tThe Angolan people longs for peace. It has never attacked anyone in the past and it never will. It merely wishes to live in peace and to work to build a future of progress and happiness within a just society of its own free choosing. The struggle continues, and victory is certain.\n
## 70 A few days ago, we had the legitimate satisfaction of learning that the international community had elected to the presidency of the thirty- ninth session of the General Assembly a remarkable African diplomat and worthy representative of Zambia. Mr. President, while this choice testifies to the recognition of your merits and is a just reward for the untiring efforts you have made, in particular in defence of the right of peoples to liberty and independence, it also constitutes a tribute to your country, which is known for its commitment to noble ideals and causes and with which the People's Republic of Angola has excellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. Hence, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, we are very pleased to join in the warm congratulations addressed to you, Sir, and to wish you the greatest success in carrying out such lofty responsibilities.\n2.\tAllow us to take this opportunity to express to your predecessor, Mr. Jorge Illueca, our deep appreciation and admiration for the worthy and far-sighted way in which he carried out his mandate and our best wishes for success in his presidential functions and for the prosperity of the Panamanian people.\n3.\tWe should also like to repeat to the Secretary- General our deepest gratitude for his clarity and exemplary seriousness in the defence of the fundamental principles of the United Nations, as well as the laudable action he has undertaken for lessening tensions and settling numerous conflicts, in spite of the glaring lack of resources made available to him.\n4.\tThe United Nations family has just admitted a new Member, Brunei Darussalam. The Angolan Government joins ail those who have welcomed that country and wished it a prosperous future.\n5.\tIn the hope that sooner or later a growing number of States Members of the United Nations, and not just some, will equally and duly be taken seriously when they address the General Assembly, we are obliged to repeat what we have already said, to the extent that no significant or positive change has taken place which would counteract the progressive deterioration in the international situation during these last four years.\n6.\tAt each session of the General Assembly, all of us come to reaffirm our adherence to the noble purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to repeat our commitment to the cause of freedom, peace, justice, democracy, solidarity, development and co-operation.\n7.\tAt the beginning of each statement, almost invariably it is emphasized that the session of the General Assembly is taking place at a very critical moment, even as the international situation has worsened to the point where it seriously threatens the survival of mankind.\n8.\tBut between the fine words or the best of intentions and respecting them or carrying them out, it cannot be denied that there is a gap which becomes wider at each session. And all we do each year is repeat ourselves, thus testing the spirit of tolerance or resistance of those who have to do the listening and the credibility of those who are addressing the Assembly.\n9.\tSeveral times from this very rostrum we have expressed the deep concern of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola over the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of the competent inter-national bodies with regard to facing up to the proliferation of hotbeds of tension, fomented directly or indirectly by the imperialist Powers.\n10.\tNo one here should be unaware of the causes and agents responsible for such a dark international picture. We repeat the question: how long will the peoples and Governments that cherish peace and justice have to wait for the adequate bodies existing within the United Nations truly to meet their responsibilities and firmly take the most effective measures—which, by the way, are available to them— with regard to those who violate the fundamental principles of the Charter; carry out colonial wars and foment aggression of every kind, directly or indirectly, against States which take independent and progressive positions; practise economic plundering in the underdeveloped countries and persist in preventing the gradual bridging of the gap between the wealthy or developed countries and the poor or underdeveloped countries; deliberately hinder the serious efforts made by the socialist countries and the progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente, general and complete disarmament, a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear weapons; encourage the arms race, thus assuring fantastic profits for their military consortia and leading to growing increases in military budgets and expenditures; multiply the carrying out of huge military manoeuvres intended to intimidate or even to commit aggression against certain peoples or States; do not respect the relevant resolutions or decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of African Unity [OAU] undermine the authority and the efforts of the Secretary-General in carrying out his lofty responsibilities by failing to provide him with the necessary means; threaten international peace and security by military intervention and illegal occupation of territories, by interference in the internal affairs of other States and by not respecting the principle of non-recourse to force and of the settlement of disputes by negotiations?\n11.\tAll these aspects, but especially the unbridled arms race with its spectre of a nuclear war, involve a phenomenal increase in expenditures, which in turn increases inflation, causing huge budgetary deficits and further reducing the already shrinking volume of economic assistance provided to the underdeveloped countries, a factor which in itself has greatly contributed to the present economic crisis, one which can be solved only by taking measures to establish a new international economic order, a measure already advocated several years ago by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries.\n12.\tGiven this alarming situation, which clearly endangers the future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy that is being experienced by millions of human beings who are still deprived of their freedom and their right to choose their own destiny and who do not possess the ways and means to counteract slavery and humiliation, tyranny and poverty, famine, ignorance and disease, it is imperative that at this session the General Assembly commit itself to the search for effective ways and means to solve the problems which afflict mankind.\n13.\tIn looking at the problems that face the African continent, we feel once again that the current situation in southern Africa must be given very special attention at this session of the General Assembly, since we are confronted by a type of deadlock in the development of the independence process for Namibia. No one is unaware that the Namibian question was broadly discussed last year in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, in the Security Council and in the General Assembly and that, subsequently, diplomatic efforts were undertaken by the interested parties in order to secure, in accordance with the Lusaka understanding of 16 February 1984, the unilateral disengagement of South African troops from Angolan territory and to create adequate conditions for negotiations between the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the Pretoria regime, under the auspices of the United Nations, in order to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978).\n14.\tIn spite of the serious commitment by the Angolan side and SWAPO, the South African military disengagement, which was planned to take place within 30 days, has not been completed. A series of pretexts have systematically been presented by the Pretoria regime during the seven months that have already passed. It is becoming clear that there is a lack of seriousness on the part of South Africa, which is deliberately trying to delay or prevent the independence process of Namibia by attempting now to establish a double linkage, that is to say, to subordinate the completion of the withdrawal of its troops to the results of the negotiations under way with SWAPO, on the one hand, and to make the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) conditional upon the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces from the People's Republic of Angola, on the other.\n15.\tIn this regard, we feel that it would be useful to recall a passage from the joint declaration of the Angolan and Cuban Governments made on 19 March 1984:\n"In the context of this peace effort on the part of Angola, the joint declaration of 4 February [1982] remains in full force and constitutes a basis of principle for any negotiated situation that will eliminate the current tension and ensure peace and full independence for the nations of this region.\n"Having strict regard to what is laid down in the above-mentioned joint declaration, the Governments of Cuba and Angola reiterate that they will reinitiate, by their own decision and in exercise of their sovereignty, the execution of the gradual withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist military contingent as soon as the following requirements are met:\n"1. Unilateral withdrawal of the racist troops of South Africa from Angolan territory;\n"2. Strict implementation of resolution 435 (1978) of the United Nations Security Council, the accession of Namibia to true independence and the total withdrawal of the South African troops which are illegally occupying that country;\n"3. Cessation of any act of direct aggression or threat of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola on the part of South Africa, the United States of America and their allies."\n"4. Cessation of all aid to the counter-revolutionary organization UNITA and any other puppet group from South Africa, the United States of America and their allies . . .\n"Satisfaction of these demands would mean respect for the rules of international law and of the Charter of the United Nations and observance of the many resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of African Unity."\n16.\tIt is therefore clear that the Angolan and Cuban Governments have never questioned the principle, as such, of the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces. It is also clear that the Angolan Government has always taken a flexible attitude as long as doing so does not call into question the guiding principles of its foreign policy and its national interests. Angola has put forward constructive proposals on several occasions. We therefore reject any responsibility for the present deadlock which we find in the independence process for Namibia. Such responsibility lies fully with South Africa and the United States.\n17.\tIt seems useful for us to emphasize once again that Namibia is a trust territory of the United Nations and has been one for more than 30 years. This means that every State Member of the United Nations has direct responsibilities with regard to the independence process of that Territory. Unfortunately, it seems that a large number of States Members of the United Nations have forgotten those responsibilities, for when they leave this heavy burden on the shoulders of the Angolan Government they do not act in accordance with the mandate.\n18.\tFurthermore, in 1967 the General Assembly adopted a resolution by which it decided to establish or constitute the United Nations Council for Namibia and to define its mandate.\n19.\tThus, the following questions arise. Who has prevented the United Nations Council for Namibia from fulfilling its mandate and for what reason? Since 1967, numerous resolutions have been adopted with regard to Namibia's accession to independence and the illegality of its occupation by South Africa. Why did Namibia not accede to independence before November 1975? Was it the fault of the Angolans, who were not even independent, or of the Cubans, who were not even in Angola? How can the responsibility for the delay in the Namibian independence process now be put on the Angolan Government by evoking its alleged intransigence? Has the Security Council nothing to say about the failure to ensure the implementation of its own resolution 435 (1978)?\n20.\tAs has been emphasized by the President of the People's Republic of Angola,\n"This process, which is unfolding very slowly, is linked to the recent failure of the negotiations on the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime and this makes it difficult to preserve the present atmosphere of detente on the border between Angola and Namibia. It is therefore essential to increase the pressure of international public opinion on South Africa to respect its commitments, establish a cease-fire agreement with SWAPO and announce the date for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978)."\nNevertheless, as also stated by President Jose Eduardo dos Santos,\n"In the southern part of our continent, the People's Republic of Angola continues to be the main target of the global strategy of the imperialist Powers, which are trying to destabilize and paralyse the legitimate nationalist Governments of African countries which are fighting to affirm their identity, independence and national sovereignty."\n21.\tOn the other hand, everyone is aware of the progressive deterioration of the internal situation in South Africa, as the contradictions within the hateful apartheid regime increase. The valiant fighters of the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] persist heroically in their political and military actions, the fundamental rights of the overwhelming majority of the South African people continue to be trampled upon and the brutality and arbitrary detentions escalate. All this could be seen just before and after the adoption of the so-called constitutional reforms.\n22.\tThus, the time is now propitious for each State Member of the United Nations to fulfil its responsibilities and its commitments—if only in the interest of the credibility of this international body—and consequently for each State Member that is able to do so to give assistance of various kinds to SWAPO and the ANC; to provide, individually or collectively, as a matter of urgency, all possible material and financial assistance to the People's Republic of Angola; to begin, at the international and national levels, an intensive, permanent campaign demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from Angolan territory; and to exert every form of pressure on the Pretoria regime and also on its "friends and allies", including comprehensive mandatory sanctions—so often advocated but so far prevented by certain Western Powers from being applied—with the object of bringing to an end the illegal occupation of Namibia and ensuring the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without any further delay and without any absurd pre-conditions.\n23.\tWe should like now to state or reiterate the position of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola on a number of specific political questions which continue to disturb international relations and threaten world peace and security.\n24.\tWith regard to the situation prevailing in Chad, we feel that it is for the Chadian people to resolve their own problems without any foreign military interference or intervention. We believe that the representatives of that country should be able to decide their own future through negotiations, seated around a table, without constraint or hindrance, in conformity with the efforts and resolutions of the OAU.\n25.\tWe reiterate our conviction that the resolution of the conflict between the Frente POLISARIO1 and the Kingdom of Morocco is to be found in the implementation of resolution AHG/Res. 104 (XIX) on Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 6 to 12 June 1983. It is to be regretted that the Kingdom of Morocco obstinately refuses to embark upon direct negotiations, which indicates insolent disdain for the sovereign decision of the Heads of State and Government of independent Africa. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with the heroic people of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic and particularly with the valiant fighters of the Frente POLISARIO.\n26.\tWe reaffirm our unshakeable solidarity with the heroic Palestinian people and their legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], in their continuing struggle to regain their homeland, usurped by the Zionist entity, and to establish an independent State. Furthermore, we reaffirm our dedication to the Geneva Declaration on Palestine and the Programme of Action for the Achievement of Palestinian Rights, adopted by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine, which was held at Geneva from 29 August to 7 September 1983. We demand once again the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and we salute the efforts of the Lebanese people to ensure their unity, their sovereignty and their territorial integrity. In this context, we are in favour of a Middle East peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation, on a basis of equality, of all the parties concerned or interested.\n27.\tWith regard to the tragedy which has befallen the people of East Timor because of the occupation by Indonesian armed forces, it is time for the international community seriously and unambiguously to commit itself to a search for a lasting solution to the problem, which has been dragging on for nine years.\n28.\tThousands of patriots have been and continue to be imprisoned and tortured. Others have died in armed confrontations or been summarily shot. Yet others die of hunger. The International Committee of the Red Cross is forbidden from entering East Timor in spite of its purely humanitarian mission. As part of the framework of the solution of the conflict through negotiations and in keeping with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV), the leaders of the Democratic Republic of East Timor have proposed a peace plan, including direct or indirect talks between Portugal, Indonesia and FRETILIN, under the auspices of the United Nations, in order to debate the establishment of a multinational United Nations force to ensure the operation of a transitional administration, the implementation of adequate provisions for the stationing of belligerent forces, the organization of free and democratic consultations of the Maubere people and the setting of a date for the transfer of sovereignty.\n29.\tIt is regrettable that the Portuguese Government is not clearly and firmly meeting its historical, political and legal responsibilities for East Timor and that the Indonesian Government is turning a deaf ear to the peace proposals already presented by FRETILIN, which deserve the unreserved support of the international community.\n30.\tNone the less, it is comforting to note the concerns expressed by United States congressmen and senators and also by Pope John Paul II over the genocide of the Maubere people, as well as the positions taken by the workers' parties of Australia and New Zealand.\n31.\tWe urge the Secretary-General to continue his efforts until a definitive solution to this situation is found, and we appeal to the member States of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries to identify themselves with and support the struggle of the valiant people of East Timor.\n32.\tCentral America has been undergoing extremely alarming developments as a result of the threats and military intervention of the United States Administration, notably in Nicaragua and El Salvador, What is needed in this region is a search for peace through a negotiated political solution. For this purpose, we support the courageous positions taken by the Government of Nicaragua as well as the efforts of the Contadora Group, reflected in the contents of the revised version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America.\n33.\tIn order for peace to prevail in Central America, there must be peace in El Salvador and an end to the aggression committed against Nicaragua and El Salvador. We reaffirm our militant solidarity with the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberation Nacional and the Frente Democratico Revolucionario, which are the only legitimate representatives of the Salvadorian people.\n34.\tWe renew our unfailing support for the Cuban revolution and denounce the aggressions and threats against the Cuban people. We reiterate our feelings of solidarity with the peoples of Panama, Grenada, Chile, Uruguay, Bolivia and Puerto Rico in their just struggles for their national interests, their independence and their national sovereignty and territorial integrity.\n35.\tWe reaffirm our support for the efforts to have the dispute over the borderlines between Guyana and Venezuela resolved through bilateral negotiations. On the other hand, and in keeping with General Assembly resolutions, we register our hope that there be, in the immediate future, a start of negotiations between the United Kingdom and Argentina with a view to restoring to Argentina the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands.\n36.\tWe also reaffirm our support for the efforts of the Indo-Chinese countries to ensure peace and stability in South-East Asia without any foreign intervention, and for a constructive dialogue among the parties to the conflict. None the less, we regret and consider it inconceivable that the Kampuchean people are still not represented in the United Nations by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. This is an injustice that must be remedied.\n37.\tWe reiterate our solidarity with the just cause of the people of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve the peaceful reunification of their country without any foreign interference and with the call for the withdrawal of the American troops from the southern part of Korean territory. To this end, we support the proposal concerning the holding of tripartite negotiations and the adoption of a peace agreement as a substitute for the Armistice Agreement.\n38.\tWe also reaffirm our support for the position and efforts made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in the search for the normalization, through negotiations, of the situation in that country.\n39.\tWe reiterate also our full solidarity with the people and Government of Cyprus and support their efforts to maintain their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment.\n40.\tOnce again we make an urgent appeal to the Governments of Iraq and Iran to put an end to the war and find a negotiated solution to the dispute that separates them.\n41.\tIt is unpleasant to note that the Angolan Government once again finds itself forced to devote the greatest part of its human and material resources to the defence of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The undeclared war that has been opposed upon us by the racist and Fascist South African regime must stop.\n42.\tIt Angolan people dearly wish for peace. They have never committed aggression nor do they wish to commit aggression against anyone. They want only to live in peace and work to build a future of progress and happiness in a just society that they have freely chosen.\n43.\tThe struggle continues! Victory is certain!
## 71 Allow me, in the first place, to express to you. Sir, my warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are sure that the choice is intended not only as a symbolic tribute to your country but also as a way of expressing appreciation for your qualities as an experienced diplomat, one who has always firmly asserted your connection with the ideals of peace, equality and understanding among the peoples and nations of today's international community. We wish to express to you our best wishes for your success in the accomplishment of your important task and our conviction that your responsibilities will be performed in an exemplary manner, and with dignity.\nWe wish also to express our heartfelt esteem to the outgoing President, Ambassador Paul Lusaka, for the clear-headed and dignified way in which he carried his mandate throughout the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, for praiseworthy professional qualities, which dignify both his own country and Africa as a whole, and for the important role he has always played within the African community in making a most positive contribution to the cause of African unity.\nWe would like to reiterate to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our deep appreciation and admiration for his efforts directed to the attainment of the objectives of the United Nations, giving heed to the concerns of all peoples and nations, small and large, and thus helping to bring about just resolutions of disputes and conflicts which threaten international peace and security in different parts of tho world. We very much appreciate his example of courage and unselfish dedication.\nI would like to join with the countries which have already delivered their message here and, on behalf of His Excellency President Jose Eduardo dos Santos and of the Government and people of the People's Republic of Angola, to assure the Mexican people of our sympathy and solidarity and to express our condolences to the bereaved families who lost loved ones in the 19-21 September earthquakes. We trust that, with the support of the international community, the Mexican people will, as in the past, be able to overcome this hardship.\nThe world is currently experiencing growing international tension created by militaristic policies and the belligerent practices of imperialism, which sustain the escalation of the uncurbed arms race in all forms, including nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, thus irrefutably increasing the risk of nuclear war.\nThe People's Republic of Angola thinks that the States which possess nuclear arms, together with those equipped with massive weaponry, should negotiate the achievement of effective measures conducive to an immediate reduction of their armaments expenditure. The adoption of specific measures towards disarmament should save considerable resources that could be used directly for the improvement of the critical economic and social situation in developing countries. The forthcoming meeting of the top Soviet and American dignitaries will constitute an opportunity to examine possible paths towards a new era in the universe, with more concern and renewed hope in relation to the problems of peace and co-operation for the benefit of all, and the establishment of a new, and more just and equitable, international economic order.\nThe People's Republic of Angola acknowledges the significance and importance of the environment and of science in terms of Antartica's potential, and reaffirms the need to extend co-operation to the Antarctic region without discrimination and for the good of all mankind. In our view, Antartica should continue to be used exclusively for pacific ends.\nThe current international economic scenario is characterized by a profound crisis whose causes are rooted in the present structure of international economic relations, which is based on inequality and dependence, with disastrous consequences for the economic situation of developing countries in particular. While world commerce registered an increase of 9 per cent the developing countries were experiencing a recession in their economies because of the manipulation of the terms of trade, a fall in commodity prices, protectionist measures and increased interest rates, which made it difficult for those countries to retain their international solvency and consequently the stability of their balance of payments.\nA number of other factors are responsible for the worsening of the economic situation in the developing countries, particularly those of the African region. An unprecedented famine crisis can be witnessed today in our continent, with hunger and poverty striking a large number of people. The situation is made worse, on the one hand, by the poor technological capacity for the prevention of the effects of natural disaster, as in the case of land impoverishment, drought or hurricanes; and, on the other hand, by the lack of realistic action in implementation of development programs, which consequently become impracticable.\nIn 1984 African countries faced an external debt amounting to $158 billion, and in the current year estimates show an increase of 3 per cent even if restrictive measures are adopted by some of them in order to cut it down. The solutions to be adopted must necessarily focus on modern technology transfer, which can generate increased agricultural development, and implementation of an industrialization process for the transformation of the exportable basic products of those countries.\nThere is therefore a need for joint action to find appropriate forms of economic and financial co-operation in order to overcome the current debt situation. We consequently reaffirm our support of the decision of the Heads of State of the countries members of the Organization of African Unity which stressed the need for an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of debtor and creditor countries, on reform of the international monetary system.\nIn the context of the importance of economic development being accompanied by social development, we laud and fully support the global initiative on the immunization of all children by 1990, a worthy endeavor in which Governments and United Nations agencies are co-operating. Taken in the context of the current international political scene, the situation in southern Africa is becoming more and more alarming in view of the increasing hostility of the illegal apartheid regime of terror, whose existence constitutes an offense to the world conscience and a threat to international peace and security.\nWe are today seized of yet another open invasion of the People's Republic of Angola by South African regular armed forces. In fact, neither the earlier resolutions of the Security Council nor Security Council resolution 571 (1985), of 29 October 1985, have been implemented, because of the arrogant intransigence of racist South Africa.\nFrom 30 September until now, new bombing attacks and the occupation of parts of our territory have taken place, as stated in the text of the message by the President of the People's Republic of Angola addressed to His Excellency the Secretary-General of the united Nations from which I quote:\n"I would like to inform you that the security conditions in south-east Angola continue to deteriorate dangerously as a result of the growing interference of South African armed forces in the internal affairs of Angola and of the direct involvement of the South African armed forces in aggressive military actions against the Angolan people and its sovereign nation.\n"In addition to the air raids of 17 September and the intervention of battalion Buffalo in military operations against the Angolan forces, which the Angolan Government condemned and denounced at the time, pointing out the material damage and the loss of human lives caused, I am herewith reporting a new South African offensive, with the intervention of military forces whose number has not yet been determined and which were landed in the territory of the People's Republic of Angola from Namibia, the territory illegally occupied by South Africa. These forces are located in the vicinity of Mavinga, 250 kilometers from the Namibian border, and they have already launched several aggressive actions against our military units using Mirage aircraft and taking advantage of the lesser experience of our pilots in areas far away from their runways. Specifically, the treacherous, murderous attacks took place as described below just as our ground forces were breaking through the third and last defense line of the UNITA puppets as they entered Mavinga town: first, on 28 September five South African planes flew over locations where our forces were positioned between 9.50 and 5.48; secondly, on 29 September the South African planes flew again for lengthy periods over the locations where our troops were positioned; thirdly, in the early morning hours of 30 September, between 3 and 6.20, a formation of more than eight planes from the South African air force raided our positions and caused more than 50 casualties among our troops, as well as dozens of wounded men, and brought down six Angolan helicopters.\n"In addition, our infantry soldiers clashed with South African armed forces in direct combat."\nIt can be verified that South African artillery units are in Angola to attack our armed forces which have been engaged in the establishment of peace and security in that region of our country. The pretext presented by racist South Africa does not convince anybody any more, not even those who defend the policy of constructive engagement.\nSouth Africa does not respect the most fundamental principles of international law- Pretoria's soldiers make incursions into areas of my country that have never sheltered Namibian refugees. This was the case in Cabinda, where United States oil interests could have been harmed if it had not been for the prompt intervention of the Angolan defense forces, which neutralized the special racist commando unit whose mission it was to destroy the Malongo oil installation in Cabinda, a province situated more than 2,000 kilometers from the Namibian-Angolan border.\nThe actual situation is characterized by the direct intervention of the South African army against Angola with the objective of defending the puppets of the so-called UNITA, long since denounced as the South African army's surrogates, whose objective is to destabilize Angola.\nOn the other hand, the apartheid regime is doing everything possible to extend violence across the whole region in order to divert the attention of the international community from the serious situation in South Africa, where the black majority and other groups are determined to end a system that is inconceivable in the 20th century.\nThe South African regime is the main cause of the tension and destabilization experienced by the States in southern Africa. South Africa continues to violate the resolutions of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, with the help of certain Western countries. The recent statement made by the united States Secretary of State before this General Assembly is a clear demonstration of the encouragement given to South Africa to pursue the policy of destabilization in our region. It is now high time for the Reagan Administration to demonstrate without ambiguity on whose side it stands: on the side of the sovereign States of southern Africa Members of this Organization or on the side of the apartheid regime, which is condemned by the international community, including a growing number of American citizens. The Government of Pretoria cannot prevent the liberation of the Namibian people by a facade of alterations, declarations of states of emergency or the blackmailing of neighboring countries.\nWith regard to my country, there is no civil war in Angola. Rather, there is permanent aggression orchestrated by Pretoria, and joined by a group of ambitious Angolan traitors motivated by anti-patriotic, tribal and racial interests.\nThe Government of the People's Republic of Angola follows a policy of unity oriented towards the integration of all its citizens without discrimination. He reject categorically the pretended reconciliation with armed factions manipulated by and acting on behalf of the apartheid regime.\nWhen Pretoria claims that the climate of tension and aggression created in southern Africa is a regional expression of the East-West conflict, that is nothing more titan a justification of the reinforcement of the military aid it has been receiving to impose its political and economic diktat by force of arms on the independent countries of the region which do not conform to its political system.\nThe Cuban troops are in Angola at the request of the People's Republic of Angola under an agreement subscribed to by two sovereign and independent States.\nAs the international community knows, South African racist troops are illegally occupying the Territory of Namibia. Thus, the Cuban presence in Angola* which South Africa considers to be an obstacle to peace in southern Africa, is on the contrary a guarantee of stability and peace against Pretoria's expansionist designs. But in spite of the ambiguity and dishonesty of some of our partners, we are willing to pursue our efforts to achieve peace in southern Africa.\nOur country has followed with a certain apprehension the evolution of the situation in other points of the African continent, for instance in Chad, where its people is in the midst of a serious crisis caused by multiple acts of foreign interference. We are therefore happy that the OAU is continuing indefatigably its efforts in favor of independence and national unity and to bring about a constructive dialog between the parties involved.\nAs far as Western Sahara is concerned, we think that the development of direct negotiations between the parties and the holding of a referendum so that the Sahraouri people can exercise their right to self-determination, in conformity with OAU resolution 104 and General Assembly resolution 39/40, are the instruments for the settlement of the dispute.\nAs for the Middle East, we must point out that the Palestinian issue remains the core of the crisis in the Middle East. Just and lasting peace cannot be achieved without recognition of the legitimate right of the Palestinian Arab people to return to their homeland and establish an independent, sovereign State on its own national territory.\nTo that end, and in conformity with the recommendations of the Geneva Declaration on Palestine, we think that the holding of an international conference on the Middle East, with the participation of the parties involved, namely the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and permanent members of the Security Council, would certainly help create a climate of peace and stability in the region.\nMeanwhile, very recently, in open defiance of the international community, Israeli armed forces committed an aggressive act against Tunisia, once again showing its true terrorist nature by presenting the most fallacious arguments to justify that criminal action. We vehemently condemn this aggressive act.\nIn the Persian Gulf we continue to witness an escalation of the war between two brother countries, both members of the Non-Aligned Movement, the consequences of which are tragic in terms not only of loss of human life but also of the destruction of economic infrastructures. We therefore strongly urge the belligerent parties to seek a peaceful, just and honorable solution, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement, in order to restore peace, security and stability to the region.\nIn Central America aggressive action by imperialist forces is ever present. A constant threat hovers over Nicaragua and we regret that certain countries of the region have taken a hostile position in relation to Nicaragua, helping the United States in actions aimed at destabilizing that sovereign country, a Member of the United Nations and a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, through terrorist and armed forces.\nThe People's Republic of Angola supports Nicaragua in its struggle to maintain its territorial integrity and its efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Central American conflict. Our country also fully supports the peace efforts of the Contadora Group.\nThe People's Republic of Angola urges all States in South-East Asia to co-operate in order to avoid new threats to peace and security in the region, and to adopt measures to create favorable conditions for permanent, balanced and harmonious relations among the countries of the region, in accordance with the principles of peaceful coexistence, respect for sovereignty and national independence, territorial integrity and non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states.\nIn East Timor, we understand that progress is being made, through dialog between Portugal and Indonesia,, with the mediation of the Secretary-General. We trust that the legitimate interests and inalienable rights of the people of East Timor will be safeguarded in this process.\nRising from the ashes of a war that killed many millions, and caused mankind enormous material losses, which even today can still be felt, the United Nations has helped to avert new wars and major conflicts. The preservation of international peace and security is a vital need of mankind. This Organization is an instrument with the ability to guarantee satisfaction of that need, forming an appropriate forum in which to find solutions to the most complex problems of international relations today, in particular those related to colonization, development, peace and disarmament.\nDuring the last 40 years, from 24 October 1945 to today, the United Nations has played an important role in the history of mankind, promoting the fundamental rights, self-determination and independence of peoples, as well as co-operation between developed and developing countries.\nWe would like to express our hope that the noble objectives for which the United Nations was created will be implemented on the basis of justice and the equality of Member States.\nThe struggle continues. Victory is certain.
## 72 At the outset allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the Assembly at this session, during which, we are confident, we shall be able to achieve the goals we shall propose in this important forum.\nAllow me also to avail myself of this opportunity to express our admiration of your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, whose insight and judiciousness greatly helped us to surmount e. number of obstacles and made his mission successful.\nWe should also like to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his efforts to find solutions to the many problems facing mankind. Mr. de Cuellar has shown great concern for the preservation of the fundamental principles of the United Nations notwithstanding the limited resources available and the adverse influence of certain Western Powers that are more interested in their own strategic interests than in joining forces to achieve international peace and security.\nEvery year in this same place the representatives of all the nations make a pledge of peace, disarmament, freedom and development, reflecting the determination of the great majority of nations to achieve those goals and thus strive for the survival of the human race.\nEven given the strong will of the peace-loving countries, a paradoxical reality subsists: the world has never been as exposed as it is today to the threat of a nuclear war that could destroy its entire population.\nIn spite of united Nations General Assembly resolution 3093 (XXVIII), which prescribes a 10 per cent cut in the military budgets of the permanent members of the Security Council for the benefit of the developing countries, the arms race has not been halted, and it has now reached outer space. While certain countries spend huge amounts of money on their military programs, the majority of the developing countries face a critical economic situation that prevents them from achieving\nsocial and economicdevelopment programs.\nWe feel that the international community should not remain passive. In the face of this situation, we call for intensified efforts on the part of all peace and freedom-loving countries to reverse the negative trend. Similarly, Angola welcomes the USSR's initiative unilaterally to extend the moratorium on nuclear testing and its recent proposal on the gradual banning and elimination of nuclear arms by the year 2000 and the creation of an international global security system. We also support unconditionally the proposal presented in May this year by the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs to the United Nations Secretary-General regarding the creation of an international organization for the peaceful use of outer space, and we urge all Member States of our Organization to join in this initiative, which undoubtedly would bring benefits to all countries, regardless of\ntheir stage of development.\nAngola is a sovereign independent country situated in Africa, in the southern\npart of the continent. Since its independence 11 years ago, our country has actively followed a policy of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence. Our Constitution is very clear about our country's willingness to maintain diplomatic relations with all the countries of the world on the basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries and of non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States in accordance with the norms of international law governing relations between independent States.\nUnfortunately it is in that subregion of the his lean continent that is found the abhorrent and obsolete apartheid system condemned by the vast majority of countries. That system continues to be a destabilizing factor for the countries of the region, particularly South Africa's neighboring countries, which are the victims of repeated violent aggression resulting from its arrogance and disregard of the resolutions of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of African unity.\nIn spite of its strong traditional inclination for peace, our people has not known a moment of peace since the very beginning of its independence, and our country is the victim of continuous armed aggression launched by South Africa from the illegally occupied Territory of Namibia.\nThe People's Republic of Angola continues to be faced with an undeclared war situation created by the South African racist regime, .which has forced the Angolan people to endure enormous sacrifices as a result of the train put on our country's financial, material and human resources, which seriously affected our economic and social development.\ndefenseless children, women and elderly people are among South Africa's favorite targets and the racist forces constantly blow up our bridges, railways and roads and destroy our hospitals and schools, not sparing our industrial installations.\nMaterial damage caused to our country has been estimated at $12 billion. This figure does not include the money spent in youth mobilization and youth defense programs. The South African regular army, with the collaboration of South African trained UNITA puppet groups, has perpetrated numerous atrocities and is responsible for a large number of deaths.\nThe Angolan people, who, under the Portuguese colonial rule during^ the 14 years of its struggle for national liberation to regain its freedom and dignity, usurped for five centuries by Portuguese colonialism, had already borne many sacrifices and lost many of its best countrymen, has longed for peace for its newly independent country, so that it could build a strong nation through its natural resources and make use of the country's huge potential for the Angolan people.\nThe imperialist world has always tried to show the current situation in our country as a civil war, while in fact it is rather a foreign invasion of a United Nations Member State, whose territory was partly occupied by the racist SouthAfrican armed forces. That is why Angola continues to insist on the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the South African forces from its territory.\nRacist South Africa uses the Namibian territory as a springboard for its attacks on Angola. The South African military bases in northern Namibia train the rebel and mercenary groups that infiltrate our territory. It is from those bases that the South African troops make incursions into our country and provide military support to the armed groups which operate in Angola under South African command.\nSouth Africa's acts of aggression against Angola, encouraged by successive United States administrations, started soon after our country's independence. In 1975, the apartheid regime invaded our territory and occupied the south.\nIn the light of these facts and in conformity with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, the People's Republic of Angola requested help from friendly countries. The presence of Cuban troops in Angola has nothing to do with the independence of Namibia and consequently should not be seen as a threat to South Africa, which does not share any border with the People's Republic of Angola.\nConscious of the complexity of the international situation and desirous of seeing the impasse created by racist South Africa and the Reagan Administration resolved through United Nations implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the Government of the People's Republic of Angola presented, in a letter from President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos to Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar, a negotiation package proposal, dated 17 November 1984.\nThe racist Pretoria regime responded to the well intentioned Angolan initiative with further violent attacks on the People's Republic of Angola. Their most recent acts of aggression were the attacks on the village of Xangongo and the commercial port of Namibe, with a significant number of Angolan casualties and heavy material damage.\nIn the last weeks, we have seen the concentration of over 10 South African army battalions along our southern border, a sufficient signal for us to anticipate a new major offensive against our country.\nBy trying to make implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) depend on the removal of the Cuban troops from Angola, the South African Government, along with the Reagan Administration, resorts to an excuse an old misleading pretext in order to impede Namibia's independence and transform that illegally occupied Territory into a springboard to keep destabilizing Angola with sustained acts of aggression.\nWe could not comment on the world economic crisis without mentioning the problems that are at its origin. Notwithstanding the efforts already made by the United Nations, certain developed countries still adopt policies that will not do much to help improve economic relations between developed and developing countries.\nIn fact, as far as monetary and financial matters are concerned, the problem lies with the inadequacy of structures that no longer meet the exigencies of the world's economic recovery as a result of the selfish policies pursued by certain developed countries, which consequently worsen the balance of payments and the external debt of the developing countries. It is therefore important that, without delay, we concentrate on the task of restructuring the current monetary and financial system in order to enable the developing countries to share in decision-making and take advantage of eventual benefits.\nIt is important to reflect on how far the negative changes of the world's monetary and financial system have exacerbated the external debt crisis of the underdeveloped countries, forcing them into default. Such changes have frustrated the development prospects of those countries, bringing about critical political and social repercussions.\nWhile in the first: quarter of 1984 the combined foreign debt of the developing countries already reached $600 billion, today that debt is estimated at more than $900 billion, which is a discouraging factor that frustrates all optimistic hopes for development as long as the developing countries are compelled to spend larger debt repayments amounts than their revenues allow.\nThe International Monetary Fund is far from having achieved the objectives set forth in its by-laws and we feel, therefore, that there is a need in the monetary and financial areas for the creation of a mechanism for South-South co-operation at the regional level to alleviate and ultimately eliminate financial dependence on that institution.\nOne of the causes of the present world economic crisis is, no doubt, the recurrent violation by the developed countries of international trade principles, rules and regulations. The proliferation of discriminatory measures imposed by the developed countries in their trade with their developing counterparts, a growing protectionist attitude and other restrictive measures are responsible for the decrease in the revenue from the exports of the developing countries, which limit their opportunities to invest in other areas more beneficial to their development.\nIn this context, we wish to reiterate the need for all the underdeveloped countries to ratify the Integrated Program for Commodities contained in resolution 93 (IV) of the Fourth United Conference on Trade and Development, and ensure the entry into operation of the Common Fund as soon as possible.\nThe lack of human, material, financial and technological resources in some of the underdeveloped countries should provide a reason for strengthening and improving the co-operation between those countries, and it should provide strong motivation for contributing to the collective and individual autonomy of our countries and strengthening their power to negotiate with the developed countries.\nIn southern Africa, despite the aggressive acts of the racist regime of South Africa, co-operation within the framework of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference has made significant progress in several areas, as demonstrated by the adoption of a number of conclusions and resolutions adopted at the recent submit conference of Baads of State or Government held in Luanda from\n18 to 22 August 1986.\nWe realize, however, that much remains to be done on the African continent,\nwhere we have to live and to survive despite our major problems. The United Nations General Assembly's special session on Africa in May 1986, where a program of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development was adopted, constituted a positive step towards the adoption by the international community of measures to support the African countries in their struggle to emerge from the difficult situation in which they find themselves.\nI have decided not to read out the entire text of try speech, but it will be distributed. However, I should like to take advantage of the last few minutes scheduled for my speech to comment briefly on what has already been said, especially the statement made about my country by the United states of America.\nI have already presented the views of my country on the international situation with respect to southern Africa. Angola is a peace-loving country whose people liberated themselves in 1975 through their own arduous efforts and the militant solidarity of friendly countries, and other Members of our Organization, of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and of the OAU, in accordance with their principles and the rules of international law. Angola will continue its solidarity with and its unselfish aid to those people still fighting against colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. Its external policy is based on the principles of justice, equality and non-interference in the internal affairs of Member States.\nI should like to take this opportunity to recall that Angola, as an independent and sovereign State, cannot accept the use of false and distorted representations of the real situation that exists in my country to justify attempts at interference and make false accusations against us of secret motives that my country has always rejected and fought against. My Government does not accept that type of policy, and I must reaffirm that in Angola, it is the Angolans themselves -and only they - who decide their own destiny.\nThe frequent declaration by the United States that Angola is governed by an\nanti-people and repressive regime is simply a blatant falsehood and an act of\ninterference in the internal affairs of the Angolan Government. The truth of the\nmatter is that facts themselves give the lie to such statements and demonstrate the\ntrue situation. The truth is that for over 10 years, Angola has suffered acts of\naggression committed by the racist regime of South Africa, as a result of the help\nthat regime has received from its allies - above all, the Government of the United States of America.\nThe presence of Cuban forces in our country is in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, and the result of an invitation by our Government. Cuban Internationalist forces are helping our people to defend themselves from external pressure exerted by the racist regime of South Africa, and for that reason will remain on our soil until our Government decides to the contrary.\nI would like to recall the words of Comrade President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, in his speech in Cape Verde on 22 December, when he said that the tension in southern Africa is tending towards a progressive aggravation because some of the Western Powers, instead of associating themselves with the efforts of the international community to allow Namibia to accede to independence on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and to eliminate the apartheid system, which undoubtedly is solely responsible for the climate of destabilization, insecurity and conflict prevailing in that subregion, are seeking to protect their financial and economic interests, allying themselves with the white racist minority regime of South Africa.
## 73 \nFirst of all, Sir, please allow me, on behalf of my Government, to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the office of President of the General Assembly at this session. There can be no doubt that your election is testimony to, and recognition of, your personal devotion to the struggle that is being waged by the international community to realize the rights of peoples to freedom and independence. It is likewise a well deserved tribute to the country you represent so worthily. I should like therefore to take this opportunity to convey to you our best wishes for success in carrying out your task.\nPermit me to take this opportunity also to express my appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Choudhury of Bangladesh, for the outstanding, very wise and skilful way in which he was able to overcome the obstacles to his mandate and to carry out successfully his difficult mission. It would be unpardonable if I were not also to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General, for his untiring efforts in the quest for solutions to the many problems still facing mankind and for his devotion to the basic principles of the Organization, despite the limited means available to him and the political and economic circumstances which are so difficult and which characterize today's world.\nAllow me also to congratulate Mr. Reed on his recent nomination to the high post of Under-Secretary-General for General Assembly Affairs.\nAt the same time every year, the representatives of most of the nations of the world meet in this same hall to take up the questions that afflict mankind and to try to find lasting solutions to them. Despite this, the spectres of famine, drought, underdevelopment and foreign debt continue to haunt the minds of the leaders of the least developed countries, and these factors, together with the unbridled arms race, particularly in the nuclear sphere, continue to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. Moreover, the arms race remains, we feel, a grave threat to the survival of all of mankind.\nThe Government of the People's Republic of Angola is convinced that a policy of dialogue and harmonization is the only assurance of a genuine policy for reducing conflicts and tensions among nations thus creating a climate of trust conducive not only to the peaceful settlement of disputes but also to disarmament. We therefore welcome the historic meeting between the leaders of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany which took place less than three weeks ago, as well as the agreement of principle reached between the Soviet Union and the United States of America several days ago to sign a treaty on the total elimination of medium-range nuclear weapons in Europe.\nThe problems of development are inseparable from the problem of peace.\nWithout peace there is no stability and without stability there will be no possibility of development. The implementation of the development programmes in our country is inseparable from political and economic stability. This requires solving the so-called regional conflicts which some of our countries have faced either directly or indirectly. In our humble opinion these efforts for peace should be made by the international community as a whole. For that reason the Government of the People's Republic of Angola supports the idea of the creation of a fund for the economic and social development of the developing countries.\nIndeed, the problem of underdevelopment facing most of the third-world countries is widening the gap that already exists between the rich and poor nations and thus constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security.\nIn this context, we hail the holding, under the auspices of the United Nations, of the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. To be sure, much remains to be done: there are many gaps in the final document and it does not reflect all the hopes of the underdeveloped countries, particularly the hope for the establishment of a development fund for the developing countries. The holding of the Conference and the adoption by consensus of a final document by the Conference, despite the attempts to frustrate it, are, in any case, an important milestone in the efforts we are all making to attain our objectives of peace and security. It marks a beginning and we hope that this trend will continue and increase and that it will yield much more tangible results for the benefit of peace and development.\nMoved as we are by the desire to contribute to the attainment of the objectives of the United Nations Charter, the African countries are sparing no effort to keep our continent free of nuclear weapons. The People's Republic of Angola feels that the proclamation of the southern Atlantic as a zone of peace and co-operation, free of nuclear arms and military pacts, is a sure way to guarantee peaceful co-existence. In this context, the independence of Namibia, on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) , and the elimination of apartheid would also contribute to strengthening international security and co-operation in the region in the mutual interests of the countries of the southern Atlantic region.\nAllow me to express our profound gratitude for the untiring efforts of the international community and of the United Nations to find fair and lasting solutions to the problems of our times. Nevertheless, I cannot fail to express my concern at the fact that there remain many unresolved issues, such as decolonisation, apartheid, famine and drought.\nSince its independence almost 12 years ago the Government of the People's Republic of Angola has followed a policy of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence. This policy is set down in its constitutional law, which establishes, as clearly as possible, its intention to maintain diplomatic relations with all the countries of the world on the basis of mutual respect, sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of each State, and respect for the norms of international law governing relations among independent States.\nUnfortunately, in the sub-region of southern Africa, a reactionary and anachronistic regime, that of racist South Africa, continues to flout United Nations resolutions and arrogantly carries out, with impunity, acts of subversion and destabilization against the countries of the area, including my own, with the sole purpose of perpetuating its illegal occupation of Namibia and thereby delay the elimination of the odious system of apartheid.\nWe are a people that cherishes peace and justice, but ever since our country achieved independence we have not known a single day of peace. In an undeclared war imposed on it, Angola has been victimized by acts of armed aggression on the part of the racist regime of South Africa. Our people and our Government are thus obliged to make enormous sacrifices for the effects of the war are fraught with heavy consequences in terms of our financial, material and human resources and inevitably undermine the economic and social development of our country.\nIn this unjust war imposed on us by South Africa, women, children and the elderly have no defence, and our basic infrastructure, such as roads, bridges, railroads, hospitals, schools and industrial plants, is not spared; these are indeed the preferred targets of the South African army and its UNITA auxiliary forces.\nThe damage suffered by our country as a result of the atrocities committed by the South African regular army and the UNITA puppets is estimated today at more than $US 12 billion. That figure does not include lost earnings resulting from the fact that our young people are engaged in military service, instead of attending school or working in factories where they would be contributing to increasing production and improving the living standard of our population.\nAfter achieving independence at the cost of great sacrifices our people aspire to life in peace and the reconstruction of their country; they wish to build a strong nation by exploiting the vast natural potential of our soil.\nContrary to what some of the media would have international public opinion believe, there is no civil war in our country, it is in fact a case of foreign invasion of a State Member of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity and of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, part of whose territory remains occupied by the racist South African troops. That is why the People's Republic of Angola continues to demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from the southern part of its territory.\nSouth Africa is using Namibia's territory as a springboard for acts of aggression against Angolan territory. Thus South African military bases - where armed bandits and mercenaries are trained and later sent to our territory, and from where South African troops carry out incursions into our territory - are to be found in the north of occupied Namibia.\nIn the face of these facts, and based on the rights recognized under international law and the relevant provisions of the United Nations Charter, particularly Article 51 the Government of the People's Republic of Angola has appealed for assistance from friendly countries, in particular Cuba and the Soviet Union - assistance for which we wish once again to express our gratitude.\nNevertheless, aware of the complexity of the situation in southern Africa and in order to remove the impasse created by South Africa and its allies with regard to the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) , the Government of the People's Republic of Angola submitted an approach to global negotiations contained in its letter, dated 17 November 1984, addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, by the President of the People's Republic of Angola, Mr. Jose Eduardo Dos Santos.\nDespite this gesture of understanding and goodwill on the part of the Angolan Government, the plan for the independence of Namibia still faces the intransigence of the Government of South Africa and its allies.\nOnce again, in a spirit of co-operation and openness, ray Government very recently proposed to the parties concerned, the general framework for a comprehensive agreement on the settlement of the Namibian question, a solution taking into account not only the legitimate right of the people of Namibia - under the leadership of its sole, genuine representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) - to self-determination and independence, in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1970) , but also the right of the other countries of the region to live in peace and security. The agreement would be signed by the representatives of the Governments of Angola, Cuba and South Africa and of SWAPO, under the auspices of the Security Council or its permanent members.\nMoreover, the recent talks held in Luanda between representatives of the \nAngolan Government and the United States Administration clearly show my Government's constant readiness to seek a solution to the problems of peace and security in southern Africa. It is now up to the regime of South Africa and the United States Administration to accept or reject this new olive branch. If they persist in their obstinacy, history will judge them, for in wanting to link the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) to the withdrawal of the internationalist Cuban troops from Angola the South African regime and its allies are simply invoking a cowardly and fallacious pretext to prevent the independence of Namibia and allow South Africa to continue using its territory as a base for aggression against and the destabilization of the People's Republic of Angola and other States of southern Africa, thus interfering with our efforts for national reconstruction.\nTwenty years have now elapsed since the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia. But we must note that implementation of its mandate is being obstructed by the intransigence of the apartheid regime. Such behaviour is possible only because of the support and encouragement that some Western countries continue to give it. In view of the illegal occupation of Namibia by the South African regime, the international community must now adopt firm measures to ensure that international legal order is restored.\nIn South Africa we are witnessing extremely violent confrontations between the power of the white racist minority on the one hand and the oppressed and exploited black people on the other hand. New facts, however, have recently surfaced. Some elements of the white minority are beginning to understand that only a policy of dialogue and harmony can avoid a bloodbath with unforeseeable consequences. Thus, a delegation of white South Africans met with a delegation of the African National Congress (ANC) in Senegal. This is one more proof that many members of the white minority recognize the role of the ANC in the solution of the problem of South Africa. The People's Republic of Angola commends the courageous action of that group of South African citizens who have dared to defy the repressive power of apartheid. We feel that such initiatives open the way to a peaceful solution in South Africa and should be encouraged.\nUnfortunately, despite these positive steps, the present political picture within South Africa remains sombre. The racist regime continues to use oppression as its main weapon against the patriots of South Africa, as was the case in the recent cruel repression of the striking miners, who were seeking fair wages and the satisfaction of their just social claims. This alarming situation in South Africa presents a greater challenge than ever before to the international community, which should without further delay tackle the root causes of these phenomena that are endangering regional and international security and stability. The total elimination of apartheid and the end of the illegal occupation of Namibia must therefore be demanded.\nConsequently, the Government of the People's Republic of Angola believes that comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter should be imposed as a form of pressure on the racist South African Government,\nIt is disquieting to note that despite some encouraging signs the international situation continues to be darkened by the persistence of various other hotbeds of tension.\nOn the African continent the Western Sahara conflict continues to affect the lives of the people of the territory. We believe that the implementation of resolution AHG/104 of the 19th Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) would make a great contribution to the settlement of the conflict. We therefore appeal to the parties concerned to continue the dialogue begun through the intermediary of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Concerning Chad, we hope that peace will be restored in that country in the interest of well-being and social progress of its people.\nThe Middle East, where the State of Israel continues to carry out its aggressive expansionist policies against the Arab people, is another source of serious concern for us. We reaffirm the sacred and inalienable right of the Palestinian people, under the enlightened leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (FLO), to form their own State. We thus support the idea of convening an international conference on the Palestinian problem, with the participation of the PLO, and hope that this session can take the relevant measures to bring this about as rapidly as possible.\nWe advocate respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon and the safeguarding of its independence, and we oppose foreign interference in the internal affairs of that State.\nThe war between Iran and Iraq cannot fail to concern us, too, since it is a war between two non-aligned countries that seriously threatens international peace and security. We hope for an early end to that war.\nWe also note with great concern that the question of East Timor remains deadlocked. We call for a dialogue between Indonesia and Portugal, with the mediation of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to find a just and lasting solution that takes into account the interests and rights of the Maubere people. The situation in the Korean peninsula is also a source of alarm for us. We welcome the initiatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea concerning the reunification of the great homeland of the Koreans and cannot support the admission of the two parties separately to the great family of the United Nations.\n We welcome with great satisfaction the initiatives of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea with regard to its policy of national reconciliation and are convinced that these will contribute to peace and stability in the region.\nIn Latin America, we welcome the positive results achieved by the Heads of State of the five Central American countries - Nicaragua, Honduras, Costa Rica, El Salvador and Guatemala - at their last meeting and hope that these results will contribute to peace and thereby reduce instances of foreign interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the region.\nWe condemn the policy of intimidation, aggression, blackmail and economic blockade directed against Cuba and advocate the immediate cessation of the occupation of the Guantanamo base.\nWe reaffirm our support for the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence, in accordance with resolution 1514 (XV) and the Declaration adopted by the Eighth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Harare, Zimbabwe, last year.\nThe world economic situation has hardly improved since the last session of the General Assembly, and the economic and financial crisis has become established and taken root in all the developing countries. The growing indebtedness is preventing those countries from carrying out their national recovery plans and becoming, as a result, an additional factor of instability and insecurity.\nThe absence of the political will on the part of some developed countries to respond to the appeals of the international community, the arms race and the political instability created in some regions have helped to make the imbalance already existing in international economic relations even worse. The present structural crisis is also the result of the anachronistic development of the world economic system, which is shown by the fact that some countries are becoming ever richer, while the overwhelming majority of countries are becoming ever poorer and lack the means with which to tackle the problems of under development.\nThe foreign debt is the clearest indicator of the scope and gravity of the world economic crisis. To deal with this, political effort and will are necessary not only on the part of the developing countries, which are at present the most affected, but also and above all on the part of the developed countries.\nThe Government of the People's Republic of Angola continues to advocate the establishment of a new international economic order as an effective tool for overcoming the crisis and restoring balance to international economic relations.\nWith regard to the present financial and monetary system, we feel that our action should be oriented towards its restructuring as quickly as possible so that the developing countries can participate in the taking of decisions and profit as much as possible thereby. Scrupulous respect by the developed countries, for the principles, rules and norms in force in this area would also contribute to avoiding deterioration of the situation and exacerbation of the crisis\nThe proliferation of discriminatory measures imposed by the developed countries in their trade with the developing countries, protectionism and other restrictive measures are resulting in the reduction of the earnings from products exported by the developing countries and a consequent reduction in the resources and funds available for development. However, all these measures required of the developed countries should not prevent the developing countries from themselves taking steps to restructure the management of their economies in such a way as to facilitate the task of those of the rich countries that wish to help them to overcome the crisis. \nMy country has just taken various measures along those lines. In this context, the People's Republic of Angola reaffirms the importance of the ratification by both developed and developing countries of the Integrated Programme for Commodities, dealt with in resolution 93 (IV) of the fourth United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD IV) , and its Fund in order to permit its rapid entry into force. We therefore welcome the Soviet Government's decision to subscribe to the Fund.\nIn the context of co-operation, the People's Republic of Angola also reaffirms the role of economic co-operation between developing countries - South-South co-operation - as a means of promoting the rational and effective use of their human, material, financial and technological resources. In this context, co-operation between the States of southern Africa in the framework of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) has already yielded significant results in various sectors, as acknowledged by the regional Heads of State or Government at their last summit meeting in Lusaka.\nHowever, we recognize that much remains to be done. The convening by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) next December of a conference of Heads of State and Government devoted to the foreign debt of the African countries reflects the importance that our countries attach to this problem and the political will to combine their efforts to redress Africa's economic situation.\nIn reviewing all these situations, we have tried to interpret in our own way the problems of peace and development and to express our desire for the progress and well-being of all mankind. In this context, we reaffirm our devotion to the principles of the United Nations and to multilateralism as a whole as an instrument for seeking solutions to the complex problems of a world that is growing more and more interdependent.\nThe struggle continues. Victory is certain.
## 74 \nOn behalf of my Government I wish to express to you, Sir, our appreciation and satisfaction at your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. We are sure that your talent and experience, as a politician and as a diplomat, will enable you to make a great contribution to the success of this session. Your election is a recognition of the importance of this factor and, at the same time, a well-deserved tribute to the country you represent. We therefore offer you our very best wishes for success in the difficult task entrusted to you.\nWe also wish to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin of the German Democratic Republic, for the exemplary and brilliant manner in which he presided over the forty-second session, thus, making a contribution to the strengthening of the United Nations.\nTo the Secretary-General, Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, we pay sincere tribute for everything he has done in the cause of peace and prosperity for all mankind, in spite of the political and economic obstacles and other drawbacks faced by the Organisation today. We are sure that, with help from all of us and support for the diplomatic and political commitment he has always demonstrated, there will be hope for a lessening of tension throughout the world and for the achievement of the peace that now begins to shimmer in the distance and will ultimately bring great joy to you all. In the international situation there are signs of hope for lessened tension and for the peace so anxiously awaited by all mankind.\nThe Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (INF Treaty), now ratified, the progress made in the field of disarmament, in the framework of the talks between the United States and the Soviet Union and the Geneva Conference on Disarmament, the search for a negotiated settlement of the different conflicts that have been proliferating around the world - all of these are important landmarks on the way to achieving the fundamental goal of the United Nations, which needs to be pursued both in qualitative and in quantitative terms. We believe that those achievements are part of the solution to the problems that all mankind is facing today.\nThe radical changes we are witnessing today in the political situation in southern Africa are a consequence of a change in the balance of power, which now favours the peoples of the region engaged in a struggle against the hideous racist regime of South Africa. That is reflected in successive South African military defeats at the hands of the Angolan army and in the intensification of the liberation struggles of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa.\nAcknowledgement of those facts, plus the military defeat inflicted on the racist South African forces at Cuito Cuanavale, led the Pretoria Government to sit down at the negotiating table with the Governments of Angola and Cuba, with the mediation of the United States of America, to negotiate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the establishment of peace and security in our country.\nThe Governments of Angola and Cuba, which have demonstrated a true spirit of integrity and flexibility throughout the talks, brought to the negotiating table a set of principles set out in a negotiating platform presented in 1984 by Comrade President José Eduardo dos Santos to the Secretary-General. As that platform is well known to all, I shall not dwell on it here.\nThe Government of the People's Republic of Angola has never accepted and will never accept the fictitious link some have sought to establish between the presence of Cuban internationalist troops in our territory and the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978),on the independence of Namibia. It is a prerequisite for the achievement of a just, lasting and honourable peace in southern Africa that the goals set in the negotiating platform be attained.\nAttempts to establish a parallel between the withdrawal of Cuban internationalist troops and the independence of Namibia prove the arrogance and bad faith of a regime that is defying the entire international community, that continues to trample on the most fundamental rights of its own people by imposing the inhuman apartheid system, which is blocking the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence, and that pursues a systematic policy of aggression and destabilisation against the front-line States.\nI am obliged to reiterate that Cuban internationalist troops are in Angola at the invitation of the Angolan Government, in keeping with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, while South African troops occupy the Territory of Namibia illegally, in violation of the relevant United Nations resolutions.\nThe Governments of Angola and Cuba, wishing to help resolve the problems of south-western Africa, also brought to the negotiating table a specific timetable for the withdrawal of Cuban internationalist troops from Angola, with a view to facilitating the implementation of Security Council 435 (1978), on the independence of Namibia. But it must be made perfectly clear that this gesture in no way implies de jure or de facto acceptance of the policy of "linkage". It should be understood, rather, as one more contribution by our Governments towards the achievement of peace in Angola and of independence for Namibia.\nAngola's firm commitment in this regard and our efforts to initiate a peace process are well known.\nSeveral meetings held in Luanda and Cape Verde were followed by a series of peace talks in London, Cairo, Now York, Geneva and Brazzaville. A protocol was signed in Geneva regulating the withdrawal of South African troops from Angolan territory as provided for in Security Council resolution 602 (1967); there was also agreement on the cessation of hostilities along Angola's southern border, and the installation of border control posts jointly monitored by Angola, Cuba and South Africa. That, along with the designation of 1 November as the date for initiating implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the presence of a United Nations technical tea, in Namibia/ are the clear results of the quadripartite talks. This shows how important and necessary it is for us to proceed with dialogue in order ensure peace and security in southern Africa. As President José Eduardo dos Santos pointed out in a recent statement at the Franceville summit\n"Our intention is to make the peace process in southern Africa irreversible, and we shall do everything in our power to make that happen."\nShould South Africa and its allies persist in their obstinate policy of hindering the peace process by making demands which by their very nature constitute crude interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola - demands that we can never accept - history will in due course be the judge of their actions.\nThe Angolan Government has repeatedly declared that/ under its policy of clemency and national harmonisation/ all Angolans are entitled to free themselves from the domination of foreign interests and to integrate themselves into the society we are in the process of building. That policy, recently reiterated by the President of the People's Republic of Angola, aims at the implementation of a peace process inside Angola, a process that draws on the history and experience of other African countries which have experienced similar situations. Assurances regarding the implementation of such a process after the Brazzaville quadripartite talks were given by the highest Angolan authorities at the Franceville summit on 5 October.\nThe People's Republic of Angola considers that there has been much progress in the quadripartite talks. But this does not mean we can decrease our vigilance; we must rather increase our solidarity with and our unwavering support for all peoples of the southern African region and all liberation movements struggling against colonialism and apartheid. \nIt is important to stress that the important consultations held at New York between Angola, Cuba and South Africa, with the mediation of the United States, were essentially exploratory in nature. Contrary to reports in the international media, their purpose was to prepare for the signing of a subsequent formal agreement. There is still a long way to go. At stake are the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola.\nI must mention here the efforts of the People's Republic of the Congo, and particularly of President Denis Sassou Nguesso, towards success in the quadripartite talks.\nMy Government will never shirk its duty to extend all necessary support to the fraternal people of Namibia in its just struggle for independence, under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO).\nTogether with a21 other peace-loving peoples, the Angolan people continue to extend all possible support to the heroic people of South Africa, which, under the leadership of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other patriotic forces, is struggling against the inhuman apartheid system. We take this opportunity to call upon Pretoria's allies to cease forthwith all co-operation with the inhuman regime and to impose the comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa for which the international community at large has been calling for so long.\nThe development in the Maghreb region give us some reason to hope that, should all parties co-operate fully with the Secretary-General and with the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), a just, lasting and politically acceptable settlement of the conflict will be found on the basis of OAU resolution 104 and relevant General Assembly resolutions. We reaffirm our total support for the Sahraoui people and for the POLISARIO Front, and we call upon the parties to the conflict to do all they can to pursue the path of dialogue. \nWe welcome the agreement signed by Ethiopia and Somalia and regard them as a positive step towards improving relations between those two countries, whose common wish is to live in a climate of peace in order to be able to overcome their underdevelopment and raise the living standards of their respective peoples. We hope that the dialogue that has now been initiated between Ethiopia and Sudan - two countries whose peoples are linked by economic, historical and geographical ties - will lead to the establishment of a climate of confidence and good-neighbourliness.\nAs Africans, we have justified pride in welcoming the initiation of dialogue between Libya and Chad, two African countries that, under the aegis of the Organisation of African Unity, have been able to prove that it is possible to substitute dialogue for the force of arms in the settlement of regional conflicts.\nWe once again feel obliged to associate ourselves with all those who have demanded that the Zionist regime of Israel withdraw unconditionally from all Palestinian and other Arab territories which it is illegally occupying and where it is engaging in the most inhuman atrocities against the Arab peoples. We associate ourselves also with the international demand for the convening as soon as possible of an international peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of the sole end legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO).\nA major development to which special reference must be made - because of its importance for peace in the Persian Gulf - is, without any doubt, the cease-fire and the resulting talks now taking place between Iran and Iraq, under the auspices of the Secretary-General, with a view to bringing peace to those two countries that have been fighting each other for eight years now. We call upon these two fraternal countries to pursue the path of dialogue and refrain from any act that may hinder the process now under way. \nWe welcome the signing of the Geneva agreement· between Pakistan and Afghanistan and hope that this will help to establish a climate of peace and security in the region.\nWith respect to the Kampuchean question, we believe it imperative to seek a political settlement that can contribute to the establishment of peace and stability in South-West Asia. We appreciate the promising results of the meeting held in July this year in Jakarta, Indonesia, at which the parties to this regional conflict showed optimism about the possibility of settling it. In this connection, we hail the positive attitude of the Vietnamese Government, which, in keeping with the goal of contributing to the establishment of peace in the region, has decided to withdraw before the end of this year a part of its Military contingent stationed in Kampuchea.\nWe are also continuing to pay special attention to the situation in the Korean peninsula and to the Korean people's efforts to bring about an independent, reunified nation. We once again express our total support for the proposals made by the People's Democratic Republic of Korea that the Korean people be enabled to decide their future without interference or foreign intervention.\nTo the East Timor people fighting against foreign occupation and for self-determination and independence, under the leadership of their revolutionary FRETILIN, we once again affirm our unwavering support. Furthermore, we take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the stance that the Portuguese Government has been taking in its capacity as the legal administering Power of the Territory of East Timor. In this connection, we call on that Government as well as on the Secretary-General to continue their efforts to find a just and permanent settlement of the question, in the framework of General Assembly resolution 37/30. \nCentral America remains one of the regions of the earth most affected by instability. There, the policies of intervention, aggression, blackmail and interference in the internal affairs of the States concerned represent a threat to their sovereignty and development and to international peace and security. The People's Republic of Angola believes that this line of conduct is incompatible with a wish to see fewer regional conflicts and to achieve a political settlement of the differences. We therefore cannot agree that these confrontations should be viewed as ideological or as an East-West conflict.\nNicaragua and Panama are clear examples of that situation. They are currently the victims of coercive political and economic measures. We wish to reaffirm the importance and validity of the Esquipulas II peace plan and also the need for compliance by all parties with the Panama Canal Treaty.\nWe also express again our unwavering support for the Government and fraternal people of Cuba and their legitimate claim to regain the illegally occupied Guantanamo Naval Base from the United States and to be compensated for the material damage resulting from the occupation.\nWe unequivocally support General Assembly resolutions 41/11 of 27 October 1986 and 42/16 of 10 November 1987, which declare the southern Atlantic a zone of peace and co-operation. We call on the States of the region to contribute to that end by Adopting measures designed to achieve the objectives of the Declaration.\nWe are all in favour of détente, dialogue and co-operation between States, regardless of their political or ideological differences or their stages of development. We believe also that the acme race, particularly when it involves nuclear weapons, makes the establishment of a programme for general and complete disarmament urgent. The resources used by the armaments industry could be channelled to the developing countries that are the victims of the constantly deteriorating world economic situation. \nWe are sow approaching the end of yet another decade in which there has been a series of political convulsion in almost every region of the world. That is a source of great concern to the international community as a whole. During this period, some countries have been able to take important steps forward in seeking solutions to the various economic problems they face. However, despite their efforts, the majority of these countries have not succeeded in achieving anything more than a palliative that has not met their expectation for the settlement of certain problems that could really have been solved, to a large extent, with the political will and help of other countries.\nAs I have just said, we are approaching the end of another decade. At the beginning of this decade we had hoped for better results for mankind as a whole. It is therefore distressing to note that, despite the efforts made, the world economic situation is constantly deteriorating. The current crisis in the world economic system, which is obsolete and unjust, claims its principal victims in the developing countries. It is against that background, therefore, that we believe it to be important, indeed urgent, to establish a new international economic order that is real, fair, equitable and capable of responding to the growing concerns of more than two thirds of the human race.\nAt the beginning of this decade the United Nations adopted resolution 35/56 establishing a strategy by means of which the developing countries could achieve a growth rate of 7 per cent within the framework of the International Development Strategy. To that end, it was agreed also that the developed countries should contribute 0.7 per cent of their gross national product for the benefit of the developing countries in general, and 1 per cent for the benefit of the least developed countries. Today, eight years have passed and we are still facing a manifest lack of political will on the part of cone developed countries to apply the principles agreed upon. The consequences of this have been the stagnation in, and the reduction in the growth rates of, the majority of the developing countries.\nWe believe that the existing gap between our two groups of countries is constantly increasing rather than narrowing, despite the measures taken each year by the majority of those countries to bring about economic recovery. In that connection, we reaffirm our complete support for the recent decisions taken and the positions held by the States members of the Non-Aligned Movement. We are sure that they constitute the basis for future negotiations between the North and the South, taking into account the need for the revitalised, closer and fairer co-operation between the two groups of countries that which we believe is imperative.\nWe wish to focus for a moment on some questions that are of the greatest concern to us and that, in our opinion, are among the major impediments to the development of our countries. First, I wish to say that the international monetary and financial system will not be able to operate smoothly unless ell countries share the responsibility for the settlement of the problems relating to the malfunctioning of that system's institutions and mechanisms. Otherwise we shall continue to witness en uncontrolled flow of our resources to the developed countries. These resources could be utilised for the economic development of the countries of the South. \nThere is therefore an urgent need for the restructuring of the present international monetary and financial system so as to render it more viable and capable of securing wider and more just world co-operation. Today a problem of undeniable importance is the inordinate level of the debt of the developing countries, which reached the astronomical figure of $1,200 billion in 1987. We therefore deem it appropriate to appeal to the multilateral financial institutions and the creditor countries to review, together with us, the impracticability of the mechanisms of the international monetary system now in force. \nWe reaffirm once again the need for an international meeting to be held as soon as possible on the debt of the developing countries, to enable debtors and creditors together to work out a solution to this thorny issue. For the low-growth countries of the African continent, the debt situation has become critical. The continued drop in prices of commodities, the main exports of the African countries, is an insurmountable obstacle to both their participation in the world economy and the effective implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990, which are essential pre-conditions for real recovery in their economies. We accordingly endorse the position of African Heads of State at the OAU summit meeting in December 1987 on the convening of an international conference on external debt in Africa. The economic crisis has seriously affected the developing countries capacity to take a more active part in international trade. The economies of those countries are concentrated on the export of one or a few commodities or manufactures, and at the same time those products suffer from instability in developed countries and are the victim of protectionist measures on the part of the market-economy countries - measures that are in flagrant violation of the rules and principles of international trade and incompatible with the commitments undertaken by those countries in various international bodies. We must therefore continue to concentrate our efforts on achieving real adjustment in the structure of international trade and implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The People's Republic of Angola is convinced that the international community can create the condition necessary for this to be close. \nThe interdependence of States, of which we are totally aware, should lead us to a greater sensitivity concerning the food crisis. We note with deep regret the deterioration in the food and agriculture situation in many developing countries, especially African countries, which are experiencing a serious food deficit. The international community should support more strongly the International Fund for Agricultural Development in order to enable it to embark upon its second decade on a better and more solid financial footing. \nThe People's Republic of Angola, a developing country which has never experienced a single day of peace since it achieved independence in November 1975, is an integral part of the international community and cannot remain silent with regard to the world in general or the problems of the underdeveloped countries in particular. Its contribution to minimising the countless economic and social problems affecting mankind is still very weak. \nWe have been making efforts, together with others, to achieve the just peace so badly needed by the heroic Angolan people to solve the economic problems we continue to experience.' In this connection my Government has taken certain measures within the framework of the Economic and Financial Recovery Programme and has been enacting legislation that will make its implementation possible. \nI wish to take this opportunity to appeal to the international community to increase its support and programmes of assistance for the People's Republic of Angola with a view to helping repair the damage caused by the war of aggression and destabilisation waged by South Africa. This damage, in material terms - equipment, highways, bridges, roads, railroads and so forth - amounts to more than $12 billion, cost the lives of more than 50,000 people, caused the displacement of 200,000 families and created close to 150,000 refugees.\nIn conclusion, Mr. President, allow me to reiterate our sincere wishes for your complete success in conducting the proceedings of the forty-third session of the General Assembly and to assure you of the fullest co-operation of the Angolan delegation whenever necessary and at all times.\nThe struggle continues. Victory is certain.
## 75 \nMr. President, today I have the honour of addressing the General Assembly for the first time and I wish to extend greetings to you both personally and on behalf of the People's Republic of Angola and best wishes for your success during this forty-fourth session of the Assembly. We are certain that your abilities aid diplomatic experience will contribute significantly to its success.\nWe should like also to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, who conducted the previous session with brilliance and foresight, contributing, as we all know, to its success.\nTo the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, we extend our most sincere congratulations, especially on his exemplary performance in the process leading to the search for peace and prosperity for all mankind despite all the political, economic and other problems that the Organization faces.\nOnly a few days have elapsed since the ninth summit conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held in a spirit of modernization. That conference took place at a time when positive changes were occurring in international relations. This is a situation that pleases us because we can now say that the period of the cold war is over. The super-Powers seem to have established between themselves a relationship directed towards ending confrontation and leading to a gradual reduction and dismantling of their respective arsenals, including nuclear arms. \nThese negotiations between the major world Powers on the limitation of arms and on disarmament should be encouraged and supported by every current of opinion in our countries and around the world, as the right to choose between war and world peace should not be restricted to one country or to a small group of countries.\nPeace is the patrimony of all mankind, which must fight in a United bloc in order to preserve it. Peace is the indispensable and necessary condition for development and for the building of happiness aid well-being for all people. Peace, stability and security are inseparable, and since we live an interdependent world: Id the active commitment of all coin tries is necessary for the resolution of world problems.\nThe results reached at the Reykjavik talks opened important prospects for peace for peoples all over the world and emphasized an already strong tendency towards the relaxation of tension in international relations and for the use of dialogue and negotiation as a means to resolve differences, end conflicts and eliminate those points of tension that exist in many parts of the globe.\nThis new tendency has encouraged the peoples of Africa to engage in a courageous struggle for the liquidation of the last remnants of colonialism and racism. Aware of this reality, the South African regime, supported by some Western Powers, has engaged in armed aggression and acts of sabotage, combining direct action with the participation of mercenaries and puppet groups against the countries in the region, with the dual objective of thwarting the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa, under the respective guidance of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWATO) and the African National Congress (ANC), their sole and legitimate representatives, and of destabilizing sovereign southern African countries in order to promote subversion and create conditions for the imposition of neo-colonial Governments submissive to the wishes of the Western Powers.\nThe Peopled Republic of Angola, as a country fighting to win the battle against underdevelopment at all costs in order to improve the social conditions and standards of living of its people could not isolate itself from the political context of its region. Out contribution to the solution of the problems that affect the southern region of our continent has been provided within the context of the front-line countries to which our country has given significant support in the political and diplomatic actions undertaken to find a just solution to the problem of the decolonisation of Namibia and the elimination of the vicious apartheid system. Because of this attitude Angola has been the victim of constant armed aggression. \nThis climate of extreme armed violence generated by the South African aggressors has resulted in remarkable deeds by the Angolans - such as the victorious battles of Cuito Canavale, Tchipa, Calueque and Ruacana -· which will remain as glorious pages in the history of our resistance against the invader. In this hard struggle the Angolan people was able to count on the active commitment of Cuba and on the support of the international community, for which we are most grateful.\nThe Government of the People's Republic of Angola has given proof of good faith and understanding in the search for the means to solve its internal conflict. In a constructive spirit, and as a clear demonstration of its peaceful policy, the Angolan Government on 22 June this year, in the presence of 18 African Heads of State at a meeting held at Gbadolite, in the Republic of Zaire, agreed upon a cessation of military hostilities, to become effective on 24 June 1989. That followed intensive consultations with various African countries regarding a series of principles that were included in the peace plan for Angola.\nThe President of the Republic of Zaire informed us that he had established contacts with Savimbi and UNITA and that they had accepted the principles for the settlement of the internal problem in Angola. Those principles are·, first, cessation of external interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola. Secondly, cessation of hostilities in all parts of the national territory, including the area around the Benguela railway, which will be considered a peace zone, and therefore used only for peaceful protest thirdly, observation of the provisions of constitutional law aid other fundamental legislation; fourthly. Integration of UNITA militants into the structure of the State', and into other institutions, according to their capabilities; and, fifthly, acceptance of a temporary, voluntary removal of Jonas Savimbi from the Angolan political scene. \nUnfortunately, since the Gbadolite summit events have not proceeded at the same pace or developed positively, since the UNITA rebels have not stopped their terrorist acts or their hostile statements and propaganda against the legitimate Government of Angola. Moreover, their traditional allies have not ceased their interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola. It must be remembered that we are involved in a peace process, which is not promoted by the supply of arms and increased financial aid to Jonas Savintbi.\nThe fact that certain groups of Angolans serve as instruments for the realization of the Pretoria regime's aims in the war of aggression against Angola shows that the war against our country has an external origin. Therefore, we regret that despite all the commitments freely made by Angola - not only in the comprehensive negotiations platform of 17 November 1984, but also in the Geneva Protocol of 5 August 1988 and in the bilateral agreement between Angola and Cuba of 22 December 1988 on the withdrawal of the Cuban military contingent from the People's Republic of Angola - the UNITA rebels, in spite of the cease-fire agreed upon in Gbadolite, have carried out various attacks and ambushes. Up to the end of August there had been 2 85 attacks against the civilian population and the armed forces, 199 ambushes, 127 anti-personnel and mine explosions, the destruction of 58 personnel carriers by mine explosions, 67 abductions, 56 cases of looting, 1,226 deaths, 2,071 wounded, 705 disappeared, one Brazilian citizen wounded, one Filipino citizen assassinated, 135 houses destroyed, 263 cats destroyed and 1,107 head of cattle stolen.\nThat is the clearest evidence of the dangerous conduct of UNITA, which has thus proved to continue to be a destabilizing element, not only internally, in Angola, but also in the region as a whole. Furthermore, the Government of the People's Republic of Angola has supported all those initiatives that would contribute, de facto, to the elimination of disagreement and war, in the interest of defending the inalienable rights of peoples to independence, sovereignty and the free choice of their political system.\nRacist South Africa, playing the role of gendarme in our region, is economically destabilizing the front-line countries, and especially the People's Republics of Angola and Mozambique. The actions of the bandits paid by South Africa are aimed at ensuring the realization of those objectives, and have nothing to do with the interests of the Angolan people. For that reason, their preferred targets are the social and economic infrastructure and the villages of peaceful citizens, where the greatest barbarities are committed. \nBeating in mind the fundamental role played by the United Nations, the Government of Angola has been informing the Secretary-General, Mt. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and the Member countries about the evolution of the situation in southern Africa in general and in particular in my own country. The Secretary-General's visits to Angola have made it possible for the highest representative of this international institution personally to witness the extent of foreign aggression and the reasons for out resort to the right of self-defence.\nWe have had the opportunity to reiterate to the Secretary-General our position regarding the origin of the conflict that has devastated our sub region and those responsible for it. My Government, within its already proven policy of flexibility and respect for the principles that govern relations between States, has presented serious proposals for the re-establishment of peace in southern Africa.\nWs believe that once the apartheid system in South Africa has been dismantled out region will enter a period of peace, necessary for the development aid progress of its peoples, which will be conducive to regional and international co-operation. Particularly with the independence of Namibia, which we all hope will be achieved within the schedule initially established.\nThe Angolan Government will not fail to make every effort in the search for a political solution to the problem of apartheid, through talks between the Government in Pretoria, the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and other valid political forces in South Africa.\nIn fact, today the situation in Namibia presents a different scenario. With the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) an irreversible process was set in motion, beginning in April this year. We hope that it will bring an end to the last stronghold of colonialism on the African continent, despite the acts of intimidation against the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) militants and sympathizers by the Koevoet forces integrated into the South West Africa Police, which continue to carry out their activities, especially in northern Namibia. The Koevoet continues to employ tactics of counter-insurgency as well as destabilization in the south of Angola, in collaboration with the demobilized elements of the former territorial troops - the South West Africa Territory Force - especially battalions 54, 101, 201 and 202, which are stationed along the Angola-Namibia border aid which maintain close ties with UNITA, in a clear violation of the tripartite agreement.\nThe People's Republic of Angola reiterates its total commitment to complying with the New York agreements, as long as there is a corresponding compliance by the other patties aid the efforts made for Namibia's transition from colonialism to independence are made under conditions of stability and justice, lb this end, in accordance with the New York agreements regarding peace in south-west Africa; we should like to refer on the one hand to the more than 22,600 internationalists from Cuba who have already returned to their country and on the other hand to the SWAPO elements which ate new, as was agreed, north of parallel 16 and under the control of the United Nations representative in Angola. \nThe efforts of the Secretary-General in search of a just negotiated solution to the conflict concerning Western Sahara have merited the encouragement of the Angolan Government. We hope the contacts between His Majesty King Hassan II of Morocco and the POŁISARIO Front will continue opening the way for the implementation of the United Nations and Organization of African Unity resolutions on this matter.\nA matter of equal importance to the people and the Government of Angola is that of the Maubere people, which has struggled for 14 years against the foreign occupation of its territory. We reaffirm once again our appreciation of the position taken by the Portuguese Government as administering Power of that Territory, and we urge the Secretary-General to make every effort in the search for a just and lasting solution based on the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Territory and relevant United Nations resolutions.\nWe must commend the efforts of the Korean people towards the peaceful reunification of their country, without foreign intervention based on dialogue and consultations between North and South, in compliance with the principles established in the Joint North-South Declaration of 4 July 1972.\nWe salute the positive developments towards resolution of the situation in Kampuchea, reflected in the actions of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in withdrawing its forces stationed in Kampuchea.\nFollowing the April 1988 Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan, we called upon the signatories to fulfil their commitments with a view to establishing a climate of peace, security and stability in South-East Asia.\nWe encourage the Central American States to continue on the path they have chosen to find negotiated political solutions. We are convinced that the peace agreements recently concluded in Honduras will greatly contribute to the implementation of the Esquipulas II agreements. We reiterate our active solidarity with the heroic Palestinian people which under the aegis of the Palestine Liberation Organization is waging a tenacious struggle for the liberation of its territory and for the establishment of an independent State comprising the entire territory of Palestine including Jerusalem.\nWe support the efforts of the tripartite committee created by the League of Arab States to seek a negotiated political solution to the fratricidal conflict in Lebanon.\nWe are sure that sufficient change will take place to permit peace to be restored in all regions of the planet where war situations persist and to ensure that respect for the rights of peoples and States to freedom and independence will lead to a common path of economic and social development.\nIn speaking of the role played by the United Nations, one cannot overlook the highly positive contribution of the non-aligned countries and their Movement, which has greatly influenced action in favour of halting the arms race, reducing nuclear and conventional arsenals aid gradually easing pockets of regional tension.\nWe find ourselves at the end of yet another decade unfortunately characterized by deep stagnation with respect to the economic development of our countries. In some countries the economic situation is even worse than that of 20 years ago. Since the Common Fund for commodities, under the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, came into effect last June, a few successes have been achieved in the field of international trade. While these are not significant enough to efface the spectre of the weak results obtained, they encourage us in our long, hard-fought struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order.\nIt is for that reason that we want to reaffirm our total commitment to the holding next April of a special session of the General Assembly on international economic co-operation, and in particular on revitalizing economic growth and development, which will undoubtedly constitute an important step towards the adoption of a new international development strategy which we all hope will produce better results than previous ones.\nAs we again examine the current economic situation in our countries we ate compelled to express our great concern with respect to the worsening of the problems faced by the international financial system and the consequences for our countries' already weak economies. Huge loans, along with high interest rates and the unprecedented fall in commodity prices, have aggravated the problem of the foreign debt of developing countries, a problem which has placed those countries in such an absurd situation that they are today repaying more to the developed countries and international financial institutions that they receive in loans. In my view that situation cannot continue because it threatens the social, economic and even political feasibility of our existence as States. We therefore consider it timely and urgent that an international conference be held on financial and monetary questions for the solution of this crucial problem.\nWhen we gathered recently in Belgrade at the latest summit meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, we recognized that increased South-South co-operation is vital as one way to ease the present economic crisis - not as an alternative to co-operation with the North, which is also a priority, but as a means of finding other solutions to this problem, a problem that faces us all and threatens the existence of all.\nIt is also paramount now to devote special attention to the African continent, where the critical economic situation of its States has reached unprecedented levels. Hunger, malnutrition, epidemic diseases and natural disasters have made any attempt at economic development impossible, to the point where 26 of the 36 least developed countries in the world are on the African continent. \nWe deplore the weak commitment of the international community, which has made it impossible for the United Nations Programme of action for African Economic Recovery and Development to succeed despite the efforts made by African countries, in some case with enormous social sacrifices. Added to those factors is the enormous foreign debt the continent faces today, a debt that has already exceeded the astronomic sum of 3230 billion, forcing most African countries into a level of debt servicing that is incompatible with their development needs.\nThe increasing deterioration of the environment, the depletion of the ozone layer and, especially, the flow towards developing countries of toxic wastes "exported" by developed countries have in recent years been the focus of attention by the international community. The People's Republic of Angola unconditionally condemns all such negative activities, which are incompatible with the already critical economic development of those countries. We stress the importance, indeed the urgency, of holding a second conference on environment and development, since we believe it would provide an ideal opportunity to deal jointly with these questions.\nThe People's Republic of Angola, located in the southern part of the African continent, unfortunately cannot escape the critical economic situation facing that continent. The People's Republic of Angola has recently joined the International Monetary Fund as a full member of that important international financial institution. We should like to take this opportunity to excess our deepest appreciation to all the countries which, though their contributions, made it possible for us to join. We do not deny the importance of joining the International Monetary Fund, particularly as this relates to the successful implementation of our economic and financial recovery programme, which we in the People's Republic of Angola have been implementing for several years. The economic recovery programme of our com try places priority on restructuring the foreign debt valued at 94,966 million, and on the rescheduling of the terms of repayment in order to re-establish the financial flow of exports and to make possible a global volume of trade compatible with the domestic levels of consumption and projected investments.\nThe programme concentrates equally on attracting foreign investment, which will be principally directed toward the export rather than the import sector, with a view to restoring production and increasing wages and the availability of consumer goods. The People's Republic of Angola is a country with enormous economic potential, and we trust that we can make further advances in those areas and in continued pursuit of better living conditions for our people.\nIn conclusion, we should like to take this opportunity to launch an appeal to the international community for at increase in its support and material aid to the programmes the People's Republic of Angola is implementing to counter the effects of the war that can still be felt in our country and losses that now exceed 912 billion. The emergency situation in the People's Republic of Angola has been rendered more acute by a drought in its southern region and floods in the north.\nIn that context, a conference on the emergency situation was held in Angola on 22 September, the positive results of which will be a symbolic contribution towards minimizing the difficulties affecting the sectors of public health and agriculture, which most urgently require supplementary assistance.\nAllow me, Mr. President, to reiterate our best wishes for success in the proceedings of the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly, end to assure you of the Angolan delegation's co-operation in any way that may be necessary.
## 76 First I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session and to join those who spoke before me in wishing you success.\nEven though the international community is more hopeful today about finding the most efficient ways and means in the guest for justice, peace, understanding and co-operation, we know that the task of leading our proceedings is a hard one. Nevertheless, your wisdom, diplomatic experience and capability, as well as your personal dedication, are an assurance that the work of this session will be most successful.\nAllow me, therefore, to express, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola and on my own behalf, the trust, we have in you, and to assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation.\nAllow me also to congratulate the outgoing President, His Excellency General Joseph Garba, on the excellent work carried out during the forty-fourth session. The success of the sixteenth special session, devoted to the subject of apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern Africa, and of the eighteenth special session, on international economic co-operation, particularly for the recovery of economic growth and development in the developing countries, is unequivocal proof of the dedication and capability that have always characterized him.\nThe current trend towards détente in international relations has resulted in important steps aimed at solving some of the major problems of concern to the international community, thanks to the efforts made during the past few years, when the cold war has been increasingly replaced by dialogue, and the use of force in relations between States has been losing ground to the settlement of conflicts through negotiation.\nIn this connection, we salute Namibia's accession to independence, an event that marked the end of the era of traditional colonialism on the African continent.\nWe also welcome the unification of Germany, a country with which we have always had friendly relations. My Government will spare no effort to maintain and strengthen those ties of co-operation.\nThese historic events are occurring concurrently with others which have a profound significance for Africa and the world: the freeing of Dr. Nelson Mandela, the legalisation of anti-apartheid political organizations and the transformations taking place in South Africa with a view to the abolition of the policy of racial segregation. All these are signs of the new environment in which we are living and of hope for a better future.\nHowever, elements of instability persist in southern Africa. We are referring to the situation of violence which obtains in South Africa, supported and encouraged by the police.\nWe are also referring to the conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, where peace efforts are being opposed by external interference, whose only reason for being lies in the outmoded policies of bloc confrontation.\nIn the case of Angolan, the summit meeting held one year ago at Gbadolite had created hopes for peace that quickly disappeared as a result of the continued support given to the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) by the United States and by South African conservative circles.\nThroughout this period, the Government of Angola has reaffirmed its dedication to go on with peace efforts through the dialogue aimed at national unity and reconciliation among all Angolans. It was in that contest that concessions were made in Gbadolite and on other occasions.\nThe same cannot be said of UNITA, which not only has deliberately violated and later unilaterally denounced the commitments made at Gbadolite but also has intensified its acts of war, particularly against the economic and social infrastructure, and has kidnapped and murdered defenceless civilians. Nevertheless, the Government of Angola continued to bet on peace and therefore has decided to establish direct contacts with UNITA.\nNotwithstanding that flexibility, the continued foreign interference and the position of UNITA vis-à-vis the Angolan Government's proposals for achieving peace Lave been the obstacles that prevented the four rounds of direct talks already held under the auspices of the Government of Portugal from producing the expected results.\nThe failure of the fourth round of direct talks was due to UNITA’s unjustified demand to be explicitly recognised as an opposition political party. The Angolan Government has already established the principle of constitutional revision and of a multi-party system in Angola under peaceful conditions, proposing a temporary status for UNITA that, once agreed to by that group, would take effect with the signing of the cease-fire. Once a multi-party system has been instituted, all political forces would conduct their activities legally under the Political Parties Law, to be approved by the competent State authorities. \nTherefore, it is wrong to demand the status of an opposition political party in the present circumstances, not only because it violates the present legal and constitutional order, recognised by UMITA during the second round of negotiations, but also because nowhere in the world does an official opposition party possess an army of its own.\nThe attempt to blame the Angolan Government for the failure of the fourth round is intended simply to manipulate public opinion and justify additional aid to UNITA for continuing the war in Angola. Unfortunately the political, economic and military might of the United States continues to influence Angola's internal conflict, contrary to the commitments made by United States authorities during the negotiation process that led to the New York agreements on peace in south-western Africa.\nIt is not inappropriate to emphasise the seriousness demonstrated by the Government of the People's Republic of Angola in the process that facilitated the application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), making it possible to eliminate the tension point represented by the Namibian conflict. At the same time, it would be unfair not to recognise the important role played by the Cuban Government for peace in south-Western Africa.\nAngola and Cuba continue to abide by their commitments on the phased withdrawal of troops from Angola, in a process that has already resulted in the departure of more than 38,000 soldiers in a shorter period of time than had been agreed upon.\nThe war situation in the People's Republic of Angola is made worse by natural disasters, particularly the drought that has been afflicting some central and southern regions of the country for about four years, with serious material damage and loss of human life. According to present estimates about 3.5 million people are in need of emergency food aid and 2.2 million of them are suffering the effects of the drought.\nWe are grateful for the efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in mobilizing emergency aid to Angola, and we thank the international community for alleviating the suffering of the stricken populations.\nHowever, in the face of the difficulties and limitations inherent in the country's economic underdevelopment, the Angolan Government is unable to cope with that natural disaster by means of its own resources, and for that reason it is renewing its appeal for international aid.\nGiven the interdependence that exists nowadays in the world, no country can remain indifferent to problems that affect humanity. The People's Republic of Angola takes a keen interest in the events taking place in various parts of the globe.\nThe latest developments in Western Sahara show that some positive steps are being taken to break the present stalemate. The Government of the People's Republic of Angola reaffirms the right of the Saharan people to self-determination and encourages the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front to proceed with negotiations and congratulates the Secretary-General of the United Nations on the efforts he has undertaken, together with the Organization of African Unity (OAU), to organize a referendum that can bring an early settlement of the conflict.\nThe continued illegal occupation of the Territory of East Timor is unacceptable, unjustifiable and a violation of the norms and principles of international law, especially when it is perpetrated by a country which in the past has itself been a victim of colonialism and which has made an important contribution to the struggle of colonized peoples for their emancipation. \nMy Government advocates the path of dialogue between Portugal and Indonesia, including representatives of the people of East Timor, as the way to find a fair and comprehensive solution that will take account of the legitimate rights of the Maubere people.\nProspects in the Middle East are not encouraging in so far as finding an early resolution of the Israeli-Arab conflict is concerned. We believe that settling Jews in occupied Arab territories will not help in any way to bring an honourable end to that conflict. The Government of the People's Republic of Angola considers it imperative to convene an international conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), the authentic representative of the Palestinian people, which has for decades been struggling for its right to self-determination.\nWe cannot fail to mention the crisis that recently arose in the Persian Gulf. When everything points to a realisation that resorting to the use of force is not the most efficient way or means of resolving conflicts, we are surprised by the events in that part of our globe with the invasion oil Kuwait by Iraq - soma thing we emphatically condemn, especially since Kuwait is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement which, since its establishment, has defended the principle of refraining from the threat or use of force in international relations.\nTherefore the parties involved must honour the resolutions of the Security Council and It is imperative that Iraqi troops should be withdrawn from Kuwait in order to facilitate a peaceful and negotiated resolution of the conflict.\nWith regard to Central America, we reaffirm that the peoples of the region must freely decide their destiny; there must be no external interference through support given to irregular armed groups, through direct military Intervention or through a war of information whose object is to overthrow legitimately constituted Governments. \nIn Cambodia the continued armed actions from neighbouring territories will not advance the search for a peace agreement. My government believe that a peaceful resolution to the conflict necessarily requires the cessation of all foreign interference and respect for the country’s independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status. \nOn the subject of Korea, my Government supports the steps taken towards the reunification of the two parts of that country and the removal of foreign bases and troops from the peninsula. The recent proposals aimed at the holding of a conference during a first phase constitute a positive sign that deserves the fullest support from the international community, for no matter what manoeuvres are resorted to, a people with a single identity will never remain divided.\nAt the beginning of the last decade, we declared from this rostrum our firm desire to improve the global economic environment, and we likewise committed ourselves to strengthening international economic co-operation in order to conquer hunger, poverty, malnutrition and epidemics - that is, to overcome the problems of underdevelopment and give more dignity to a man’s existence.\nToday, as we enter the last decade of the twentieth century, we should reflect on what was our commitment to searching for solutions to the critical international economic situation, which affects the developing countries mort of all. Therefore, it is only right to raise some concerns Must we have images of hunger and poverty continue to appear in the world of our discussions in order to remind us of the imbalance and injustice of the present international economic system? Do we need to repeat at every stop that four fifth· of the world's population possesses only one fifth of its total wealth, manages only 10 per cent of the world’s industrial output and controls no more than 2 to 3 per cent of the total research efforts in the world? What specific joint measures did we take to prevent the gap between the developing and the developed countries from reaching today’s proportions?\nWhen the recant special session, of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation analysed the results achieved during the past decade, it found that the problem which had already caused concern to the countries of the so-called third world at the start of the decade were still present.\nThe target level of official development aid to the developing countries, fixed at 0.7 per cent of the industrialised countries gross national product (GDP), was attained only by a small group of countries, and the general figure was only 0.35 per cent. \nIn international trade we continue to witness a surge of protectionism practised by the developed countries, e decline in the prices of raw materials and a deterioration of the terms of trade, whose effects seriously compromise all the efforts made by the developing countries to revive their economies.\nTo aggravate this picture, the foreign debt of the developing countries has been constantly increasing, reaching the monumental sum of $1,320 billion at the end of last year; that amount cannot be paid without inevitably diminishing the investment capacity of those countries.\nIn our view, the basic question lies in the need for a political will, both on the part of the developing countries and on the part of the developed countries, as the only way to avoid a reproduction of the system that generated the inequalities and injustices.\nWhile it is true that in order to overcome the challenges of the world economic situation, the developing countries have to adopt more appropriate strategies geared to readjusting their economies, it is equally true that the developed countries should adopt acre constructive attitudes.\nMore recently^ with the ongoing transformations is Eastern Europe we have witnessed what could be called "conditionalism" in connection with official development aid from the countries of Western Europe.\nFor the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, the economic evolution occurring in the countries of Eastern Europe should signify a more active participation by those countries in the world economy, so that they may make a greater contribution to the improvement of North-South relations.\nIn the particular case of Africa, the changes taking place in Eastern Europe should serve as an incentive to other Industrialised countries to give greater support to African countries, taking account of the ongoing policies of structural adjustment aimed at the recovery of their economies, instead of opting for measures that would further worsen their participation in the expansion of the world economy.\nMoreover, in the face of the inadequate results achieved in implementing the United Nations programme for the economic recovery of Africa, the international community has seen the birth of a new plan that requires greater flexibility on the part of donors.\nIn southern Africa, with the accession of Namibia to independence and the beginning of the process that will lead to negotiations between anti-apartheid organisations and the South African Government, new prospects are opening for the region's development.\nThe member countries of the Co-ordination Conference for the Development of Southern Africa, in its tenth year of existence are entering a new phase in the development efforts that will need the growing support of the international community.\nImportant events have taken place and will take place during the present decade. A few days ago the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries ended at Paris with encouraging - albeit partial - results. Its convening constitutes one more opportunity to seek solutions to the pressing problems faced by that group of countries. The cancellation of their foreign debts by the industrialised creditor countries should be considered one of the most urgent and necessary measures for achieving that end.\nThe World Summit for Children, held on 29 and 30 September, accurately analysed the problems that beset the world's children and it recommended appropriate measures for their protection. The People's Republic of Angola reaffirms its most fir, commitment to such principles and will do its utmost to improve the living conditions of children. \nIn addition, the eight United nations conference on development will take place in 1991, in 1992 there will be a conference on environment and development, and in 1994 a conference of population. At those important forums an efforts will be made to continue the debate begun at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co-operation. The results we expect from those meetings should become a foundation for re-establishing trust among nations.
## 77 Allow me first to congratulate Mr. Shihabi on his election to the presidency of this forty-sixth session of the General Assembly and to join preceding speakers, to wish him every success in conducting this session of the United Nations General Assembly. We realise how difficult a task it is but we have confidence in his experience and diplomatic skills and his personal commitment and wise judgement will certainly help him lead this session successfully. I would like to extend my congratulations also to those others who were elected at this Assembly. We are certain that their valuable support will ensure success in the work that we are going to be doing here. Allow mew, therefore, to convey to Mr. 8hihabi, on behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola and on my own behalf, the total confidence we have in his presidency and to pledge the total support and cooperation of our delegation.\nIt is also a great honour for me to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his enlightened leadership of this Organisation in the course of his two terms of office. In fact, it is with a sense of pride and achievement that we have witnessed during this time the settlement of some of the most serious conflicts that seemed to be going to last indefinitely. I am referring specifically to the colonial situation that prevailed in Zimbabwe and in Namibia until recently, to the Iran-Iraq conflict and to the efforts undertaken to solve the Sahraoni question, among others. In fact, the Secretary-General's determination and personal commitment contributed a great deal to their settlement, thus allowing for the restoration of justice, peace and security to those territories\nMay I also extend my warmest congratulations to the newest Members of the Organisation, the Baltic States of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania, Micronesia and the two brotherly countries of North Korea and South Korea.\nThe forty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time of extreme importance for the history of mankind, as the world situation is evolving towards detente in international relations - this is in spite of the considerable difficulties that remain to be overcome, most of which arise from the obstinate attitude of certain segments of society who are reluctant to accept the positive steps that have been made in order to establish a sound climate of understanding among people on this planet, conducive to the kind of relations that reflect the lofty aspirations of peace, freedom, justice and social welfare.\nWe believe, however, that common sense will motivate people to re-examine their obsolete positions, if they find themselves unable to adjust to the relentless and irreversible progress made in contemporary history.\nAs a matter of fact, the detente that characterises international relations today was an important factor in the major steps made towards the settlement of the main problems afflicting the world community, thanks to the efforts undertaken in recent years that allowed the cold war to give way to dialogue and the use of force to be replaced by the peaceful settlement of conflicts.\nThe recent signing of the START Treaty between he United States of America and the Soviet Union after talks lasting for nine years is clear evidence that through negotiation people can in fact arrive at an understanding, remove obstacles and eliminate impending threats that may be catastrophic to the future of humankind - all without resorting to force.\nHowever, in order to reach such an understanding it is imperative that foreign interests do not prevail over the interests of a nation and its people. He firmly believe that strict compliance with this principle would enable the warring parties to reflect on their differences and to arrive at a settlement, thus avoiding military confrontation and the inevitable catastrophic consequences, as was the case in the recent Persian Gulf war where thousands of innocent civilians fell victim to massacre.\nFor that reason my Government heartily applauds this gesture of mutual understanding and trust by the two super-Powers, a significant step toward on the road before us, which is still a long one, and urges both of them, as well as all the armament-producing countries, to continue to implement the necessary measures so that in the near future we can arrive at general and complete disarmament on the planet. This is the ultimate aspiration of the whole of mankind, which yearns for unrestricted freedom, peace and tranquillity.\nThe Angolan Government attaches great importance to the positive political developments in southern Africa. In Angola, with the signing of the peace agreements between the Government and UMITA, on 31 May 1991, in Bicesse, Portugal, the peace process in the sub-Saharan region of Africa continued its course.\nFor the Angolan people the coming of peace as a result of the above-mentioned agreement constitutes undoubtedly one of the most remarkable events in contemporary history since 1961 and the beginning of the struggle for national liberation against colonialism followed by our country's accession to independence in 1975 and the ensuing foreign aggression and internal conflict it endured.\nThe revision of our constitutional law, affected even before the signing of the peace agreements, as well as the adoption of new legislation consistent with the revised Constitution, created conditions conducive to the setting up of mechanisms that will facilitate the scheduled multi-party elections and the establishment of the rule of law in Angola. This will open the doors to broader prospects for the full exercise of democracy in the new society to whose creation all national forces, political and other, will contribute.\nThis achievement of the Angolan people will inevitably have a positive impact on the entire subregion, as it will give a new dynamic dimension to the economic activities of all the members of the Southern Africa Development Coordination Conference. We believe that this success will create an environment of greater openness and trust in our relations with other countries and entities that want to do business with us.\nThe Angolan people and Government are open to all initiatives that might contribute further to what has already been achieved in our country and promote greater development. It is essential, however, that this optimistic and irreversible journey that the Angolan people are ready to undertake, voluntarily and on their own initiative, not be thwarted or disrupted in any way by alien forces, either inside or outside the country.\nI should like to take this opportunity to express once again the appreciation and gratitude of the Angolan people and the Angolan Government to the Portuguese Government for its dedicated commitment and for its mediation efforts to find a solution to the Angolan conflict. These culminated in the signing of the agreement that restored tranquillity to my country.\nI extend my acknowledgments to the Governments of the United States of America and of the Soviet Union, as well as to the United Nations Secretary-General, whose representatives played an invaluable role as observers at the talks.\nFinally, the Angolan and Cuban Governments should be given credit for the major role they played in the peace process. Angola and Cuba adhered strictly to their commitment to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angolan territory. This process was completed by 15 July 1991 - ahead of the schedule that had been agreed upon - as a gesture of good will on the part of the two Governments.\nIn addition to the peace process in Angola, which I have just described as a very important historical event, another event constituted a landmark for the southern region of Africa. I refer to the abolition by the South African Government of the last set of laws that upheld and sustained the apartheid system. However, the acts of violence that constantly occur in South African townships create a climate of instability that is an aberrant contradiction of the climate of hope created with the abolition of the apartheid laws. It is therefore crucial that the South African Government adopt the appropriate measures to put an end to this situation.\nIn spite of the repeal of the apartheid laws, not all questions related to the continued existence of this political regime have been resolved. For example, there is the question of the release of all political prisoners, and the established authorities continue to make mass, arbitrary arrests. This situation is in every way similar to that prevailing under the old regime. It is imperative that there should be created a constituent assembly including all patriotic representative groups in South Africa. This assembly would draft the new constitution. An interim government must be formed to administer the country during the transition period, until free and fair elections are held on a basis of one man, one vote.\nFor all those reasons, my Government considers as premature the total lifting of sanctions against South Africa favoured by some Governments.\nI should like to comment now on the situation in Mozambique. The efforts made by the Government of that country to achieve peace have been constantly frustrated by foreign interference, which hurts the legitimate interests of the Mozambican people. The Angolan people pledge solidarity with the brotherly people of Mozambique, and my Government encourages the Mozambican Government to persevere in its peace efforts by holding direct negotiations with RENAMO, and urges the international community to refrain from any action that might slow down the negotiations or misrepresent their results.\nOn the other hand, one sovereignty issue in southern Africa remains to be resolved. I refer to the Walvis Bay Port Territory, which has been recognised in various General Assembly and Security Council resolutions as an integral part of Namibia.\nThe People's Republic of Angola has been following closely the political developments in different parts of the globe.\nIndonesia's illegal occupation of the Territory of East Timor persists, in violation of internationally accepted rules and principles of international law, and in disregard of the rights and legitimate interests of the Timorese people. The Angolan people and Government pledge their solidarity with the people of East Timor in their just struggle for national independence. We are in favour of talks between Portugal, as the administrating Power overseeing the Territory, and Indonesia, without excluding the physical presence of representatives of East Timor as a direct and concerned party, so that a fair and comprehensive solution may be found - a solution that takes into account, above all, the legitimate interests and rights of the Maubere people.\nIn the Middle East, the prospects for a speedy solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict are discouraging. In our view, the Jewish settlements in occupied Arab territories tend to worsen the conflict rather than contributing in any way to its solution.\nIn the Angolan Government's view, it is crucial that an International conference on the Middle East be urgently convened to bring together all parties involved, including the Palestine Liberation Organisation - an honourable representative of the Palestinian people, which has been fighting for decades for the right to self-determination.\nWe cannot fail to refer, however briefly, to the more effervescent political situations in other regions today.\nAs regards Africa, we reaffirm the right of the peoples in this region to decide their future freely, without foreign interference in the shape of the formation of, or support for, insurgent armed groups, through direct military intervention, or by any other means.\nIn Latin America, interventionist policies, aggression, economic embargoes and interference in the internal affairs and against the interests of another State continue to be a strong threat to the sovereignty of nations in the region, as well as to peace and international security. Such conduct is increasingly in sharp contrast to the growing tendency to seek peaceful solutions to conflicts. \nThe People's Republic of Angola welcomes all initiatives towards the reunification of Korea and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean peninsula. Proposals for the reunification of Korea must be considered positively, as they can be of great significance for the Korean people and for the peninsula as a whole.\nThe Angolan Government cannot remain indifferent to world economic problems. This is especially so in view of Angola's position in Africa, which is one of the most impoverished regions of the world. In the early 1980s Angola joined other nations in their firm commitment to improve the world economic environment, and, together, help to overcome hunger, poverty, malnutrition and disease epidemics and eliminate illiteracy, and to solve problems inherent in underdevelopment, in order that people might be offered a more dignified life.\nBut as we look at the world economic situation today we realise that, in spite of the efforts undertaken by the international community, it has not been possible so far to solve the problems that affect mainly the developing countries. This was the conclusion drawn at the eighth special session of the General Assembly, held last year, which was devoted to international economic cooperation, and particularly to the re-examination of economic growth and development. \nIn fact, instead of batter balance between the development of the richer countries and that of poorer countries, we are seeing a growing tendency towards polarisation. One example would be that in International trade relations protectionist policies are still being used by the developed countries. The price of raw material exports is constantly declining, and trade conditions continue to deteriorate, undermining efforts by the developing countries to restructure their economies.\nAnother factor that constitutes a major obstacle to the economic and social development of developing countries is their foreign debt. We believe that developing countries, which are the debtors, and the developed countries, which are the creditors, should make use of the available mechanisms and take measures to put an end to the wasting of resources that we see in the developing countries. This point was recently acknowledged at a ministerial-level meeting of non-aligned countries in Accra.\nMe are, nevertheless, convinced that, if the strategy for international development for the Fourth United Nations Decade for Development, adopted at the forty-fifth session of the General Assembly, is implemented, many problems will be more easily solved.\nAs we have already mentioned, Africa is the most impoverished continent on cur planet, in spite of the vast natural resources with which it is endowed. In fact the constant deterioration of the economic situation in most African countries, caused by losses in export revenues, either because of the staggering costs of imports or because of their serious foreign debt, which has reached more than $270 billion, is a reason for our Governments to feel concerned, because it constitutes a new factor conducive to political and social instability.\nA few days ago the United Nations evaluated its Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, which was adopted approximately five years ago. As we can see, the results are not very encouraging. The international community should give more support towards the effective implementation of this Programme, because otherwise the African countries will not be able to deal with the crisis that is eroding the continent. The situation is further worsened by the significant changes that have taken place in political and economic relations, with particular relevance to the developments in Eastern Europe.\nAs regards the economic situation in southern Africa, we are hopeful that the ending of the war in Angola and Mozambique and the complete abolition of apartheid in South Africa will open new and broad prospects for economic development for the benefit of countries in the subregion, through the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC). Taking this objective into account, its member countries are relying increasingly on the support of the international community; this support can be an invaluable contribution to the solution of social problems afflicting the people in the subregion.\nIn December 1989 the United Nations adopted resolution 44/168, on international assistance for the economic recovery of Angola. For the reasons stated at the time, it has not yet been possible to implement it effectively. We believe, however, that, given the present conditions in our country, it is now possible to implement it more expeditiously. We believe that the donor countries, which have been somewhat apprehensive in the past, can now be reassured. \n\nWe should like once again to thank the Member States that in one way or another have helped us, and we appeal to them to maintain a firm commitment to the continuance o£ assistance to the People's Republic of Angola.
## 78 Allow me, first of all, on behalf \nof the Angolan Government and on my own behalf, to congratulate you. Sir, on \nyour election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh \nsession and to wish you success in carrying out your mandate. I am sure that \nyour experience and competence will guarantee the success of our work. The \nAngolan delegation wishes from the outset to assure you of our complete \ncooperation. \nTo the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Samir Shihabi, I should \nlike to express my appreciation for the valuable work done during his mandate. \nTo Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, I express my Government's \nprofound appreciation of his goodwill and selfless efforts, demonstrated in \nthe constant search for just and lasting solutions aimed at preserving peace \nand international security. \nMy Government supports and will contribute in a positive way to the \nrealization of the valuable concepts formulated in his report "An Agenda for \nPeace", whose sub-heading includes the words "Preventive diplomacy" (A/47/277). \nOn behalf of the Government and people of Angola, I wish to welcome the \nnew States that have been admitted to the United Nations; we are certain that \ntheir participation will contribute to the Organization's betterment. \nThe world has witnessed important political transformations occurring in \nAngola in the past. The armed conflict that had ravaged the country since \n1975 was ended with the signing of the Bicesse Accords on 31 May 1992. There \n \n83 \nis no occasion more appropriate than the present one to sum up the situation \nwhich has followed the peace accords. The Angolan people is preparing for and \nawaiting with great expectations the holding of the first multiparty general \nelections on 29 and 30 September, which demonstrate my Government's \ndetermination to comply with the obligations it has assumed under the Bicesse \nAccords. \nWhile the incidents taking place in my country represent transitional \noccurrences in a process as complex as ours, their recurrence in almost all \nparts of the country is a source of grave concern to my Government and to the \nAngolan people. In this regard my Government believes that the United Nations \nand the rest of the international community have an important role to play \nduring this decisive phase of the Angolan peace process. \nThe environment of peace and relative tranquillity that prevails in my \ncountry is the result of persistent and arduous work and of the tenacious will \nof the Angolan people, which counted upon the international community. The \nAngolan people has provided proof of civilian rule and political maturity by \nspontaneously and massively participating in electoral registration and in all \nthe activities which will bring about the elections in spite of the difficulty \nin communications. \nOf the estimated number of slightly more than 5 million voters, \n4.8 million have registered. The national electoral council has demonstrated \nforesight and has performed its work with praiseworthy efficiency. And from \nthis podium, I wish to express once more Angola's appreciation to all those \ncountries and organizations which lent us their support in so many forms. \nMy Government sincerely hopes that before the election definitive accords \ncan be reached on certain aspects which continue to be a source of concern \nwith regard to the conduct of free and fair elections at the end of this \n \n84-85 \nmonth. I am speaking, in particular, of the disbanding of the present \ngovernmental armed forces and the military wing of UNITA, of the cessation of \nthe wave of violence and intimidation provoked by the Government's \nco-signatory to the Bicesse Accords and of the formation of a national army. \nThe process of peace and democratization under way in my country, to \nwhich I have previously referred as a historic event in the life of Angola, \ncannot but have positive repercussions and effects in the international \nsphere. Associated with this is another factor of profound significance for \nthe southern region of our continent. I am referring to the negotiations \nbeing conducted in South Africa within the framework of the Convention for a \nDemocratic South Africa (CODESA), which Angola considers the most appropriate \nmeans to find a fair, lasting and satisfactory solution for all the parties \ninvolved. \nAs a result, Angola supports and shares the African position that CODESA \nshould achieve concrete objectives, such as the establishment of a \ntransitional government and the creation of mechanisms for elaborating a \nconstitution for a democratic South Africa and for holding free elections \nbased on the principle of "one person, one vote". \n \n86 \nI should like also to make reference to the situation in Mozambique and \nin other parts of the African continent. The Angolan people stand in \nsolidarity with our brethren in Mozambique. For that reason, my Government \nencourages the Government of Mozambique to persevere in its peace effort for \nthe country and urges the international community to give its assistance to \nthe parties involved with a view to achieving peace and national \nreconciliation. \nAnother question that still worries us is the unjust situation that \npersists in East Timor. The position of the Angolan Government is well known \nby all; we continue to defend the principle of direct negotiations between \nPortugal, as the administering Power, and Indonesia, without excluding the \npresence of the legitimate representatives of the Maubere people, so that a \ncomprehensive solution can be found, taking into consideration the aspirations \nof the Maubere people. In this context, we express our wish that the next \nmeeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia and Portugal, under \nthe auspices of the Secretary-General, will produce positive results. \nIn relation to Western Sahara, my Government supports the holding of a \nreferendum in that Territory and sincerely hopes that the obstacles that still \nexist will be removed as soon as possible. \nAngola looks with concern to the situation which prevails in the former \nSocialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, where the short-term outlook for \nreaching a lasting peace is poor, and where the lives of innocent people are \nbeing taken. \nIn relation to the Middle East, the Angolan Government has always \nfavoured holding an international conference to reach a comprehensive solution \non the Middle East, in particular the Palestinian question. Therefore, we \nsupport the rounds of negotiations that are taking place; we hope that \nalthough there are many obstacles to overcome, the concerted efforts and the \ngood will of the parties will bring positive results and that the tragedy of \nthe Palestinian people will finally end. \nA fact which cannot but bring us satisfaction and which has our total \nsupport and encouragement is the holding of direct negotiations between Israel \nand the other parties concerned on the occupied Arab territories. We hope \nthat those negotiations will yield fully satisfactory results for the parties \nparticipating in the negotiations, and that peace will finally be restored in \nthe region. \nIn our view, whatever measure is taken, or whatever solution is advised, \nwill never be satisfactory or lasting unless it takes into account and is \nbased upon the true interests and concerns of the peoples involved. \nThe great changes that have recently taken place in the international \narena have in a certain way dictated the necessity of providing our \nOrganization with greater dynamism in taking decisions and greater efficiency \nin implementing and monitoring them. \nThe increase in the membership of the Organization, while strengthening \nit numerically, has also created the need for greater participation, on an \nequitable basis, in the various agencies of the United Nations system which \nbear mandates of fundamental importance in resolving the affairs of mankind \nwith respect to problems of peace, international security, development and \nenvironmental protection. \n \n88 \nWe hope that the work under way for the restructuring and revitalization \nof the United Nations will take our needs into consideration. Angola \nconsiders such restructuring to be opportune provided it is directed towards \neliminating mechanisms for taking action that are outdated or are no longer \nattuned to the present reality, and provided that the restructuring has as its \nfundamental objective the strengthening of the role of the Organization to the \nbenefit of all mankind. \nIn recent decades the world economic situation has swung widely in \nvarious corners of the planet. But the general trend has been towards \npolarization. As a result, while we observe an increase in economic growth \nfor the developed countries, we note a substantial decrease in growth for \ndeveloping countries. The situation in some cases is critical. \nThe second Conference of the Least Developed Countries, held at Paris in \nSeptember 1990, concluded that the economic and social situation of those \ncountries as a whole has deteriorated over the past decade, since, with very \nrare cases of better performance, the average annual growth rate was \n2.2 per cent. In many cases the rates were negative. \nFaced with this sad reality, the Conference set forth a new programme of \naction for the present decade which provides for national and international \nmeasures in favour of these countries and indicates the basic principles which \nmust orient relations between those countries and other countries and \norganizations which cooperate with them for development. In each case, \neffective implementation of that programme will require serious and profound \nreflection, and commensurate action. \n \n89 \nWith the end of the cold war, a new era has begun in which decisions on \nmatters of world interest are dealt with more and more on the basis of \nconsultation and understanding, instead of confrontation and competition. \nThis has rapidly transformed isolated cases of integration into a general \ntrend, with countries in various regions organizing themselves into more \nclosely aligned economic and political entities. \nThis trend towards the formation of larger economic blocs will inevitably \ntransform the world economically and politically. This poses a challenge for \nwhich we must be duly prepared in order to avoid deepening still further the \ngap that separates rich countries from poor countries. It is a challenge with \nrespect to which all of us, rich countries and poor, large countries and \nsmall, must make a commensurate collective effort to maintain effective, \nmultifarious international cooperation directed always towards the development \nof the parties involved, based always upon the true needs of the development \nprocess. \nHowever, certain political situations are now viewed as faits accomplis. \nor as conditions to be perpetuated. These must be the object of immediate and \nradical revision, with a view to harmonizing positions and interests, and \nweakening wide barriers that impede true cooperation between countries and \nnations separated by vast differences in their levels of economic, social, \nscientific, technical, cultural and educational development. \nIn our view, this revision should consist, inter alia, of the following \nelements: abolition of protectionist measures by developed countries that \nblock or impede access to their markets for products from underdeveloped \n \n90 \ncountries, or their limitation to those that are strictly necessary; total or \npartial cancellation by the developed countries of the underdeveloped \ncountries' external debt; in the granting of loans or credits, the imposition \nof no further conditions with respect to concomitant, mandatory adoption of \npolitical measures that are not always in keeping with the level of \ndevelopment of the beneficiary country; concessions or an increase in grace \nperiods, and rescheduling of payment; a reduction of interest rates and the \nnon-capitalization of interest; favouring of investments in nationally defined \nareas, with particular emphasis on industrial development; and transformation \nof technology and its application to development. \nThose are some of the basic aspects around which the strategy of \ninternational economic cooperation must revolve if we intend, as is our duty, \nto eliminate the poverty in which the majority of the inhabitants of our \nplanet languish. Poverty grows daily, especially in our African continent. \nIt is worsened by natural calamities that exacerbate the present grave \neconomic and social situation in Africa. \n \n91 \nAngola is a country with many natural resources. It exports petroleum, \ndiamonds, coffee and other products, and with the advent of peace we intend to \ndiversify fully our export products, in this manner participating more \neffectively in the division of international labour. \nHowever, we are concerned by the exaggerated protectionist measures \npractised by developed countries in international trade, which are manifest in \nthe unprecedented drop in the prices of raw materials and in the deterioration \nof the terms of trade, as well as the lack of success in the General Agreement \non Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiation rounds. \nAs a third world country, and with the objective of correcting the \ndistortion in its economy, Angola reformulated its socio-political situation \nwith measures which will necessarily have positive effects on the economic \nlife of the country and which are consonant with this new situation. We \nrecently adopted a Government programme of action designed to decentralize the \neconomy, liberalize trade, revitalize business, democratize the banking sector \nand encourage foreign investment. \nIn this manner, we believe that adequately carrying out this programme in \nresponse to these new conditions will permit us, as is our desire, to \nparticipate actively in international economic cooperative efforts, making our \ncontribution, to the extent possible, to the socio-economic development of \nAfrica and the world. \nAllow me to express here my country's profound interest in the need to \nprotect the environment. The Rio Conference, held in June this year, not only \nconstituted a means for an interesting exchange of experiences and viewpoints \nconcerning a most important programme but also provided a moment for \nreflection on the continuing need for coordinated efforts for the benefit of \n \n92 \nall mankind. Most certainly, the Conference allowed us to see clearly that, \ngiven current trends in scientific and technical development, any brash \nmisstep detrimental to the environment could lead to the destruction of our \nplanet. \nI wish for this reason to reaffirm here my country's commitment to \nobserve and fully apply the decisions of the Conference and to express our \nreadiness to engage in unrestricted cooperation with the international \ncommunity in undertaking all necessary steps so that we, together, can save \nthe Earth.
## 79 First of all, Sir,\non behalf of the Government of the Republic of Angola and\non my own behalf, I congratulate Ambassador Insanally\n48 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session\nwarmly on his unanimous election as President of the\nGeneral Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I am\nconvinced that his proven experience and dedication to the\nnoble ideals of our Organization constitute a secure\nguarantee of the success of this session.\nTo Mr. Stoyan Ganev, his predecessor, I should like to\nexpress my sincere gratitude for his exemplary and unselfish\nmanner of directing the forty-seventh session of the General\nAssembly. The results we obtained during that session are\nundeniable testimony to his valiant contribution in the search\nfor just and lasting solutions to the grave problems with\nwhich we are confronted.\nWe are very pleased to welcome the new Members of\nour Organization. Their admission confirms the universal\nvocation of the United Nations at a time when its actions are\nfelt all over the world.\nTo the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,\nI also want to express my Government’s satisfaction at the\ndevotion and energy he has shown during the first year of\nhis difficult mandate, whose principal objective was the\nconstant search for adequate solutions to the problems that\nafflict all mankind. We would not be wrong to say that\nunder his leadership concrete and decisive steps have already\nbeen taken towards the resolution of certain issues that\nseemed too difficult to resolve.\nIn this context we salute his efforts, within the\nframework of the restructuring and revitalization of the\nUnited Nations system, to give the system a new vitality in\nthe fulfilment of its mission. We also support the\nmechanisms established for the prevention of conflict, as\nexplained in the report entitled "An Agenda for Peace",\nwhose sub-title includes the words "Preventive diplomacy".\nMy Government continues to support such initiatives and\ncommends the United Nations for the General Assembly’s\nunanimous adoption of resolution 47/120 B at its forty-\nseventh session on 20 September 1993.\nTherefore, the restructuring and revitalization of our\nOrganization should include reform of the Security Council\nso that it can respond to the realities of today’s world. We\nunderstand that restructuring the Security Council -\nspecifically its enlargement - so that it can permit equitable\nrepresentation of all the regions of the globe is aimed at\nguaranteeing greater representativeness, credibility and\nefficiency. We think that the time has come for the defence\nof peace and international security to be the responsibility of\nall States.\nSignificant and far-reaching achievements have occurred\nand are still occurring in international relations, after the end\nof the East-West confrontation and the cold war. These\nevents are taking place in spite of the proliferation of armed\nconflicts that put at risk the hope for peace and stability,\nconditions that are indispensable for the promotion of\nmutually advantageous international cooperation.\nWith the signing of the peace accords in Washington\nbetween the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the\nGovernment of Israel, a new era has opened up for the peace\nprocess in the Middle East. My Government commends the\nsigning of these accords and hopes that the international\ncommunity will continue to work for the rights of all the\npeople of that region, in particular so that the opportunity for\nthe Palestinian people to live in peace and freedom will be\nan irreversible reality.\nRegarding South Africa, it was with great satisfaction\nthat we heard, in the speech by Mr. Nelson Mandela in this\nHall on 24 September 1993, the announcement of the\norganization of free and democratic elections in April 1994\nand the call for the lifting of the sanctions. We also\ncommend the creation of the Transitional Executive Council,\nwhich will put an end to three centuries of white minority\ndomination. From this rostrum, my Government would like\nto add its voice in support of all the initiatives that aim for\na peaceful and negotiated solution in South Africa for the\npeaceful transition of power to the black majority.\nIn this context, my Government hopes that the\ninternational community will remain vigilant in order to\ndeter any attempt by extremist groups to derail the present\ndemocratic process, which will culminate in the\nestablishment of the right to one man, one vote, in South\nAfrica.\nWhile there has been encouraging progress with regard\nto the conflicts in the Middle East and apartheid, it is\nunfortunate that the same is not true in relation to other\nconflicts, such as those in East Timor, the former\nYugoslavia, some States of the former Soviet Union,\nSomalia, Liberia and my own country. As a matter of fact,\nthese conflicts and civil wars continue daily to kill thousands\nof human beings and to impede the social and economic\ndevelopment of the countries involved. We should like the\ninternational community, and the United Nations in\nparticular, to give more attention to the resolution of these\nconflicts, on the basis of international justice and legality.\nI should like to express our solidarity with, and\nencouragement to, the Government of Mozambique and our\nForty-eighth session - 28 September l993 49\nMozambican brothers and sisters, so that they may, with\ndetermination and patience, continue on the paths that will\nlead that country to a lasting and peaceful solution within the\nframework of the accords signed in Rome, whose\nimplementation should be scrupulously observed by all\ninterested parties, under the supervision of the United\nNations.\nWe welcome the positive signs which resulted from the\nrecent meeting regarding East Timor between the Ministers\nof Foreign Trade of Portugal and Indonesia, under the\nauspices of the Secretary-General.\nWe hope that this profitable dialogue will lead to a just\nsolution that takes into account the aspirations of the\nMaubere people in accordance with the relevant resolutions\nof the General Assembly and of the Security Council.\nWith regard to Western Sahara, my Government\nsupports the holding of the referendum on self-determination\nfor this Territory under the terms of the resolutions of the\nOrganization of African Unity and of the United Nations.\nMy Government also hopes that the existing obstacles will\nbe overcome as soon as possible.\nThere have lately been startling changes in the world\neconomic situation. This applies especially to third world\ncountries, particularly in Africa. In this regard, while we\nwitness almost linear economic growth in the developed\ncountries, a substantial decrease has been recorded in the\nless developed countries.\nThe indebtedness and the debt servicing of the less\ndeveloped countries, together with the great decrease in the\nprices of raw materials and the recession in the industrialized\ncountries, constitute the principal obstacle to their\ndevelopment and to their full participation in the world\neconomy.\nIn summary, it may be said that the socio-economic\nsituation of the developing countries - in particular, the\ncountries of Africa - is alarming and requires the assistance\nof international financial institutions.\nNevertheless, we are opposed to the doctrine that has\nbeen termed the états en échec - the failed States - according\nto which these countries are not able to resolve their\nproblems by themselves and, therefore, need new "tutors".\nIt seems to us important that certain political situations\nthat are a legacy of the past be revised with a view to\nreaching agreement and reducing the great barriers that exist\nand the mechanisms that jeopardize real cooperation for the\neconomic, technical and scientific advancement of the\ndeveloping countries. In this context, we propose a\nrestructuring of the mechanism of international management\nfor economic development and cooperation.\nMy Government shares the opinion that a successful\noutcome to the forthcoming world conferences on economic\nand social development and on population is of great\nimportance to the international community so that there may\nbe, at the highest level, an open and frank dialogue with a\nview to finding the most equitable solutions to the most\ndiverse and burning issues concerning mankind: poverty,\nhunger and malnutrition - in a word, "underdevelopment" -\nthat grip a great part of our planet.\nI should like to refer also to the importance that my\nGovernment attaches to environmental issues and the\nattention that it pays to implementation of the\nrecommendations and decisions of the Rio Conference of\n1992. In this context, the Government of Angola has\nestablished the post of Secretary of State for the\nEnvironment, whose purpose is to apply the\nrecommendations and decisions of the Rio Conference. In\naddition, an inter-ministerial commission, with an essentially\nconsultative role, has been set up to study and follow closely\nprojects related to the activities of the United Nations\nEconomic and Social Council’s Commission on Sustainable\nDevelopment.\nThe promotion of and universal respect for human\nrights remain the prerequisites for the strengthening of\ninternational peace and security.\nThe Republic of Angola actively participated in the\nWorld Conference on Human Rights, which was held in\nVienna, and supported the consensus view. Nevertheless,\nAngola continues to believe that, in the broad sense, human\nrights are universal. We believe that there must be no\nselectivity in the observance of human rights. Nowhere\nshould human rights serve as a pretext for interference in the\ninternal affairs of sovereign States Members of the United\nNations.\nThe world and the United Nations have witnessed the\nevolution of the political situation in my country in recent\nyears - in particular, since 1988. To make possible a better\nunderstanding of the phenomena that have contributed to the\ndramatic situation in Angola, allow me to provide a brief\nhistorical overview.\n50 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session\nThe Angolan Government is ever-conscious of the\nintrinsic link between peace and socio-economic\ndevelopment, not just for Angola but for all of southern\nAfrica. My Government took the initiative of presenting a\npeace programme to the then Secretary-General of the\nUnited Nations. This programme contained the principles\nthat culminated in the signing of the Accords in New York\nin December 1988. We recall that these accords provided\nfor the withdrawal of Cuban soldiers from Angola and their\nreturn to Cuba, as well as for the withdrawal of the apartheid\nforces from Angolan territory and the implementation of\nSecurity Council resolution 435 (1978) concerning the\nindependence of Namibia. At that time the international\ncommunity greeted with satisfaction the New York Accords,\nwhich opened a new era in the relations between States in\nthat region.\nWith regard to the internal conflict in Angola, the\nGovernment was aware of the fact that only domestic peace,\nachieved through dialogue and political mediation, would\nmake possible the creation of a favourable framework for a\nsolution of the conflict. Apart from its own efforts, the\nGovernment showed that it was sensitive to African\ninitiatives that sought to contribute to the restoration of\npeace in Angola.\nThus it was that, in the framework of the Government’s\ninternal peace plan, we arrived in Gbadolite in June 1989.\nUnfortunately, the Accords lasted only a short time because\nUNITA’s friends and allies wanted a different solution. The\nfailure of the Accords was due essentially to bad faith on the\npart of the head of UNITA.\nIn spite of this failure, the Angolan Government\ncontinued to commit itself to economic and political reforms,\nas well as to a negotiated solution of the conflict. It\ncontinued to promote genuine national reconciliation, whose\nfundamental purpose was to put an end to the conflict with\nUNITA.\nAfter New York and Gbadolite, peace negotiations\ncontinued - the Portuguese Government mediating - and the\nBicesse Accords were signed on 31 May 1991. After a\nperiod of 18 months, during which the Angolan people lived\nin relative peace, the country’s first multi-party elections\nwere held on 29 and 30 September 1992.\nAs the Assembly is aware, the United Nations\nconsidered these elections to be to be free and fair.\nUNITA was not satisfied with the defeat that the\nAngolan people had inflicted on it through the ballot-box,\nand once again showed its Fascist character. It did not\nhesitate to take up arms again to take power by force. It\nresumed its previous role as a militarist organization\nincapable of conforming to democratic rules.\nJonas Savimbi’s military option plunged our country\ninto a civil war that has caused incalculable loss of human\nlives, the destruction of social and economic infrastructure\nand the displacement of millions of citizens, with such\nconsequences as hunger, poverty, sickness and lack of proper\nclothing.\nAs we stated in the Security Council on 15 September\n1993, the situation in Angola is exceptionally tragic and\nrequires special attention from the international community.\nDaily, thousands of people die as a direct or indirect\nconsequence of the war. Children, elderly people and\nwomen are direct victims of these acts of war. We can\ndeclare, without fear of contradiction, that the critical\neconomic and political situation in Angola today bears no\nsimilarity whatever to the situation in Somalia, Bosnia,\nCambodia or any of the republics of the former Soviet\nUnion. It is our profound hope that peace will be restored\nto those regions.\nThe international community seems insensitive to our\ntragedy. It is as if the Angolan people were paying the price\nfor playing the democratic game. Indeed, how are we to\nunderstand the curtain of silence that envelops my country?\nA poor loser will not hesitate to defy the international\ncommunity with impunity unless it punishes him once and\nfor all. How can one explain that UNITA still maintains\noffices in certain democratic countries and that some of its\nofficials are still received with great pomp by officials who\ndo not hide their aversion to totalitarianism and are the most\nardent defenders of human rights?\nOn behalf of the Government of the Republic of\nAngola and of its martyred people, who are dying daily by\nthe thousands, I appeal to the United Nations and the\ninternational community from this rostrum to help my people\nand compel the UNITA leader, Jonas Savimbi, once and for\nall to abandon his military adventurism and respect the will\nof the Angolan people, as freely expressed at the ballot\nboxes in September 1992.\nSpeaking to the Security Council last week during its\nconsideration of the evolving situation in Angola, we asked\nourselves how long that great organ, responsible for\ninternational peace and security, would permit the leader of\nUNITA to perpetrate with impunity heinous massacres that\nForty-eighth session - 28 September l993 51\nshock the human conscience. These acts discredit and\ndishonour the United Nations itself and the Security Council,\nwhose resolutions have been purely and simply ignored. We\nwould like to remind this Assembly that since the beginning\nof the war in Angola in October 1992 the Security Council\nhas adopted 10 resolutions condemning UNITA and\ndemanding that it abandon the military option and resume\ndialogue aimed at restoring peace.\nYet UNITA has met neither demand. Worse yet, in\nreaction to Security Council resolution 864 (1993) of 15\nSeptember 1993, which provides for the imposition of\nsanctions, UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi attempted once\nagain to dupe international public opinion and the Security\nCouncil by declaring a false cease-fire and stipulating\nconditions at variance with the spirit and letter of the\nBicesse Accords, the Abidjan Protocol and the electoral\nresults.\nThe truth, however, is quite different. Not only was the\nunilateral cease-fire declared by UNITA not respected, but\nwe witnessed an increase in military operations throughout\nour national territory. As a result, fighting in Kuito and\nother regions has recently intensified in a desperate UNITA\nattempt to reoccupy new areas and consolidate its position.\nMoreover, by making new proposals outside the negotiating\nframework, Savimbi revealed his obvious intention to ignore\nthe resolutions of the Security Council and seize power for\nhimself at any cost, including the death of hundreds of\nthousands more Angolans. Savimbi does not want peace\nwithout power. Savimbi only wishes to gain time.\nObviously, the Government of Angola cannot accept the\npolicy of fait accompli that UNITA wishes to implement by\nproposing a cease-fire in situ. We believe that there is no\ngood will on UNITA’s part and that it does not wish to\nestablish dialogue to put a definitive end to the war. This\narmed party is plotting a dangerous manoeuvre with the aim\nof shirking its obligation to fulfil the Bicesse Accords and\nthe resolutions of the Security Council.\nThe United Nations has a great responsibility in the\nAngolan process and must not be complacent as regards\nUNITA. It is important that the prestige of this Organization\nin the peaceful settlement of the conflict not be jeopardized\nor challenged by the irreverence of the leader of a rebel\npolitical organization. The Government of Angola, the\nUnited Nations and the troika of observers of the Angolan\npeace process have all fallen victim in succession to\nUNITA’s bad faith over the past 12 months, a bad faith that\nhas characterized the behaviour of Mr. Savimbi in every\nmeeting held since the Namibe, Addis Ababa and Abidjan\nmeetings.\nIn Abidjan the Angolan Government bent over\nbackwards to be flexible. In spite of the involvement of the\nUnited Nations Secretary-General’s Special Representative\nand of the leaders of the delegations of the observer States,\nUNITA did not sign the Protocol of Understanding which\nwas negotiated and agreed upon to lead to the establishment\nof a complete cease-fire in Angola. We would like to point\nout that President Houphouët-Boigny and his Minister of\nForeign Affairs have done their best in the search for a just\nsolution to the Angolan conflict. These efforts have not\nbeen successful, due solely to the obstinacy of Mr. Savimbi,\nwho says "Yes" one day and "No" the next.\nWe therefore consider that it is crucial that the\ninternational community identify the transgressor and move\nvigorously against him in Angola in an act of justice towards\nour people and Government, so that our hopes for the\nestablishment of democracy will not be frustrated in the\nmidst of the transitional process currently taking place\nthroughout the world. We want a lasting peace based on\nviable conditions for reconciling all Angolans.\nIn that context, my Government proposed, on 22\nSeptember 1993, the following conditions to resolve the\npost-electoral crisis caused by UNITA.\nFirst, UNITA must withdraw its military forces from\nthe areas they occupied illegally following the multi-party\nelections held on 29 and 30 September 1992, and must then\nobserve the cease-fire under the terms of Security Council\n851 (1993) of 15 July 1993.\nSecondly, after the declaration of a cease-fire,\nhumanitarian assistance should be implemented and the\nurgent evacuation of the wounded, sick, interested persons\nand foreigners accomplished.\nThirdly, UNITA must accept fully and unequivocally\nthe validity of the Bicesse Accords and the results of the\nelection held in September 1992.\nFourthly, UNITA must respect the legislation produced\nby the instruments of sovereignty established by the\nelections.\nThe Angolan Government reiterates its willingness to\nresume negotiations as soon as the conditions for those\nnegotiations have been established.\n52 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session\nIn my statement to the Security Council on 15\nSeptember 1993 I alerted its members to the crimes\ncommitted by UNITA against defenceless civilian\npopulations. These crimes range from the cold-blooded\nmurder of medical personnel and hospital patients, and the\nhunting down and physical elimination of journalists, family\nmembers of Government officials and UNITA dissidents to\nthe bombardment of cities by long-range guns and missiles.\nI also had the opportunity to discuss the situation prevailing\nin some regions of Angola, where, as in Kuito, the\npopulation has had to eat the flesh of human corpses in\norder to survive. UNITA has encircled Kuito for more than\neight months and does not allow humanitarian assistance to\nbe distributed to the population or allow foreigners to leave\nthe areas in which they found themselves when the war\nresumed.\nIn Somalia, one warlord, General Mohammed Aidid,\nhas been labelled an undesirable person by the United\nNations. An international arrest warrant was issued for that\nSomali leader. Several days ago the General Assembly\nelected a group of international jurists whose mandate is to\njudge those accused of war crimes allegedly committed in\nthe former Yugoslavia. And what is to be said of Jonas\nSavimbi?\nAre the crimes that are being committed in Angola\nunder Mr. Savimbi’s order not worse than those which the\nUnited Nations has attributed to General Aidid or the crimes\nthat it intends to judge in the former Yugoslavia? The\nmurder of medical personnel and patients in hospitals; the\nhunting down and execution of journalists; family members\nof Government leaders and dissidents from UNITA, Jonas\nSavimbi’s organization; the incineration of political\nadversaries in huge bonfires; the indiscriminate\nbombardment of cities with long-range guns and missiles;\nand UNITA’s ties with the forces of apartheid - what does\nall this mean? Are these not crimes against humanity?\nThe sanctions that the Security Council decreed and\nwhich entered into force on 25 September constitute proof\nof the commitment of the international community to the\nAngolan conflict. We hope that these signs will be\nhonoured by Mr. Savimbi and his allies so that dialogue can\nbe resumed as soon as possible, on the basis of the Bicesse\nAccords, the Abidjan Protocol and on fulfilment of\nparagraphs 6 and 12 of Security Council resolution 851\n(1993).\nIn conclusion, I should like once again, on behalf of the\nGovernment of the Republic of Angola, to express our\nprofound gratitude for the wide range of support the\ninternational community has provided to alleviate the\nsuffering of our people. We hope this assistance will\ncontinue in an even more substantial way. We wish to pay\nhere a special debt of gratitude to the humanitarian\norganizations and in particular the World Food Programme,\nwhich, in spite of UNITA’s irresponsible and criminal\nactions, has continued its operations, risking the lives of its\nown personnel.\nWe express also our gratitude to the countries that in\ndiverse ways have given humanitarian assistance to the\npeople, who still are in need of it now.\nOnce again, I wish the President every success in the\nwork of the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly\nand hope that its results will contribute to the strengthening\nof international peace and cooperation.
## 80 Please allow me\nto begin by congratulating Mr. Amara-Essy, on behalf of\nthe Government of the Republic of Angola, on my own\nbehalf and on behalf of my delegation, on his election to\nthe presidency of this forty-ninth session of the United\nNations General Assembly. We are fully convinced that his\ndiplomatic experience and dedication to the noble ideals of\nour Organization will ensure the success of the Assembly’s\nproceedings at this session. I wish to assure him of my\ndelegation’s full cooperation.\nI should also like to express our appreciation to your\npredecessor, His Excellency Ambassador Samuel Insanally,\nfor his proven dedication and skill in conducting the\nactivities of the Assembly at its forty-eighth session.\nI also wish to express the profound gratitude of the\npeople and Government of the Republic of Angola to the\nSecretary-General for his skill, energy and tenacity, and for\nall his efforts in the search for solutions to the innumerable\nand serious problems afflicting the peoples of our planet.\nThe history we are witnessing today clearly shows a\nflagrant betrayal of many peoples’ expectations of a better\nworld following the end of the cold war. We had all hoped\nfor, and anticipated, life in a better world of peace and\nprosperity. Instead, we are witnessing the proliferation of\ninternal conflicts, with such tragic consequences, and we\nsee no visible signs of any immediate satisfactory and\nlasting solutions, despite the efforts of this Organization.\nWith the end of the cold war and ideological\nconfrontation, the African continent has witnessed during\nthe past five years a vast expansion of democracy, which\nhas contributed to the revival of hope for the prosperity and\nwell-being of the African peoples, still suffering the\neconomic backwardness bequeathed by colonialism.\nHowever, Africa continues to be the continent most\naffected by the proliferation of war and political instability.\nIt is sufficient to mention as examples the conflicts in\nRwanda, Somalia, Liberia, Burundi and my own country.\nSimilar problems are occurring in many other parts\nof the world, which indicates the need for an immediate\nintensification of efforts by the international community,\nand in particular for increased participation by the United\nNations, to find a negotiated, just and acceptable formula\nto protect the legitimate interests of peoples.\nThe United Nations must define universal guidelines\nto prevent the application of differing criteria to the\nsolution of various conflicts. In other words, in order to\nmaintain the credibility of our Organization, all crises and\nconflicts must be given fair and equal treatment. This\nunderlines the urgent need to restructure United Nations\nprocedures in order to make the existing mechanisms for\nthe prevention and management of conflicts compatible\nwith the realities of our time.\nWith respect to human rights, the United Nations\nshould continue to play an active role in order to prevent\ntheir continuing to be jeopardized. The recent\nestablishment of the post of High Commissioner for\nhuman rights by the General Assembly was an important\nstep forward in this sense.\nThe Republic of Angola reaffirms that human rights\nand fundamental freedoms are universal, and that their\npromotion and protection should be ensured on the basis\nof equality, impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity.\nThe human rights issue cannot and should not be used as\na political weapon or a pretext for interference in the\ninternal affairs of States.\nAngola follows with interest and satisfaction the\npositive developments taking place in some regions of the\nworld, where solutions are being found to conflicts that\nhad seemed endless. In the Middle East, for example, the\ndetermination of the Palestinian people and the political\ncourage of the present Government of Israel have\ncontributed to the climate of reduced tension that led to\nthe historic agreement, signed in Washington, for the\nautonomy of Gaza and Jericho - territories illegally\noccupied in the past.\nWe appeal to the international community to make\nevery effort to ensure strict compliance with the\nagreement, and success for it, by providing all possible\nhelp to the Palestinian people for the reconstruction and\nsocio-economic development of the embryonic Palestinian\nState.\n42\n\n\nIt would not be immoderate to once again hail the\ncourage and determination demonstrated by President\nYasser Arafat and by Mr. Shimon Peres.\nWe encourage the Government of Israel to continue\nthe contacts already initiated with the countries of the\nregion with a view to achieving peace and harmony in the\narea.\nIn southern Africa, we laud the courage and\ndetermination of the people of South Africa, which led to\nthe fall of the inhuman and anachronistic apartheid regime.\nToday we rejoice to see the people of South Africa free at\nlast. We again greet the new South Africa, led by\nPresident Mandela, this different South Africa, which\nemerged from a democratic election, whose results were\naccepted by all the political forces in the country.\nWe warmly congratulate the new South African\nauthorities and welcome them to our Organization. We\nalso pay tribute to the peoples of southern Africa, who\nmade so many sacrifices before toppling the dreadful\napartheid regime.\nAngola, which was the main victim of innumerable\nattacks, suffering enormous loss of human life and\ndestruction of social and economic infrastructures, because\nof the support we gave to the brotherly people of South\nAfrica, has reason to ask here and now whether the\nresolutions of this Assembly and of the Security Council\nregarding compensation to my country will now be\nimplemented.\nIn Mozambique, we welcome and encourage the\nGovernment’s commitment to organize democratic\nelections, and we urge RENAMO and other political forces\nto respond with an equal commitment to the success of the\nprocess, leading to lasting peace in that country. However,\nthe United Nations, in particular, and the international\ncommunity, in general, have an important role to play in\nensuring the attainment of the main objectives: peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity.\nIn Liberia, we are encouraged by the positive\ndevelopments and by the dialogue that is taking place\nbetween the parties involved. Angola encourages the\ncontinuation of such dialogue and urges the parties to truly\ncommit themselves to the search for a lasting peace.\nWith regard to Western Sahara, Angola urges the\nparties involved to apply the United Nations peace plan\nstrictly and to adhere scrupulously to the mechanisms\nestablished for that purpose, which have the full support\nof the Organization of African Unity (OAU), and we\nencourage the parties to enter into direct dialogue to\nfacilitate progress.\nIn Rwanda, the easing of political and military\nupheavals notwithstanding, a precarious socio-\nhumanitarian situation prevails. Angola expresses its\nsolidarity with the brotherly people of Rwanda. We\nconsider that the international community should continue\nto play an important role in solving the crisis in Rwanda\nand in maintaining the peace and tranquillity of its\npeoples.\nIn Somalia, in spite of the commitment demonstrated\nby the international community, we do not foresee an end\nto the armed conflict in the near future, because of the\nlack of consensus between the parties involved. Angola\nconsiders that our Organization should continue to assume\nits responsibility in the maintenance of world peace and\nsecurity, which are threatened in that part of Africa, and\nwe appeal to the common sense of the parties to\ncooperate with the United Nations in the efforts to\nre-establish peace in that country.\nIn Bosnia and Herzegovina, in spite of the enormous\nefforts by the international community to restore peace,\nprofound differences still remain, and this contributes to\nthe continuation of the conflict. We therefore urge the\nparties and the international community to continue their\nefforts to find a lasting solution that is acceptable to the\nparties involved. Finally, we salute the Government of\nthe Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for its efforts to that\nend.\nWith regard to the Korean peninsula, Angola\nencourages the efforts towards reunification and salutes\nthe positive signs registered in the dialogue between the\nDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United\nStates of America.\nAngola is following with concern the situation in\nEast Timor. The international community has witnessed\nthe serious and persistent violations of human-rights to\nwhich the suffering people of East Timor have been\nsubjected. Angola considers that there is a fundamental\nproblem to be resolved first. Here, I refer to\ndecolonization and to respect for the rights of the peoples\nof this territory - mainly, their right to self-determination.\nWe therefore urge the Government of Indonesia to\nrecognize the legitimate right of the people of East Timor\nto self-determination and independence and to cooperate\n43\n\n\nwith Portugal, as the administering Power, and with the\nUnited Nations towards fulfilment of the wishes of the\nMaubere people.\nThe current situation in Cuba, following the tightening\nof the economic embargo, should be one of the main\nconcerns at this session of the General Assembly, as its\ndirect victims are the populations of island.\nThe General Assembly’s adoption of resolutions 47/19\nand 48/16 clearly demonstrates that the economic,\ncommercial and financial embargo imposed against Cuba is\ncontrary to the principles of international law and the\nCharter of the United Nations. For this reason, and in\nparticular because of the extraterritorial application of that\nunilateral measure, Angola condemns it.\nAs we add our voice to those of all who seek an end\nto the embargo imposed against Cuba we are convinced that\nonly through dialogue - never by adopting drastic and\ninhuman measures such as I have mentioned - can disputes\nbe resolved. We therefore encourage the continuance of\ndialogue between the two countries towards the resolution\nof their differences within the framework of the Charter of\nthe United Nations.\nThe international strategy for development for the\nyears 1991-2000, which was adopted in December 1991,\nbrought hope to the international community, which has\nregarded the effective implementation of this new strategy\nas the solution to the socio-economic problems of our\nplanet. Today, three years having elapsed, a certain\nscepticism is shaking our initial convictions.\nThe Republic of Angola considers that the role played\nby the international economic institutions - bodies such as\nthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development,\nthe World Trade Organization and the General Agreement\non Tariffs and Trade - is of vital importance. In the fight\nagainst trade barriers, these bodies create enormous\nopportunities for developing countries to participate in the\ndevelopment of the world market. The heavy and painful\nburden of external debt dating back to 1982 leads us to\nbelieve that the efforts of all are necessary if we are to find\nmedium- and long-term solutions.\nEqually, special attention must be given to the issues\nof sustainable development. This necessarily implies\nimplementation of the objectives of the Rio summit and the\nhonouring of commitments assumed thereafter by the\nindustrialized countries.\nThe data included in the reports presented to the\nCairo Conference on Population and Development\ndemonstrate that the social situation throughout the world\nis assuming almost alarming proportions. The fact that\nthe world’s population is now 5.5 billion and that the\nmajority of these people live in absolute poverty\nconvinces us of the urgent need to adopt, during the\nforthcoming World Summit for Social Development, a\nconcerted plan of action calling for measures to counter\nthe increasing deterioration in their social condition. We\ntherefore reiterate our firm belief in the legitimacy of the\ngoals set out in the document entitled "African Common\nPosition on Human and Social Development in Africa".\nHaving made a few comments on the main problems\nthat affect all of us in one way or another, I should like\nto make a brief reference to the situation in my country.\nRepresentatives will probably recall that, following\nUNITA’s rejection of the results of the democratic\nelections in 1992, which the international community\nmonitored and judged to have been free and fair, UNITA\nresorted to war, with the objective of taking power by\nforce of arms, contrary to the spirit of the Bicesse\nAccord, of which this Organization is a signatory and\nwhich served as the basis for the electoral process.\nThe situation created by the resumption of war\nrapidly degenerated into a real catastrophe, jeopardizing\nthe country’s territorial integrity and forcing the legitimate\ngovernment to take defensive measures to prevent the\nrealization of UNITA’s intentions.\nIn spite all the efforts of the Angolan Government\nand of the international community, and as a result of this\nwar, imposed on the people of Angola by the militaristic\nwing of Mr. Savimbi’s UNITA, Angola faces a rather\nsombre future - one dangerously similar to those of the\ncountries that I have already mentioned.\nThe present situation in my country is characterized\nby the extreme poverty of the people, who, having fled\nthe war zones in order to save their lives, have become\nrefugees in their own land.\nIn Angola there are currently 3.75 million displaced\npersons, more than 500,000 mutilated people and\nthousands of orphaned children and abandoned elderly\nfolk. In addition, almost of the country’s all economic\ninfrastructures have been destroyed. In some areas\ncontrolled by the Government, people and goods cannot\nalways circulate freely, owing to mines and to the acts of\n44\n\n\nterrorism and banditry perpetrated by UNITA’s military\nwing.\nThe difficult situation that I have just described must\ncontinue to command the attention of the international\ncommunity if the people and the legitimate Government are\nto be helped to re-establish peace throughout the country.\nAs those present in this Hall know, on 15 November\nlast, following the failure of our attempts to establish a\ndialogue, from Namibia to Addis Ababa and Abidjan, the\nGovernment of Angola initiated the negotiations of Lusaka.\nThese were mediated by the United Nations and were\nobserved by Portugal, Russia and the United States of\nAmerica, whose endeavour has contributed to the consensus\nin the negotiators’ position.\nIt is important that we should once again express our\nsincere gratitude to the Government of His Excellency\nPresident Chiluba for his generosity and patience in\nreceiving the Angolan people in his country and for his\npositive action, albeit discreet and unofficial. We also\nreiterate our appreciation of the important role played by\nthe troika of observers - Portugal, Russia and the United\nStates of America - and for the committed way in which\nthe Secretary-General’s special representative, Mr. Allioune\nBeye, has conducted the negotiations in Lusaka. Mr.\nBeye’s knowledge of the Angolan situation is our guarantee\nof a rapid conclusion to the talks. The people of Angola\nand the international community expressed their satisfaction\nat the fact that UNITA has finally accepted the mediators’\npackage of proposals, for this constitutes an important step\ntowards peace and national reconciliation.\nIt is none the less true that UNITA accepted this\npackage of proposals by the mediators only because of\npressure from the international community and, first and\nforemost, from the Security Council through its numerous\nresolutions, in particular resolutions 864 (1993) and\n932 (1994), which advocated the imposition of sanctions\nagainst UNITA if its leadership did not demonstrate good\nfaith about the conclusion of an agreement; and, also\nbecause on the military front there had been a clear reversal\nof the situation. Today the Government already controls\nmore than 75 per cent of the territory and 90 per cent of\nthe population.\nWe are convinced that if this pressure is maintained\nUNITA, which knows only the language of the force of\nweapons, might engage in a constructive and honest\ndialogue. In this context we once again urge the\ninternational community to continue exercising its various\nforms of pressure on UNITA’s militaristic wing so that an\nagreement is reached in Lusaka to put a definitive end to\nthe war and to restore peace and harmony among the\nAngolan people.\nWe are not aiming at a military victory. We want\nan agreement that can bring lasting peace and pave the\nway to national reconciliation. Our insistence on pressure\nis based on our desire that the relative progress made in\nLusaka be irreversible, as it is only a step along the\ndifficult path to peace and its consolidation, to the\npromotion of the country’s unity and national\nreconciliation, and to the defence of legality and\ndemocracy.\nTherefore, the international community, and the\nSecurity Council in particular, must be prepared to act\nimmediately as soon as an agreement is reached in\nLusaka in order to avoid any pretexts for non-compliance.\nThere must not be a substantial interval between the\nsigning of the agreement in Lusaka and the\nre-establishment of the cease-fire, on the one hand, and\nthe beginning of the implementation of the Lusaka\nagreement, or understandings on the other; this will avoid\nviolations. In this context it is necessary to anticipate the\nsending of the component of the United Nations Angola\nVerification Mission (UNAVEM III) immediately after\nthe signing of the agreement.\nPlease allow me to reiterate before this Assembly\nthat it is the firm commitment of the Government of the\nRepublic of Angola not to spare any effort in the search\nfor a negotiated solution to the crisis in Angola and that\nit is not our intention to destroy UNITA militarily.\nContrary to information which has been circulated\nrecently accusing the Government of launching a military\noffensive against UNITA, we have to say that the truth is\ncompletely different. The Government is engaged in\nstopping the UNITA military offensive, with the aim of\nhalting the kind of events that occurred before the signing\nof the Bicesse Accords, in order to ensure that a military\nadvantage not be obtained while the Lusaka Accord was\nbeing signed. We should not enable UNITA to obstruct\nthe full implementation of the Accord. We want UNITA\nto become a political party, to be prepared to live in\ndemocracy and to respect the existing constitution, which\nis the result of a difficult national consensus which\nUNITA itself joined in and which it amended before it\nwas approved by the Parliament.\n45\n\n\nFinally, we would like to send a strong appeal to the\ninternational community to increase humanitarian assistance\nto the needy people. The Government’s scarce resources\nare insufficient to meet the dramatic socio-humanitarian\nsituation of the people being rescued from the captivity of\nUNITA.\nMembers have had the opportunity to see on\ntelevision the real situation in Kuito and elsewhere. The\nGovernment of Angola has always been committed to\ndelivering humanitarian assistance to all the needy\nregardless of where they may be, and requests that\npressure be exerted on UNITA not to hamper the efforts\nto distribute relief supplies to the population and the work\nof non-governmental organizations and United Nations\nagencies which with great sacrifice are involved in\nhumanitarian assistance to Angola.\nI reiterate our best wishes for the success of this\nforty-ninth session of the General Assembly.
## 81 Permit me at\nthe outset, Sir, on behalf of the Government of the\nRepublic of Angola and of my entire delegation that is\naccompanying me, to express my satisfaction at your\nelection to the presidency of this session of the General\nAssembly of the United Nations. We are convinced that\nyour excellent personal qualities and the diplomatic skill\nyou have accumulated will guarantee the success of the\nconduct of the work of this significant session. Your\nelection is also well-deserved recognition of the important\ncontribution which your country has made to the\npromotion of peace and international security. I assure\nyou, at this stage, of the cooperation of my delegation.\nWe commit ourselves to doing everything to support this\narduous but honourable task with humility and a sense of\nresponsibility.\nI cannot let this opportunity pass without expressing\nmy appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Amara\nEssy, for the dedication and interest with which he carried\nout the activities of the Assembly during his mandate.\nSimilarly, I address my remarks to the Secretary-General,\nMr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who has tenaciously done\neverything, to find the very best solutions for the\nproblems afflicting humanity, pledging to provide our\nOrganization with the dynamism needed to face future\nchallenges.\nThe fiftieth session of the General Assembly, which\ncoincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of\nthe United Nations, provides us with an opportunity to\nengage in profound reflection on the extent to which we\nhave moved forward towards the realization of its main\ngoals, inter alia, preservation of international peace and\nsecurity, promotion and protection of human rights, and\neconomic and social development, with a view to looking\nmore optimistically and more boldly at the challenges\nwhich lie ahead on the eve of the twenty-first century.\nIn fact, although the changes that took place in the\nwake of the cold war led to a certain easing in\ninternational relations and promoted, as never before,\ndemocratic values, the international situation nevertheless\nhas continued to deteriorate in recent times in the\npolitical, economic, social and financial spheres. Conflicts\nof all sorts proliferate, affecting principally the countries\nof the so-called third world and creating a climate of\nuncertainty as to the future of humankind.\nAs we approach the twenty-first century, we face\nnew and greater challenges that will necessitate joint,\n12\n\n\nconcerted action by the Members of the United Nations.\nThis will require a new democratic structure in international\nrelations, in the broadest sense.\nMore than ever before, we need to think about the\nobjectives and role of the United Nations, as set out in the\nCharter, and focus on that task.\nThe process of restructuring the United Nations should\nlead the Organization to an arrangement that reflects the\nnew challenges we face in the world at this time and that\nwould allow for the broad participation of its Members. We\nare convinced that the present structure of the United\nNations — and in particular that of the Security Council —\ndoes not meet the present needs of post-cold-war\ninternational relations. Apart from the restructuring\nundertaken in the agencies that coordinate economic and\nsocial development worldwide, priority should be given to\nthe restructuring of the Security Council, whose\ncomposition continues to be a reflection of the cold war.\nThe enlargement of the Council should take place with\nrespect to the categories of permanent and non-permanent\nmembers alike. This will require taking into consideration\nthe need for geographic balance.\nWe are also in favour of restructuring the methods of\nwork of the United Nations so as to make them more\ntransparent.\nFurthermore, it is important to guarantee the\neffectiveness of the mechanisms and means of ensuring\nimplementation of the decisions of United Nations organs.\nIn recent years, the General Assembly has adopted\nnumerous resolutions, and important global strategies have\nbeen defined in various forums under the aegis of the\nUnited Nations, aimed at solving problems afflicting all\nhumankind. These problems range from the living\nconditions of children, the environment, human rights,\npopulation problems and social development to, more\nrecently, the issue of the situation of women, dealt with at\nthe Beijing Conference.\nThe time has come to take action. The unsatisfactory\nfunctioning of some of the mechanisms for monitoring the\napplication of decisions and the weak commitment of States\nhave been the root cause of the failure to carry out many of\nthese recommendations.\nThe world socio-economic situation continues to\ndeteriorate, particularly in the so-called developing\ncountries, where many economies are on the verge of\ncollapse.\nPublic assistance for development has sunk to\ndeplorable levels. United Nations agencies involved in\ndevelopment have seen their budgets severely affected by\nthe financial crisis, resulting in cuts in numerous\nprogrammes that were destined to help raise development\nindicators in various countries. To give just one example,\nthe annual report of the Secretary-General indicates that\nthe United Nations Development Programme experienced\na reduction of $1.4 billion in the period 1992-1996.\nStructural adjustment programmes undertaken in\nvarious countries have not produced the desired results,\nleading to reductions in national funds in the social field.\nThese negative factors are cumulative, and added to them\nis the heavy burden of external debt, whose service alone\nconsumes a large part of the gross national product of\ndebtor countries.\nAfrica’s capacity to repay debt has been negatively\naffected not only by weak economic structures inherited\nfrom the past, but also by natural disasters and internal\narmed conflicts. In view of this situation, it is necessary\nto adopt measures that are more just and less prejudicial,\nso that debtor countries can pay their external debt\nwithout hindering their development or requiring further\nsacrifices on the part of the poorest segments of their\npopulations.\nThe principal international financial institutions\nshould grant more favourable credit to developing\ncountries, so that the remedies applied to their respective\neconomies will not lead to a deterioration of the health of\nthose economies.\nThe present international economic order does not\nfavour the economies of the so-called third world. It is\nthus necessary to have a more just international economic\norder, without protectionist measures that impede\ninternational business relations and create discrimination\nagainst developing countries, the majority of which\nbecome sources of raw materials and inexpensive labour\nand importers of manufactured goods.\nThe strengthening of south-south cooperation and\nregional economic integration will, as we see it, be an\nadequate response to this trend. Countries of the southern\nregion of Africa, to which Angola belongs, have provided\na good example of regional integration, both economic\nand political, by forming the Southern African\nDevelopment Community (SADC). Given the prospects\nfor total political stability in the region and its economic\npotential, the region may well transform itself into an\n13\n\n\nimportant development zone. In the same way we value the\njoint regional integration between members of the Zone of\nPeace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic, of which\nAngola is also a member.\nIn successive resolutions the General Assembly has\nrecommended that priority be given to our continent in\nterms of aid for development, because it is the region of the\nworld that has most suffered the tragic effects of\ncolonialism. But reality shows a significant drop in\nresources available for development. This aggravates the\nprecarious economic situation of African countries that have\nno capital and no technology, which increases poverty and\nmakes them susceptible to serious internal conflict.\nIf, as we have just indicated, it is true that we are\nwitnessing, nearly everywhere, some proliferation of\nregional conflicts that put peace and international security\nat risk, it is also true that in Africa these conflicts have\nreached a level of great danger. Not only is the dimension\nof such conflicts a source of concern but so is their nature.\nIts markedly ethnic, racial or religious character is being\nused to justify intentions which place at risk the unity and\nterritorial integrity of several nations.\nThe inadmissible genocide that occurred in Rwanda\nseriously damaged the values of human dignity and\ntolerance. Above all, it demonstrated the need for the\ninternational community to seek new ways and means to\neliminate the focal points of conflict and to guarantee\nprotection for civilian populations, the people who are the\nprimary victims of internal conflicts.\nIn Burundi we are concerned about the deteriorating\ninternal situation. In this connection the international\ncommunity, and the United Nations in particular, should\nshoulder their responsibilities in order to help avoid the\nrepetition in that country of earlier events by supporting by\nevery means available the efforts carried out by the\nOrganization of African Unity (OAU) mission with a view\nto fostering peace and stability.\nIn Somalia the continuing fratricidal war that is tearing\nthat society apart is threatening the very existence and\nintegrity of the country. The international community, and\nthe United Nations in particular, cannot and should not fail\nto shoulder its responsibilities vis-à-vis the people of\nSomalia.\nWe pay tribute to Liberia for the recent developments\nin that country, thanks to the recent Abuja peace agreement\nbetween the warring parties. We hope that this agreement\nwill finally bring lasting peace to the Liberian people.\nConcerning Western Sahara, we join our voice to the\nvoice of the international community in urging the\ninterested parties to observe the United Nations peace\nplan.\nDespite its own internal difficulties, the Government\nof the Republic of Angola is doing its utmost to support\nOAU efforts within the framework of African\nmechanisms of prevention, management and resolution of\nconflicts. In that context we did not hesitate to make a\ncontribution to a resolution of the crisis faced by the\npeople of the Republic of Sao Tome and Principe after\nthe coup d’état of 15 August. As the Assembly will be\naware, Angolan mediation helped to restore democratic\ninstitutions and constitutional order in that country. We\nhave acted on behalf of the historic solidarity which links\nour two peoples in a common struggle for democratic\nliberties and respect for the law of constitutional\ninstitutions.\nThanks to the support provided by the international\ncommunity, particularly the Portuguese-speaking\ncountries, along with the European Union, France and\nPortugal in particular, and of course the Secretary-General\nof the United Nations, we were able, in a short period of\ntime, to get an agreement between the parties on 22\nAugust last.\nThe conflict in the countries of the former\nYugoslavia is one of the most complex conflicts seen in\nEurope since the end of the cold war. The Government of\nAngola is concerned about this conflict. We support the\ncurrent peace initiatives and hope that the meeting\nbetween the parties involved and the mediators will lead\nto concrete results, to the satisfaction of the peoples of\nthe region.\nThe situation in the Middle East has been marked by\nsome important and significant developments since the\nsigning of the agreement between Israel and the Palestine\nLiberation Organization (PLO) and the beginning of the\nnormalization of bilateral relations among countries of the\nregion.\nSuch advances are quite encouraging. We are\nconfident of a final end to the Arab-Israeli conflict if we\ncontinue to see political will, a constructive spirit and\nflexibility demonstrated on all sides. Angola has always\ndefended the right to self-determination of the people of\n14\n\n\nPalestine and the restitution of the occupied Arab territories.\nWe here reiterate our support for the peace process that is\nunder way and express our opposition to acts of violence\nintended to call into question the continuation of this\nprocess.\nThe question of East Timor continues to prick the\nconscience of the international community. It is necessary\nto ensure that the people of East Timor enjoy the legitimate\nright freely to choose its own destiny and that this be\nrecognized. In this regard the United Nations has an\nimportant responsibility, which it cannot escape.\nWe are particularly encouraged by the opening of a\ndialogue between Portugal and Indonesia. But there will be\npositive results only if the interests and options of the\npeople of the Territory are borne in mind during the search\nfor a just and acceptable solution.\nAngola shares with the people of East Timor a\ncommon past of struggle against Portuguese colonialism.\nWe will continue to give our utmost to the search for a just\nand acceptable solution.\nBy sustaining an economic, commercial and financial\nembargo against Cuba for more than 30 years the United\nStates of America has created a paradox within the reality\nof our times. The embargo is a set-back to international\nefforts to eliminate the last relics of the cold war. Angola\ntherefore reiterates its opposition to this unilateral measure,\nwhose extraterritorial impact is in violation of international\nnorms of free trade and international law.\nPractice shows that constructive dialogue is the best\nsolution for resolving differences, similar to that which\noccurred in reaching a solution to the problem of migration\nbetween the two countries. We think that it is up to the\npeople of Cuba freely to decide their own destiny.\nObviously, I cannot refrain from making reference to\nthe situation in my own country, which will be of interest\nto many here. As is known, after long years of war Angola\nfinally found the path to peace, starting with the signature\nof the Lusaka Protocol and the initial steps taken to\nimplement its provisions. It is an agreement that\ncomplements the fundamental structure of the peace process\nestablished by the Bicesse Accords, which were signed with\nthe mediation of the Government of Portugal.\nSince the signature of the Lusaka document in 1991\nand the cease-fire agreed to in November last year, the\nsituation in our country has evolved significantly, despite\nsome negative aspects and obstacles that I shall mention\nshortly. Major offensive military actions have stopped,\nleading to the free movement of people and goods in\nmany areas of the country under Government control. We\nare now seeing the return of thousands of displaced\ncitizens to their areas of origin.\nIn the political area, a direct dialogue has begun\nbetween the Government and UNITA, between His\nExcellency the President of Angola and Mr. Savimbi.\nThis has facilitated the resolution of many problems\nrelated to the implementation of the Accords that were\nnot resolved at Lusaka.\nIn addition, the Government has taken important\nsteps to strengthen the climate of mutual trust and to\nmake reconciliation possible. Within this context, the\nGovernment supported a legislative initiative to modify\nthe Constitution to accommodate the leader of UNITA as\none of the two Vice-Presidents of the Republic. That\nsignificant political gesture, along with the future\nintegration of UNITA members in a government of\nnational unity, will create conditions for Angolans to\nenjoy a definitive and lasting peace in a climate of\ntolerance, free from hatreds or resentment.\nDespite those efforts, which my Government views\nas positive, we continue to be concerned by the excessive\ndelays in the implementation of the peace process, whose\nmost serious issue is the quartering and demobilization of\nUNITA forces, which has not yet been implemented as it\nshould have been under the Lusaka Accords. This delay\nhas resulted in some serious recent problems and\nincidents in some regions of the country. Such incidents\ndo not at this time pose a serious threat to peace, but they\nare capable of creating dangerous focal points of tension\nthat call into question the trust that is needed for full\nimplementation of the Peace Accords.\nMy Government would like to take this opportunity\nto express its gratitude for the work done by the United\nNations Observer Mission in Angola. It has by and large\nassured respect for the provisions of the Peace Accords\nand has involved the presence of many countries\nrepresented here. We believe that the complete\ndeployment of peace-keeping infantry units will make it\npossible better to control the implementation of the\ncommitments made in Lusaka.\nThe post-conflict phase in Angola will require urgent\nmeasures of a special economic and social nature in order\nto move the country rapidly out of the state of crisis, to\n15\n\n\nrebuild its productive and social infrastructures and to\nprevent a return to war, measures which must guarantee the\nsocial reintegration of thousands of military personnel, of\nwhom some 150,000 are to be demobilized, and the return\nof refugees and internally displaced persons who are\nreturning to their areas of origin.\nAs I speak, a meeting is being held in Brussels\nbetween my country and the European Community to come\nup with an overall plan for national reconciliation. From\nthis rostrum we should like to express our thanks to all\ncountries that have assisted us and to all the United Nations\nagencies that have made it possible to organize this\nimportant meeting, the first round table meeting in Brussels.\nMy Government has entered in earnest on to the task of\nachieving national reconciliation in our country. As we said\nearlier, a community rehabilitation programme has been\ncreated, in collaboration with the United Nations, to this\nend. It has a budget of $700 million that will be open to all\ndonor countries in Brussels with a view, inter alia, to\nrestoring in the shortest possible time basic production\nactivity in the 18 provinces of the country.\nWe are aware that the rapid recovery of the Angolan\neconomy will depend largely on our success in\nimplementing this programme and achieving peace and\nharmony in our country. It is an economy that saw its gross\nnational product and per capita income decrease by one half\nas a consequence of war. Thus, we would like once again\nto request the international community to continue to lend\nassistance to Angola in order to achieve complete peace and\nreconciliation among all Angolans. We hope that can\nbecome a reality.
## 82 Allow me at the\noutset to congratulate Mr. Ismail Razali on his election as\nPresident of the General Assembly at its fifty-first session,\nwhich is being held at a particularly difficult juncture. I am,\nhowever, persuaded that his personal attributes as well as\nhis proven diplomatic experience will ensure the success\nthat is expected from this Assembly.\nAllow me to express to His Excellency\nMr. Freitas do Amaral my congratulations on the\noutstanding commitment he demonstrated during his term\nin office. Our best wishes for the future go to him as he\nresumes his work as an educator and conducts research for\npeace and progress for all peoples.\nAllow me also to express my warm appreciation to the\nSecretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-\nGhali, for the dynamic and visionary manner in which he\nconducted the business of our Organization during a time\nof great change in the international arena. At this time the\nUnited Nations is more and more frequently called upon to\nrise to new challenges and is compelled to face tests that\nare not always peaceful. For this difficult mission the\nRepublic of Angola will continue to render its modest\ncontribution for the successful accomplishment of his\nmandate.\nAt the threshold of the new century of the third\nmillennium we are increasingly faced with new and\ngreater challenges, the solutions to which require joint and\nconcerted actions by all States, irrespective of their size,\neconomic potential or military might. In this context,\ncountries that have Portuguese as an official language —\nAngola, Brazil, Cape Verde, Mozambique, Portugal and\nSao Tome and Principe — have recently decided to\nestablish a community of Portuguese-speaking countries\nin order better to serve the interests of their peoples. We\nwould like to thank the Government and people of\nPortugal for fostering a cordial climate for this\ncommunity of Portuguese-speaking countries.\nIt is essential, therefore, that a broad and in-depth\nreform programme be adopted for multilateral institutions,\nwhich would make a decisive contribution towards the\ndemocratization of international relations on the basis of\nthe primacy of law, the safeguarding of the sovereign\nequality of States and reciprocity in the comity of nations.\nIt is along these lines that we approach with all\nseriousness the restructuring of the United Nations and its\nsystem.\nOur goal is to optimize the functioning of bodies\nthat coordinate the work of maintaining international\npeace and security and fostering social and economic\ndevelopment. Although innumerable international\nconferences held by the United Nations in recent years\nvalidate this concern, a great deal remains to be\naccomplished. We must go from words of intention to\ndeeds.\nIn this context, we believe that the current session of\nthe General Assembly must approach with daring and\npolitical resolve all current issues of common concern,\nincluding those in the areas of international peacekeeping\nand security and the healing of the economic and social\ncrisis that afflicts the developing world.\nLast year our Organization celebrated its fiftieth\nanniversary, and there was unanimous recognition by all\nmankind of its role as the most important forum for\nconcerted action among nations. Although the\nrestructuring of the United Nations has always been an\n19\n\n\nissue of concern, it is now even more essential if we are to\nrise to the challenges of the twenty-first century.\nIn this connection, I would like to avail myself of this\nopportunity first of all to congratulate the Open-ended\nHigh-level Working Group on the Strengthening of the\nUnited Nations System for the positive achievements we\nhave witnessed. Nevertheless, there is still a long road\nahead before we achieve our final objectives and make it\npossible for our Organization to play its true role. As a\nmatter of fact, we are quite concerned by the current\nfinancial crisis, which is affecting the proper operation of\nour Organization and even threatening its very survival. In\nthis context, we support proposals that suggest practical\naction for the correction of the financial situation, such as\nthe revision of the scale of assessments, the downsizing of\nthe Secretariat and some of its bodies, with a view towards\nrendering them more efficient, less bureaucratic and less\nburdensome.\nBy way of example, allow me to point out that several\ndevelopmental assistance projects or humanitarian aid\nprogrammes are entrusted to foreign officials while they\ncould perfectly well be carried out by local officials with\nsimilar qualifications, which could cut down the\nimplementation costs to less than one third. This is only\none example among the many we could cite that could go\nfar towards assisting with the financial healing of the\nOrganization.\nThe measures we have alluded to are feasible and\ncould bring about greater benefits and substantially improve\nthe functioning of the Organization and its specialized\nagencies.\nAs regards the Security Council, my Government has\nalways supported its restructuring in order to strengthen its\nrole and effectiveness and ensure greater transparency in\nthe decision-making process and in the implementation of\nits resolutions. Our position therefore is identical to the one\nadopted by the Organization of African Unity. It would\nexpand the Security Council and provide for fair and equal\nrepresentation by permanent and non-permanent members,\nwith equal rights and duties. Africa’s claim to at least two\npermanent seats on the Security Council is nothing but its\nproper and due right. We likewise support the right of other\nregions to representation on the Council, with the status of\npermanent members.\nRegarding the modes of operation of the Security\nCouncil, we believe that the areas concerned will find their\nappropriate modus operandi.\nIn several regions of our planet, there are still\ndecades-old conflicts, and new sources of tension are\nbreaking out in areas that previously enjoyed a certain\npeace and stability. This offsets the most optimistic\nexpectations of our peoples, who had hoped that the\nworld would be on the threshold of a new era of peace in\nthis post-cold-war period, paving the way for cooperation\nand development.\nIt is therefore with great apprehension that we note\na proliferation of regional conflicts, social and economic\ncollapse in some of our countries, environmental decay,\nand the coming of new scourges such as transnational\ncrime, drug trafficking, a rising wave of criminality, racial\ndisturbances, xenophobia, and religious and cultural\nintolerance.\nIt is in the face of this bleak picture that we come\ntogether for the fifty-first session of the General\nAssembly, compelling us to pause in deep introspection\nand firm resolve to handle this time bomb. In this context,\nthe Republic of Angola urges all Member States to do\ntheir very best in the search for ways and means to\nachieve this. One of the main tools available to us is\npreventive diplomacy and the political resolve of all those\nwho are in a position to make a decisive contribution to\ninternational peace and security.\nIn the Middle East, recent events are showing\ndangerous trends, jeopardizing the Washington agreement\non the autonomy of the Palestinian people and the first\nsteps towards the joint peaceful settlement of peace issues\nin that region, all of which are matters of the greatest\nconcern to the Republic of Angola.\nThe Republic of Angola reiterates the stand adopted\non the Middle East by African Heads of State or\nGovernment at the thirty-second summit meeting of the\nOrganization of African Unity, in Yaoundé, and appeals\nto the parties for strict compliance with their\ncommitments, because nothing can resist the resolve of a\npeople to be free. As stated by a great leader of our\ncentury, Ho Chi Minh, “Nothing is more precious than\nfreedom and independence”.\nWe are likewise concerned at the grievous situation\nin East Timor, a non-autonomous territory illegally\noccupied by Indonesia, in violation of the principles\nestablished in the United Nations Charter and applicable\nresolutions of the General Assembly and the Security\nCouncil.\n20\n\n\nMy Government reaffirms that the United Nations has\na great responsibility vis-à-vis the people of East Timor and\nshould not fail in it. In this context, the Republic of Angola\nsupports and encourages dialogue between Portugal, the\nadministering Power, and Indonesia in search of a\nsettlement that will bring self-determination and\nindependence to the people of Timor.\nWe are, likewise, profoundly concerned by the\ndifficult social and economic situation in the Republic of\nCuba resulting from the financial and economic blockade\nimposed on that member State of the General Assembly.\nThe Government of Angola supports the General\nAssembly resolutions appealing for the lifting of the\neconomic blockade in favour of the Cuban people, which\nis suffering under the negative effects of that measure. We\ntherefore encourage a dialogue with a view to normalizing\nrelations between those two sovereign Member States of the\nOrganization, which we call the United Nations, not the\ndivided nations.\nIn the course of the next century, one of the greatest\nchallenges to the United Nations will be the protection and\npromotion of human rights. The Government of Angola has\nalways recognized the indivisible and universal character of\nthe fundamental rights of every human being and the\nintrinsic correlation between human rights, democracy and\ndevelopment. Thus, at the Commission on Human Rights\nand other forums, Angola has always categorically\ncondemned selectivity and its politicization.\nWe condemn human rights violations, wherever they\nmay occur. This attitude, however, should not serve as a\npretext for sectarianism, exerting pressures designed to\ncreate political instability in sovereign States, or the\nimplementation of hidden agendas. This practice harms\nrather than fosters the promotion and protection of human\nrights.\nAllow me to take this opportunity to inform the\nAssembly that, at the proposal of President José Eduardo\ndos Santos, and in coordination with the United Nations\nCentre for Human Rights, the 32nd summit meeting of the\nHeads of State and Government of the Organization of\nAfrican Unity decided to hold this year a ministerial-level\nmeeting devoted exclusively to in-depth consideration of the\nissue of human rights in Africa. The Republic of Angola\nwill have the privilege of hosting this conference, which we\nbelieve is of tremendous relevance in the lengthy and\ndifficult process of democratization in our continent.\nThe crisis that is currently affecting the global\neconomy is mostly structural in nature and results from\ninconsistency, lack of coordination, and the adoption of\nmacroeconomic policies incompatible with the growth\nneeds of the developing world. Of great concern is the\nrealization that the current growth rate of some of our\ncountries is often negative. This compels whole\npopulations to lead lives of starvation and extreme\npoverty. It is indeed unfair that, at the threshold of the\nthird millennium, there are still some 800 million\nmalnourished people across the world.\nAfrica is the continent most lacking in capital and\ntechnology and, as a result, its population growth rate far\nexceeds its food-production capacity. In turn, this\nincreases poverty and starvation and can lead to serious\nsocial unrest. These consequences can be avoided if we\nare able to rely on the understanding and goodwill of our\ncreditors and major international financial institutions,\nwhich impose economic management prescriptions\nwithout regard for each nation’s realities.\nIn our view, one of the basic keys to the economic\nand social development of our countries lies in the\nexpansion and reorientation of economic cooperation for\ndevelopment. We must map out as soon as possible a\nglobal developmental strategy that will contribute to the\nsolution of the problems now affecting the survival of our\neconomies.\nToday, our world has reached such a level of\ninterdependence that new levels of interaction among our\neconomies are required if we are to survive, enjoy\nstability and avoid the threat of the imminent breakdown\nsuffered by the weaker nations. My Government reaffirms\nits support for the United Nations special initiative on\nAfrica and, at the same time, underscores the need for\ngreater assurances of success, in view of our experience\nwith similar programmes in the past. Once again, a word\nof praise is due to the Secretary-General for this initiative,\nwhich again demonstrates that the world, and the United\nNations in particular, has not turned its back on Africa.\nIf the African continent is to overcome its social and\neconomic crisis, a broad marshalling of financial and\nother resources will be necessary before the end of this\ncentury in order to meet the social and economic\ndevelopment needs of the continent. Likewise, we are\ndeeply concerned by the growth of the external debt of\nAfrica and other developing countries, as well as by the\nheavy burden involved in debt servicing, which is one of\n21\n\n\nthe causes of the continuous economic and social\ndeterioration of our standard of living.\nWe believe that a fair and lasting solution can be\nfound for the African foreign-debt crisis, as long as there is\nunderstanding and a strong political resolve on the part of\ncreditors. For certain developing nations, the negotiation of\na debt roll-over is a feasible solution. For the less-\ndeveloped nations, however, the sole viable solution is total\nforgiveness of the debt and a massive effort in the area of\ninternational cooperation for development through\npartnerships. The strengthening of South-South cooperation\nand regional economic integration are processes that pave\nthe way for the establishment of a more equitable, new\ninternational economic order, free from measures of\nprotectionism that hinder international trade and give rise to\ndiscrimination against our nations.\nOf equal concern is the deteriorating food situation in\nAfrica due to drought and other natural disasters. This can\nbe addressed only through special assistance from the\ninternational community for the development of the food\nand agricultural sectors and of food self-sufficiency in\nAfrican countries. We extend our best wishes for success to\nthe World Food Summit scheduled to take place in\nNovember in Rome, of which His Excellency Mr. José\nEduardo dos Santos will be a sponsor.\nMy Government has focused special attention on\nissues of environment and human settlements and we take\nthis opportunity to underscore the positive impact in Angola\nof the programmes and related activities in our continent\nsponsored by the United Nations Environmental Programme\nand the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements. In\nspite of all the difficulties it faces, Angola has spared no\neffort in combating desertification and drought in Africa.\nWe congratulate those countries that volunteered to host the\nConvention to Combat Desertification and urge all countries\nto ratify it, thus enabling it to enter into force as soon as\npossible.\nIllegal drug trafficking and the chemical-precursors\ntrade, together with money laundering, represent another\nscourge that is destabilizing our nations. Drug trafficking\nfor us, therefore, is an international problem requiring\ncooperation among all countries worldwide. With the\nsupport of the United Nations International Drug Control\nProgramme and the assistance of other United Nations\nspecialized agencies, my Government has drafted and\nsubmitted to our Parliament updated legislation relating to\nour struggle against the traffics in illegal drugs,\npsychotropic substances and chemical precursors. This law\nwas enacted recently, but we still lack the technical and\nexpert resources to ensure the success of that campaign.\nIn southern Africa, we have coordinated our policies\nin this area so as to score significant successes, both\nnationally and regionally. The results are satisfactory and\nencouraging.\nToday, just as it was 51 years ago , the struggle for\npeace continues to be one of the fundamental goals of our\nOrganization. We must therefore devote all our efforts\nand energy to the creation of a better world instead of\npreparing for new wars of self-destruction.\nMy Government has signed, and the Angolan\nParliament has just ratified, the Treaty on the Non-\nProliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We support the efforts\nto ban new nuclear tests. We also reiterate our appeal for\nrespect for and preservation of the African continent and\nits contiguous areas as a nuclear-free zone, in accordance\nwith the Pelindaba Treaty.\nThe Republic of Angola is today one of the\ncountries in which the largest number of anti-personnel\nland-mines can be found. There are over 10 million mines\nlaid in Angolan territory. These mines have inflicted\ninnumerable casualties, and over 100,000 people have\nbeen mutilated in my country. My Government supports\nall efforts towards a total ban on the production and\nexport of anti-personnel land-mines and their use in\ndomestic or international conflicts.\nWith the Assembly’s permission, I would like to\naddress the situation in Africa, which today seems like a\ncorpse on which vultures come to feed.\nSome countries of our continent still face serious\nobstacles due to negative interference in the peace process\nand in their efforts to promote economic development, the\nwell-being of African peoples and the establishment of\npeace, security and political stability.\nThe problem of conflicts in Africa is undoubtedly\none of the crucial issues affecting the development and\nstability of our continent. The Government of Angola\nwould like to praise the efforts of the Central Organ of\nthe Organization of African Unity’s Mechanism for\nConflict Prevention, Management and Resolution in\nvarious African regions and countries, such as Burundi,\nLiberia and Somalia.\n22\n\n\nIn this connection, we support the efforts of the\nneighbouring countries and others that advocate a\nnegotiated political settlement for the crisis in Burundi on\nthe basis of the country’s constitutional legal order and in\nconsonance with the legitimate interests of the parties. We\nbelieve that if this objective is to be achieved, there must\nbe a global dialogue among the parties concerned.\nWe would like to pay tribute to the former President\nof Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, for his efforts to\nreunite our Burundian brothers who have fallen into enmity\naround the negotiating table. We are convinced that good\nwill on the part of the politicians will help our sister nation\nof Burundi overcome its critical difficulties.\nConcerning Liberia, we would like to congratulate the\nmember countries of the Economic Community of West\nAfrican States (ECOWAS) for the significant progress\nmade so far, culminating in the swearing in of\nMs. Ruth Perry as Chairperson of the Liberian Council of\nState and the beginning of the belligerent parties’ process\nof disarmament.\nUnfortunately, we are still concerned over the situation\nof Somalia. We feel that in Somalia, as in the case of other\nconflicts, there is no other way to find peace than through\ndialogue between the parties concerned.\nWe would like to reaffirm our support for the\ncountries in that region, and particularly for the Prime\nMinister of Ethiopia in his efforts to bring the Somali\nfactions together around a negotiating table. We also feel\nthat the United Nations should not and cannot renounce its\nduty and abandon that country to its fate.\nFinally, we cannot fail to restate our position of\nprinciple regarding the issue of Western Sahara — namely,\nour support for the United Nations and Organization of\nAfrican Unity resolutions in that regard. We are convinced\nthat the problem can be resolved only through a referendum\non the self-determination of that territory.\nWe support a peaceful solution to the conflict, taking\ninto account the interests of the parties, particularly that of\nthe Saharan people, and we offer congratulations on the\nresumption of direct talks between the Kingdom of\nMorocco and POLISARIO.\nI would not wish to conclude my statement without\napprising the Assembly in general terms of the situation\nprevailing in my country during the implementation of the\nLusaka Protocol, aimed at restoring lasting peace and\nreconciliation for all Angolans.\nPrior to doing so, however, I would like to express\nthe sincere appreciation of the Government of Angola to\nthe Special Representative of the Secretary-General for\nAngola, Maître Alioune Blondin Beye, as well as to the\nrepresentatives of the troika of observer nations —\nPortugal, the Russian Federation and the United States of\nAmerica — for the unswerving efforts they have made,\nindividually and jointly, for peace and national\nreconciliation in Angola.\nAlthough the peace process has evinced a certain\ndynamism since the Franceville and Libreville meetings\nbetween the President of the Republic,\nHis Excellency Mr. José Eduardo dos Santos, and the\nleader of UNITA, Mr Jonas Savimbi, we have been\nconfronted with certain situations that are rather\nunfavourable for its normal and desirable development.\nAs the Assembly knows, the implementation of the\nLusaka Protocol included a calendar of specific tasks for\nthe Government and for UNITA.\nThe position adopted by the UNITA leadership\nconcerning the honouring of its commitments has,\nunfortunately, given rise to deplorable situations in the\ncourse of the implementation of the Lusaka Protocol, in\nspite of the fact that the Government has gone beyond\nmeeting its commitments under the calendar.\nAs a matter of fact, not only did UNITA fail to\nhonour its commitments and fail to comply with the\npertinent Security Council resolutions, but it failed to\ncarry out fundamental commitments in the peace process:\nit failed to confine all its true military forces to quarters;\nit did not surrender its light and heavy matériel; it did not\nbring about the induction of all its general officers into\nthe regular armed forces of Angola, in accordance with\nthe agreement; it continued to create impediments and\ndifficulties in the selection and induction of 26,300 troops\ninto the national army of Angola; and, finally, it\nprevented the free circulation of people and goods, thus\ndelaying the extension of the State administration over the\nentire national territory.\nAs members know too, at its Congress, held from 20\nto 28 August this year, UNITA rejected the offer made to\nits leader by the Government of the position of Vice-\nPresident of the Republic. By so acting, UNITA created\nan additional difficulty for the formation of the\n23\n\n\nGovernment of National Unity and Reconciliation. That\nattitude on the part of the leader of UNITA did not come\nas a surprise to many observers of the Angolan peace\nprocess because it is in keeping with Mr. Savimbi’s\nhabitual lack of coherence. He has always placed his self-\ninterest far ahead of the interests of the Angolan nation.\nConsequently, it is more than evident that UNITA is trying\nto impose strategic delays on the peace process and the\nimplementation of the Lusaka Protocol, to aggravate the\nsocial and economic crisis and to distort the Protocol and\nother commitments assumed.\nHowever, despite the difficulties encountered in the\nprocess, the Angolan Government is resolute in its intent to\nspare no effort to resolve all the country’s problems\nthrough dialogue and collective commitment. Our\nGovernment, working hand in hand with the democratic\nforces interested in peace and national reconciliation in\nAngola, has decided that, regardless of circumstances, we\nwill put an end to the cycle of strife that is disrupting the\ncountry. We will launch a new era of peace and political\ntolerance, strengthen democratic institutions and save the\nAngolan nation from the economic and social chaos into\nwhich it has been plunged by the stubborn attitude of those\nwho try to block the wind with their bare hands.\nIn this connection, I should like to thank the\ninternational community for its efforts and understanding in\nthe search for peace in Angola. We are aware of the\ntremendous costs involved in the operation of United\nNations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM III), but\nthis is a very sensitive juncture and the perseverance of the\ninternational community is of the essence, for victory is\ncertain. Only with the victory of peace and democracy in\nAngola can we say that the sacrifice of the international\ncommunity has been worthwhile.\nIn the achievement of those objectives the participation\nof UNITA is essential. We therefore urge the international\ncommunity to continue to exert pressure to compel the\nleader of UNITA to follow a reasonable course, renouncing\nwar once and for all, and to persuade him to occupy his\nposition in Angolan society.\nFor more than 30 years the Angolan people have been\nsubjected to successive wars that have caused and still\ncause indescribable suffering. After the election in\nSeptember 1992, Angola was once again plunged into a war\nthat forced all Government activities to be directed at an\nemergency social policy, the sole objective of which was to\nmitigate the nefarious consequences that afflicted the lives\nand dashed the hopes of Angolans.\nThat conflict created over 2 million displaced\npersons directly affected by the conflict; it drove over half\na million refugees into neighbouring countries and\nmaimed more than 100,000 people. In the economic\nsphere, it destroyed over 70 per cent of the social and\neconomic infrastructure and the agro-industrial base.\nThose are only a few of the many indicators that\nreveal the true dimensions of the catastrophe that has\nbefallen Angolans and that has led to a serious\ndeterioration in the humanitarian situation in the country.\nGiven the tragic situation we described earlier, my\nGovernment is no longer in a position to face this\nchallenge on its own. What is at stake is the survival of\nmillions of human beings.\nI should therefore like to take this opportunity\nsincerely to thank the international community and\nGovernments, as well as governmental and non-\ngovernmental organizations, for the assistance they have\nextended to the Angolan people. I would implore them to\ncontinue to assist the needy population without losing\nsight of assistance for development and self-sufficiency.\nWe peaceful Angolans and our Government will not\nabdicate our responsibilities.\nOnce again, I extend our best wishes to the President\nfor success as he presides over the General Assembly at\nthis session and pledge to him my delegation’s full and\nsincere cooperation.\n\n\n\n\n
## 83 On behalf of the\nRepublic of Angola, allow me first to congratulate the\nPresident, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, on his election to\npreside over the fifty-second session of the General\nAssembly.\nAllow me also to congratulate the outgoing\nPresident, Ambassador Razali Ismail, on the excellent\nwork he performed.\nWe should also like to express our appreciation to\nthe Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his dedication\nand determination in turning the United Nations into a\nmore effective instrument to meet the challenges of the\ntwenty-first century.\nThe cold war, which was the main obstacle that for\ndecades prevented the United Nations from performing its\nrole fully, a role defined by its founding Members in the\nCharter, is now a thing of the past. But our world\nOrganization has not yet achieved the degree of efficiency\nthat the Member countries and their people would desire,\nwith the result that sometimes despair and a lack of\nconfidence are felt, instead of trust in its efforts.\nThe construction of the new democratic world order\nto which we all aspire will demand that the principal\nforum for multilateral diplomacy, the United Nations, play\na greater role. In this context, the complete restructuring\nand revitalization of its system and an end to the present\nfinancial crisis, which is affecting its normal functioning,\nare essential.\nThe issue of the restructuring of the Security Council\nshould therefore be given priority. The current structure\nof that body is obsolete, reflecting a reality that prevailed\nmore than 50 years ago. How is it conceivable that\n27\n\n\nregions such as the African continent, which makes up the\nlargest regional group at the United Nations, or Latin\nAmerica, are not represented among the permanent\nMembers of the Security Council? Therefore, it is high time\nthat the geographical composition of that body be\noverhauled to allow for more balanced and more equitable\nrepresentation. In this regard, Angola endorses the African\nclaim for no fewer than two seats among the permanent\nmembers of the Security Council. The Council’s working\nmethods should also be revised in order to ensure greater\ntransparency in its decision-making processes.\nAngola supports the declaration made by the Heads of\nState of the Organization of African Unity, as well as the\nstatement made by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the\nnon-aligned countries on reform of the Security Council.\nThe recent proposals made by the Secretary-General\non reform will certainly boost the process of overhauling\nthe United Nations. Angola welcomes the contents of those\nproposals, although we would have preferred to see further\nimprovements in some aspects. We are, however, optimistic\nas to the outcome.\nAs the Assembly is aware, the Lusaka Protocol which\nwas signed in 1994 between the Government and the armed\nopposition, UNITA, was intended to solve the post-electoral\ncrisis provoked by UNITA and at the same time to put the\ncountry back on the path towards peace, national\nreconciliation and democracy. However, approximately\nthree years since the beginning of its implementation,\nAngola is still far from achieving those goals due to the\nsystematic failures by UNITA to meet its obligations and to\nits repeated delaying tactics. This is a clear demonstration\nof bad faith and lack of political will by its leadership. It\nappears that the leader of this organization has not\nabandoned its strategy of taking power by force. He is still\nresisting the transformation of UNITA into a true political\nparty and UNITA’s complete demilitarization, even though\nthe single national army, which includes in its ranks\nthousands of men provided by UNITA, has already been\nformed.\nUNITA still maintains a private, heavily armed army\nmade up of around 35,000 men, 4,000 of whom belong to\nthe UNITA leader’s personal guard. This constitutes a\nserious violation of the Lusaka Protocol and is the main\ncause of the current climate of tension and insecurity in\nsome parts of Angola. The members of this army include\ntroops that UNITA hid from the United Nations during the\nquartering process, recently demobilized UNITA troops\nwho have been recruited again by force, and former\nsoldiers of the former Republic of Zaire.\nAt the same time, UNITA is still continuing its\nmilitary build-up through the reactivation of military\nbases and acquisition of sophisticated weapons from\nforeign countries, in clear contradiction of paragraph 19\nof Security Council resolution 864 (1993).\nOn the other hand, UNITA is holding on to large\nportions of national territory which were supposed to be\nhanded over to government administration. This is\nimpeding exercise of the State’s sovereignty throughout\nthe country and the free movement of people and goods.\nThe control of some of these areas is aimed at exploring\nfor, and then smuggling and exploiting, their natural\nresources to finance UNITA’s war machinery and satisfy\nthe individual interests of its leadership.\nAs a result of these actions, the perspectives created\nwith the inauguration of the Government of National\nUnity and Reconciliation and the swearing-in of the\nParliament have been postponed.\nUNITA’s behaviour in the peace process is\nrepugnant as well as ambiguous. It insists on armed\nopposition despite the fact that it is part of the main\npower institutions and despite the fact that Angola has a\ndemocratic, pluralist system in which all political parties\ncan freely carry out their activities.\nThe international community has already expressed,\nrepeatedly and categorically, its condemnation of and\ndismay at UNITA’s actions. In 1993 the Security Council\napplied the first package of restrictive measures against\nUNITA. More recently, the Security Council unanimously\nadopted resolution 1127 (1997), which applies a new\npackage of measures against UNITA as a result of its lack\nof cooperation in the implementation of the Lusaka\nProtocol. The position taken by the Council above all\ndisplays the concern of the international community and\nits determination to prevent the UNITA leadership\nstrategy from being implemented. Otherwise, peace and\nstability in Angola and the entire region of central and\nsouthern Africa would be at risk.\nThe Government of Angola reiterates its firm\nsupport for resolution 1127 (1997), because we feel that\nit is a strong means of pressure aimed at dissuading\nUNITA from its intention to return to war, encouraging\nit to speed up its demilitarization and transformation into\n28\n\n\na political party, and put an end to its jurisdiction over parts\nof Angolan territory.\nTaking the above into account, the Angolan people\nlook forward to the Security Council’s demonstrating\nfirmness and determination in implementing resolution 1127\n(1997), immediately putting into force sanctions against\nUNITA unless that organization changes its behaviour and\ngives proof of good faith in complying with its outstanding\nobligations.\nThe Government of Angola is optimistic about the\nsuccessful conclusion of the peace process and will\ncontinue to do its utmost to guarantee the full\nimplementation of the Lusaka Protocol.\nBefore turning to another subject, I would like to\nexpress the sincerest gratitude of the Government of Angola\nto the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for\nAngola, Mr. Alioune Blondin Beye, and to the\nGovernments of the troika of observers, Portugal, Russia\nand the United States, for their untiring efforts to bring\nabout peace in Angola.\nRecent changes in the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo have contributed to alleviating the tensions in the\ncentral African region, opening new perspectives for its\nStates and peoples in terms of stability and development.\nThe present climate will allow stability to prevail in\nthe region and will allow for better coordination among\nStates with a view to reinforcing the observance of the\nprinciple of good neighbourliness.\nThe Angolan Government is very apprehensive\nregarding the crisis in the Republic of the Congo, a country\nwith which Angola shares a common border, close\nconsanguinity and historic ties.\nThe Republic of Angola favours a negotiated solution\nto the crisis and supports the international mediation efforts\nheaded by Mr. Omar Bongo, President of the Republic of\nGabon. Our Government also supports the deployment of\nan international force as soon as a political settlement\nemerges from the negotiations.\nIn Sierra Leone, we deplore the interruption of the\ndemocratic process and the overthrow of the legitimately\nelected institutions. The Government of Angola supports the\nefforts of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and, in\nparticular, of neighbouring countries to restore the\ndemocratic institutions.\nWe are also concerned with the situation in the\nRepublic of the Comoros, where tensions are threatening\nthe country’s independence and territorial integrity. We\nencourage the international community to support the\nefforts of the OAU in the search for a peaceful solution\nable to preserve the territorial integrity and independence\nof that country.\nThe situation in Somalia continues to deteriorate, and\na solution acceptable to all the parties concerned has yet\nto be found. The Angolan Government approves of the\nefforts made by member countries of the\nIntergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)\nand, in particular, the most recent initiatives of Ethiopia\nin bringing the representatives of the Somali factions\ntogether at the negotiating table.\nOf particular concern to us is the ostracism displayed\nin the main international forums with regard to the Somali\ncrisis.\nIn Western Sahara the recent opening of direct\nnegotiations between the Kingdom of Morocco and the\nFrente POLISARIO front is a positive sign. The Angolan\nGovernment has always been in favour of a negotiated\nsolution to the conflict which takes into account the\naspirations of the populations of the territory and\nencourages the parties to honour the agreements signed in\nHouston and to continue the ongoing dialogue in good\nfaith. In this connection, we support the joint efforts of\nthe OAU and the United Nations.\nWe are concerned with the continuation of the\nIsraeli-Arab conflict, the primary cause of the\ndeteriorating situation in the Middle East. Recent events\nhave delayed the peace process and have led to further\ndeterioration of the situation in the region. Angola\nreaffirms its support for the peace process in the Middle\nEast. Its success depends upon the reinforcement of\nmutual trust and the full implementation of the accords\nsigned between the parties concerned.\nWe endorse the position expressed in the Declaration\nof the Heads of State or Government of the OAU and the\nstatement made in New Delhi at the ministerial meeting\nof the Non-Aligned Movement with regard to the question\nof Palestine.\nMy Government expresses its concern at the lack of\nprogress in the initiatives to bring about a just solution to\nthe question of East Timor. The Government of Angola\n29\n\n\ndeplores the refusal by one of the parties to accept\nPresident Mandela’s initiative.\nThe economic, commercial and financial embargo\nimposed on Cuba is a matter of concern to my Government,\nparticularly because of its negative impact on the economic\nand social situation of the Cuban people. We reiterate our\nappeal to have the embargo lifted, which will contribute to\nrelations between two peoples.\n(spoke in English)\nFinally, I should like to thank those who have given\nme the opportunity to speak today. As the Assembly knows,\nmy speech was to be delivered on 26 September. However,\ndue to a sad event which has happened in my country, I\nhave to leave tonight, and I was obliged to ask the\nAssembly to give me the opportunity to deliver my speech\ntoday.\nOne of our colleagues, the former of Minister for\nForeign Affairs of Angola, passed away yesterday. It is my\nduty to return home to pay my respects to my dear\ncolleague. Many here know Foreign Minister "Loy".\nI wish the Assembly well, and may good work be\ndone here for peace, stability and international cooperation.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 84 Allow me to\nbegin by congratulating Mr. Didier Opertti, on behalf of\nthe Government of the Republic of Angola, on his\nelection to the presidency of the fifty-third session of the\nGeneral Assembly. We are convinced that his experience,\nwisdom and diplomatic skills will help us to achieve the\ngoals we set for this new session.\nAngola is especially pleased by the election of a\nrepresentative from Uruguay, a country that has greatly\ncontributed to the preservation of peace and security in\nthe world, as was recently demonstrated by its\nparticipation in the United Nations peacekeeping operation\nin Angola.\nI should like to pay tribute to the outgoing President\nfor the manner in which he conducted the work of this\nimportant body during his mandate. And a word of\nappreciation goes also to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi\nAnnan, for his dynamism and for the wisdom he has\ndemonstrated at the helm of our Organization.\nAlmost 10 years have passed since the end of the\nEast-West confrontation. We had hoped that by this time\nthere would have been a greater positive impact on the\ninternational scene, especially regarding peace and\nsecurity, and economic development.\nUnfortunately, in spite of the progress we have\nmade — particularly in the promotion of democratic\nvalues and in the greater respect for human rights, among\nothers — we are still witnessing the proliferation of\ninternal armed conflicts, violent border disputes among\nnations, military aggression against independent and\nsovereign States, continued degradation of the\nenvironment, and economic decline with the consequent\nsocial and economic deterioration, especially in\ndeveloping countries. We are also witnessing an increase\n10\n\n\nin transnational organized crime and terrorism, which poses\na serious threat to the stability of all nations.\nThis scenario casts a shadow over the prospects for\nthe rapid implementation of the new political world order\nthat emerged as a result of the end of the cold war, which\nwould bring peace, stability, development and democracy.\nWe still have a long way to go.\nIt is incumbent on the United Nations, given its\nuniversal character and singular role in international\nrelations, to shoulder the main responsibility in the search\nfor solutions to all the problems that have become obstacles\nto achieving peaceful development and the well-being of\nour peoples, and in devising fair and effective formulas that\nmeet the collective interests of its Members.\nThe question of conflict resolution and prevention\nshould be given high priority, for this will ensure the\nalleviation of tension in the world. The urgent creation of\nearly-warning mechanisms will certainly enable the\ninternational community to act in a timely manner to\nprevent the triggering of potential conflicts, thus avoiding\nthe repetition of past mistakes, such as those we have seen\nrecently in Africa.\nIn this connection, Angola shares the views of the\nSecretary-General as expressed in the recommendations in\nhis report (A/52/871) on the prevention of conflict and the\npromotion of sustainable development in Africa, and hopes\nthat the members of the Security Council will turn them\ninto practical action.\nUnited Nations international arms control efforts\nshould not be restricted to weapons of mass destruction. We\nmust urgently focus on the issue of small arms and other\nwar matériel sold to terrorist groups by some producer\ncountries. These supplies have led to an increase in armed\nactions by subversive groups and are an incentive to all\nthose who wish to take power by force. We believe that the\ncreation of special mechanisms for the control of small-\narms exports to armed groups, as well as the imposition of\nrestrictive measures against those States that violate them,\ncould help to stop the proliferation of weapons around the\nworld.\nThe United Nations, in cooperation with regional and\nsubregional organizations, should promote the creation of\ncollective defence and security mechanisms as a means to\nprevent the threat of conflict and guarantee the territorial\nintegrity, independence and sovereignty of States.\nThe United Nations will not be able to face many of\nits challenges unless it can count on the commitment and\nengagement of its Member States. This is especially true\nwith respect to the resolution of its financial crisis and the\nreform of its structures to conform to the new\ninternational reality. We feel encouraged by the reforms\nundertaken by the Secretary-General aimed at turning the\nOrganization into a more dynamic and effective body.\nThe reform process must be thorough and include the\nUnited Nations main bodies, especially the Security\nCouncil. The Council’s current structure is outdated.\nAngola supports eliminating the current geographical\nimbalance in the composition of the Security Council by\nincreasing the number of both permanent and non-\npermanent members to ensure that the main regions of the\nworld are fairly represented.\nThe claim of the African continent to at least two\npermanent seats should be adequately addressed, not only\nbecause the region is not currently represented at all, but\nalso because it is the largest regional group in the United\nNations. Angola also supports the Brazilian claim to a\npermanent seat given the exceptional role the country has\nplayed in United Nations activities in all areas, and\nespecially because it belongs to a region that has no\npermanent members in the Security Council.\nThe Republic of Angola is facing a difficult and\ncritical phase in its history. We cannot yet announce the\nend of the war and the beginning of a new era of\nconsolidation of democracy in Angola. The peace process\nand all related efforts made by both the Angolan\nGovernment and the international community are blocked\ndue to UNITA’s deliberate, systematic non-compliance\nwith the provisions of the Lusaka Protocol, the pertinent\nSecurity Council resolutions and Angolan law. Mr. Jonas\nSavimbi has demonstrated his unwillingness to transform\nUNITA into a civilian political party.\nAs Members are aware, the Lusaka Protocol, signed\nby the Government and UNITA in 1994, should have led\nto the end of the internal conflict, which was resumed by\nUNITA after its defeat in the 1992 general elections. But,\nfour years since the agreement came into force the peace\nprocess has yet to be concluded, and, what is even more\ndangerous, it has suffered serious setbacks due to the\nsuccessive obstacles raised by UNITA’s militarist wing,\nled by Mr. Savimbi. UNITA deliberately deceived the\nUnited Nations and the international community when it\ndeclared that it was totally demilitarized. As the Security\nCouncil itself could determine, UNITA continues to\n11\n\n\nmaintain active military units with sophisticated weaponry.\nUNITA has also hindered the process of normalization\nof State administration by refusing to abandon the areas it\nillegally occupies. At the same time, it has initiated a new\nescalation of hostilities throughout the country, unleashing\narmed attacks against local government authorities, the\nnational police and the national armed forces, while also\nengaging in massacres of the civilian population. Hundreds\nof people have been killed, mostly civilians; about a million\nhave been displaced; and UNITA has reoccupied areas\nwhere State administration had already been normalized.\nThe United Nations Blue Helmet units and humanitarian\nconvoys have also been targets of UNITA’s military\nactions, which constitute crimes against humanity, given\ntheir nature and characteristics as well as the coldness and\ncruelty with which they are committed. They are terrorist\ncrimes as defined by international human rights and\nhumanitarian law instruments. The international community\ncannot passively watch these systematic abuses, which flout\ninternational legal and moral values.\nDuring the recent summit in Durban, South Africa, the\nheads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned\nMovement condemned Jonas Savimbi for these systematic\nhuman rights abuses. Similarly, the heads of State or\nGovernment of the Southern African Development\nCommunity (SADC) — well aware of the seriousness of\nthe Angolan situation, which has had terrible repercussions\nfor the whole region — held Mr. Savimbi solely\nresponsible for the current stalemate in the application of\nthe Lusaka Protocol. Due to Mr. Savimbi’s staunch pursuit\nof war as the only means to attain political power, he is\ncontinuing to reinforce his military wing’s capabilities. This\nbehaviour was declared by SADC to be that of a war\ncriminal. As has been done in some other regions of the\nworld, Mr. Savimbi and perhaps his closest collaborators —\nwho together are responsible for all the war crimes\ncommitted in Angola — should be made to respond in\ncourt for the heinous crimes they have committed over\nmany years.\nThroughout the peace process, Jonas Savimbi’s stance\nhas revealed a personal strategy aimed at creating\ngeneralized chaos in the country in order to take power by\nforce. The facts are clear: it does not make sense for\nUNITA to resort to armed struggle against a State where\npolitical activity is not restricted and where UNITA\nparticipates in its main political institutions — namely, the\nGovernment and Parliament. Furthermore, Angola’s armed\nforces include hundreds of UNITA members, including\ngenerals.\nIt is unacceptable to have a political organization\nsuch as UNITA, which is not even subject to international\nlaw, challenging each and everyone, including the\nSecurity Council by blatantly and systematically violating\nits resolutions. UNITA itself is being penalized because\nof one man, Mr. Savimbi, who abuses the good faith of\nhis countrymen who believed in UNITA as a credible\npolitical alternative in the emerging political system of the\nfledgling Angolan democracy.\nFor all those reasons, the Security Council in\nresolution 1127 (1997) tried to separate the wheat from\nthe chaff. In the course of imposing new sanctions against\nUNITA, the Council issued a list of UNITA members\nuniversally considered dangerous elements. This list is\nheaded by Mr. Savimbi, who is thereby forbidden to\nfreely circulate in the world. Only a criminal would\nreceive such a sanction from the international community.\nAlong those lines, the Angolan Government has\nsuspended UNITA members from participation in the\nGovernment. The Government demanded a clarification\nof their position vis-à-vis the peace process in Angola:\neither they are in favour of peace and democracy, or, like\ntheir leader, they choose war as a means to take political\npower. All those who chose peace have since resumed the\nactivities for which they had been appointed within the\nframework of the Government of Unity and National\nReconciliation. Recently, political leaders and party\ncadres, together with officers from UNITA, made it clear\nthat they did not support war as does Mr. Jonas Savimbi.\nOn 2 August, they issued a political manifesto\ndenouncing Mr. Savimbi’s behaviour and, in an effort to\nrevitalize UNITA, they created a Renovation Committee\nwhich removed Mr. Savimbi from the leadership of the\nparty. The goals defended by the UNITA Renovation\nCommittee in its political manifesto are those of peace\nand the consolidation of democracy. This renovation\nmovement supports the peace accords, national\nreconciliation and the effective transformation of UNITA\ninto a civilian political party, and it has given a new\nbreath of hope for the conclusion of the peace process.\nFor that reason, the Angolan Government has\ndecided to recognize UNITA’s Renovation Committee as\nits only interlocutor and partner in the implementation of\noutstanding tasks in the Lusaka Protocol. The SADC\ncountries have already recognized the Renovation\nCommittee, and we are convinced that the international\ncommunity at large will not hesitate to support and\npromote the efforts of the new UNITA leadership as it\n12\n\n\nassumes its role in the young, multi-party democracy in\nAngola.\nThe Government of Angola does not believe it is\neither prudent or realistic, but rather, dangerous, to yet\nagain give Mr. Savimbi the benefit of the doubt. This\nwould only lead to more false expectations, and we would\nbe wasting much valuable time to take appropriate\nmeasures in this respect.\nIn the light of the new situation in UNITA, the\nAngolan Government feels optimistic and therefore is still\ncommitted to the successful conclusion of the Lusaka\nProtocol. It will, however, continue to take all necessary\nmeasures against those who pursue attempts to disrupt the\npolitical order, so as to guarantee the territorial integrity of\nthe country and the protection of its citizens.\nFrom this rostrum we want to draw the attention of\ncountries, such as the Togolese Republic and Burkina Faso\nto the fact that the Government of Angola will not continue\nto tolerate the support they are providing to UNITA’s\nmilitarist wing led by Mr. Savimbi. This includes facilities\nfor military training for these groups to commit terrorist\nacts in Angola. This is a clear violation of the Organization\nof African Unity (OAU) Charter, the United Nations charter\nand Security Council resolutions 864 (1993), 1127 (1997)\nand 1173 (1998).\nI would like to take this opportunity to reiterate my\nGovernment’s heartfelt tribute to the efforts and role of the\nUnited Nations in the peace process in Angola, and\nespecially the contribution of the late Matre Blondin Beye,\nformer Special Representative of the Secretary-General, in\nsupport of peace in Angola.\nI would also like to reiterate my Government’s appeal\nto the international community to continue to render\nhumanitarian assistance to the displaced people in Angola\nand to assist in the rehabilitation of social and economic\ninfrastructures.\nAngola is also concerned about events in other areas\naround the world. In the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo, the military invasion by foreign forces is a serious\nthreat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that\ncountry. This could also destabilize the central and southern\nregions of the continent. This led some countries, including\nAngola, to consent to the request for military aid by the\nCongolese authorities within the framework of the SADC\nOrgan on Politics, Defence and Security.\nThe recent summit in Victoria Falls of the leaders of\nthe countries involved in the problem is a step in the right\ndirection for the resolution of the crisis. Angola supports\nthe withdrawal of the invading troops and the drafting of\nan agreement that ensures respect by all countries in the\nregion of the independence, territorial integrity and\nsovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.\nThis would enable that country’s authorities to begin the\ntask of establishing a broad internal dialogue that should\nlead to general elections in 1999, in accordance with the\ndemocratization programme established by President\nKabila.\nAngola welcomes the reinstatement of the\nlegitimately elected authorities in Sierra Leone and the\ninitiation of the process of the return of the refugees.\nAngola hopes this is the beginning of the normalization\nof the situation in that country.\nIn Guinea-Bissau, the signing of a ceasefire\nagreement between the Government and the junta opens\nbroad opportunities for a negotiated end to the conflict.\nWe salute and encourage the efforts being developed by\nthe Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries\n(CPLP), where Angola, along with the countries of the\nregion, will continue to contribute to their efforts to foster\nreconciliation between brothers and sisters in Guinea-\nBissau.\nIn Western Sahara, the obstacles placed in the path\nof a peaceful solution have been progressively removed.\nAngola continues to believe that a referendum held on the\nbasis of fairness and justice is the best means for the\npeople in the territory to choose their own destiny. We\nsupport the continuation of United Nations and OAU joint\nefforts.\nWe would also like to call the attention of the\ninternational community to the problem of Somalia.\nAlthough we recognize that the parties to the conflict\nhave the primary responsibility for finding a peaceful\nsolution, we believe this will be possible only with the\nsupport of the United Nations.\nWe regret the lack of significant progress in the\nMiddle East peace process. Angola encourages the parties\nto comply with the commitments made under the Oslo\nagreement. We continue to defend the right of the\nPalestinian people to self-determination, and we advocate\na rapid and fair resolution of the issues of the occupied\nArab territories, including Palestine, which should take\ninto account the interests of all the peoples in the region.\n13\n\n\nWe believe that this will ease the tensions in Arab-Israeli\nrelations.\nThe situation in East Timor, a territory with which\nAngola shares linguistic links and a common anti-colonial\nstruggle, has recently seen positive developments as a result\nof the understanding reached between Indonesia and\nPortugal, under the auspices of the United Nations on the\nreduction of the Indonesian military presence in the\nterritory, will contribute to the achievement of a peaceful\nsolution. Angola reaffirms its support for the struggle of the\npeople of East Timor for their right to self-determination.\nThe current world economic situation raises serious\nconcerns, since it contributes directly to the deterioration of\nthe standards of living of millions of human beings,\nespecially those in developing countries. We are concerned\nby the imposition of unilateral restrictions to free trade and\nfinancial and economic cooperation, such as the embargo\nimposed against Cuba. Its victims are the most vulnerable\ngroups in society: women and children. The extraterritorial\nnature of these measures runs counter to international law\nand does not contribute to forging links of friendship\namong peoples.\nWe believe that we urgently need to promote\ninternational economic cooperation based on a partnership\nthat will allow all those that participate in the process to\nshare equitably in its gains. In spite of the implementation\nof endless reforms and structural adjustment programmes,\nas recommended by the International Monetary Fund and\nthe World Bank, the economies of developing countries\ncontinue to make such modest advances that we must\nquestion the real objectives of such reforms.\nWe join with those who have spoken before us in\nreiterating our need to consider establishing a new\ninternational economic order that is more real, more fair\nand more equitable, capable of strengthening the\ninternational financial system and supporting national\nefforts to promote economic development throughout the\nworld.\nIt is not enough to appeal to the understanding of the\ndeveloped countries. We need to be more strongly involved\nin the transformation of the international economic picture.\nThe application of measures that would have an immediate\nimpact, accompanied by well-structured programmes, such\nas the United Nations System-wide Special Initiative for\nAfrica, deserve special attention if they are to attain the\nsuccess we expect of them.\nThe Final Declaration of the twelfth summit of non-\naligned countries, recently held in Durban, South Africa,\nalso defines some steps that can be taken to solve the\ncrisis, among which it underscores an increase in South-\nSouth cooperation.\nThis year, we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the\nadoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.\nThis occasion should be an incentive to develop effective\ninstruments to promote and protect all human rights and\nfundamental freedoms, since non-respect of these rights\nis the main cause of conflict and instability. The\nestablishment of the International Criminal Court will be\na significant step in this direction. The Angolan\nGovernment is sparing no effort to promote, protect and\ndefend all human rights. Were it not for the bellicose\nbehaviour of Mr. Savimbi, Angola would have hosted,\nlate this year, the first ministerial conference of the\nOrganization of African Unity on human and peoples’\nrights in Africa. That initiative was my Government’s\ncontribution to the jubilee of the Universal Declaration of\nHuman Rights.\nIn conclusion, let me emphasize the role the United\nNations is playing to promote and protect human rights\nthroughout the world.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 85 Allow me, to begin, Sir,\nby congratulating you on behalf of the Government of the\nRepublic of Angola, and on my own behalf, on your\nelection as president of the General Assembly at this fifty-\nfourth session. Your election to such an important post is\nrecognition of your experience, ability and diplomatic\ncapacity, as well as of Namibia’s role internationally.\nAngola and Namibia not only share a long common border,\nbut also have close political, economic, cultural and\nhistorical links. We sincerely hope that your mandate will\nbe crowned with success.\nOur congratulations also go to the outgoing President,\nMr. Didier Opertti, for the excellent work carried out\nduring his mandate.\nTo the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr.\nKofi Annan, we would like also to express our thanks for\nthe wise and transparent manner in which he has led our\nOrganization.\nIt is also a pleasure for us to welcome the new\nmembers of the United Nations, the Republic of Kiribati,\nthe Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. Their\naccession reflects the universal nature of the principles\nand rules of the United Nations Charter. Angola is\nconvinced that these States will be able to successfully\ntake up their responsibilities, thereby contributing to the\nstrengthening of our Organization and the stability and\ndevelopment of the South Pacific region and the world as\na whole.\nFor half a century, the Organization has carried out\nactivities to promote the ideals contained in its Charter.\nWith the end of the cold war we thought that large-scale\nfratricidal wars would be things of the past; that the world\nwould no longer experience tension and insecurity; that\nby now we would be in a position to welcome a\nnarrowing of the gap between the rich and poor countries;\nthat a significant part of humanity would be free from the\ndanger of dying of poverty and misery. However, these\nthings have not happened. The world is hostage to itself.\nThere is a plethora of new armed conflicts as a result of\nhatred and racial, ethnic and religious intolerance; of the\ndenial of people’s right to self-determination; and even of\nthe unfathomable ambition of certain politicians to take\npower by force or to attempt to thwart peoples’ sovereign\nwill to choose their own destinies.\nThe proliferation of armed conflicts is, to some\nextent, a reflection of the absence of an international\nsecurity system under the aegis of the United Nations that\nwould be able to respond immediately and correctly to\npotential conflicts. Despite instability in various areas of\nthe world, there has been a weak commitment to\nestablishing such a security system because of a lack of\npolitical will on the part of certain members of the\ninternational community. This indicates that the world is\nstill very far from achieving the long-desired peace and\ndevelopment. Worse yet is the fact that certain entities of\ninternational law approach the need for peace in the world\nfrom a perspective of material and global strategic\ninterests — and at the expense of the universal human\nvalues.\nIt weighs on our conscience to see that we still have\na long way to go to find solutions to situations of this\nnature, and that the international community’s reactions\nto similar situations of human suffering are not consistent.\nThese facts might lead us to believe that we are\ndealing with a double standard and with measured\npolicies that are at variance with the spirit and letter of\n32\n\n\nthe Charter of the United Nations. The United Nations and\nthe international community as a whole have the political,\nlegal and moral duty to work a little harder, so that peoples\nfacing the scourge of the war will be able to achieve lasting\npeace. The main objective of the United Nations can be\nachieved worldwide, provided that there is coherence and\ndetermination in the application of principles and decisions.\nThe global tolerance of impunity has been encouraging\nthe leaders of the rebel groups proliferating throughout the\nworld to carry out their terrorist and destructive campaigns,\nthe main victim of which is civil society. The differential\ntreatment accorded to identical situations of systematic and\nmassive violations of human rights and the war crimes that\nare occurring in some areas of the world makes it\nimpossible for the international justice system to act with\nthe required effectiveness in dealing with some of the most\nbarbaric and bloodthirsty criminals that Africa has seen this\ncentury. We are convinced that if the political and moral\npower of the United Nations were exerted against all the\nperpetrators of serious crimes, it would dishearten all those\nwho might be willing to resort to subversion and terrorism.\nThus the international community would be preventing the\nemergence of new conflicts.\nWe are fully aware that States have the primary\nresponsibility for paving the way for the prevention of\nconflicts. The implementation of democracy, which may\npromote respect for human rights and the establishment of\nneighbourly relations, may be able to contribute to\npreventing the occurrence of conflicts. Indeed, many of the\ncurrent crises would not have lasted long if the States\ninvolved in them had, in good faith, fully complied with\ntheir international obligations as set forth in the Charter of\nthe United Nations and as established by regional\norganizations. I refer in particular to the principle of\nnon-interference in the internal affairs of other States. For\nthis reason, the mechanisms for the fulfilment of such\ninternational obligations by States should be further\nreinforced.\nThe Government of the Republic of Angola commends\nthe work undertaken by the Secretary-General regarding the\nreinforcement of the preventive diplomacy mechanisms.\nHowever, the increase in the number of wars, particularly\nsince 1998, leads us to conclude that the efforts in this\nregard still fall short of reaching the objectives. It is thus\nnecessary for us to strive to create the institutional capacity\nfor conflict prevention, including regional early-warning\nmechanisms.\nRegarding conflict resolution, Angola’s experiences\nforce us to stress that there is an urgent need to re-define\nmethods and strategies, mainly in the field of\npeacekeeping operations. Other factors underlying the\nlimited success of some peacekeeping missions carried\nout under the aegis of the United Nations are: the obvious\nfrailty of the verification systems of peace agreements;\nthe tendency to treat similarly the violator and the fulfiller\nof these agreements; the overlooking of early signs that\nsuggest a lack of political will and ill-faith by one of the\nsides; and the subsequent delayed application of coercive\nmeasures.\nAs a member State of the international community\nwe need to rely on and have recourse to the United\nNations in its important role regarding the issues of\npeacekeeping and security in the world. Angola will\ncontinue to believe that, in order to establish peace in the\nworld, the United Nations role is of paramount\nimportance. We simply want to suggest that, given the\ncurrent international situation, this role should be played\nin a more realistic and effective way, with a view to\nliving up to the expectations of people eager for peace\nand to ensuring the credibility of our Organization.\nI would like now to refer to the situation in Angola,\nwhere five years have passed since the Lusaka Protocol\nwas signed between the Government and UNITA.\nHowever, the main tasks involved in attaining a lasting\npeace have not yet been achieved. In particular, UNITA\nhas not been completely disarmed and State authority has\nnot been restored in the illegally occupied areas. Rather,\nthe persistent refusal of the rebels to fully honour their\nobligations and their preference for taking power by force\nhave plunged the country into a new era of violence.\nFollowing this rejection of the people’s will, as\nexpressed at the polls during the 1992 general elections,\nand the non-fulfilment of the provisions of the three peace\naccords entered into with the Government — in 1989 in\nGbadolite, in the former Zaire; in 1991 in Portugal and in\n1994 in Lusaka — Mr. Savimbi is still interested in\ncontinuing his destabilization campaign. This includes\npreventing the smooth running of the democratic\ninstitutions; destroying cities, towns, villages,\ninfrastructure and public and private assets; and\nmercilessly killing civilians. In this way he has been\ncondemning to misery, disease and famine all of the\npeople in Angola.\nAs a result of these actions, in addition to the\nthousands of civilians who have already been killed,\n33\n\n\nalmost 3 million others have left their homes in search of\nrefuge in the Government-controlled areas. Those\ncommunities require humanitarian assistance from the\ninternational community. In the framework of the\nimplementation of the Lusaka Protocol, the Government\nhas, in good faith, undertaken all the tasks provided for it\nin the peace accords, in spite of the fact that Savimbi and\nhis military wing have resumed the war. The Government\ncontinues to ensure the functioning of the democratic\ninstitutions resulting from the general elections, and UNITA\nmembers are represented in the Government and the\nparliament.\nIn the national armed forces, military troops, officials\nand soldiers appointed by UNITA remain faithful to the\nideals of democracy and national accord. Only Mr. Savimbi\nand a fairly reduced number of qualified personnel who\nremain faithful to him are still interested in making war\nwith a view to taking power. All of Savimbi’s propaganda\nof recent years has merely been playing for time and\nanticipating that developments on the international scene\nmight come out in his favour. His false messages on\nnegotiations, allowing him time to prepare the ground for\nnew military adventures, are elements of that strategy.\nIndeed, what remains to be done in the Angolan peace\nprocess is to enforce what was negotiated in-depth at\nLusaka over an entire year, particularly the disarming of all\nof Mr. Jonas Savimbi’s military forces and the restoration\nof state administration throughout the national territory. The\nAngolan Government has long waited for Savimbi to decide\nto opt for peace. Angola is currently facing other political\nand economic challenges that cannot be indefinitely\npostponed as a result of the actions of a single power-\nhungry individual who considers war to be the only way to\nfulfil his personal plans. Furthermore, in rejecting\nSavimbi’s posture, many UNITA militants and leaders have\ndistanced him from the party. These women and men are\nworking in good faith to consolidate the Angolan\ndemocratic process.\nGiven Savimbi’s obstructionist behaviour, the Security\nCouncil decided to impose global mandatory sanctions\nagainst UNITA, including the prohibition of international\ntravel for top UNITA officials directly involved in the\nAngola war project. In the same vein, and as a result of the\ncrimes that Savimbi has been committing against the\ncivilian population, the Organization of African Unity\n(OAU) and the Southern African Development Community\n(SADC) declared him a war criminal and thus an unreliable\nstakeholder in the implementation of peace in Angola. The\nNon-Aligned Movement, in its ministerial meeting of 23\nSeptember 1999 held here in New York, expressed its\nstrong support for the resolution adopted at the recent\nOAU Summit, which deems Mr. Savimbi a war criminal\nand requires that he be treated as such by the entire\ninternational community. We trust that there is no further\ndoubt about the criminal nature of Mr. Savimbi or the\nneed for him to be held responsible internationally for his\ncrimes and actions.\nThe Angolan Government reiterates its ongoing\ncommitment to paving the way for a lasting peace and, to\nthat end, to making use of all the means at its disposal,\nand undertakes to proceed with the process of national\nreconciliation and social democratization. A clear\ndemonstration of its commitment is the fact that, despite\nthe war climate pervading the country, at no time\nwhatsoever has the Government denied the rights and\nindividual liberties of citizens or of national legal political\nforces.\nIn the framework of the political reforms initiated in\n1991, a new constitution is being prepared in a process in\nwhich all political parties are participating. The new\nconstitutional text will reinforce the rule of law and\nconsolidate the type of society that we intend to establish\nin Angola: an economically prosperous one under\ndemocratic rule of law and a State of social justice. In the\neconomic context, the reforms will follow their course\nwith a view to reinforcing the creation of other conditions\nfor an effective market economy and of a more\nfavourable environment for foreign investment.\nIn order to meet these challenges, we call for the\nsupport and solidarity of the international community,\nparticularly regarding the implementation of sanctions\nimposed by the Security Council against UNITA, so that\nAngola can more rapidly achieve peace and consolidate\nand accelerate the economic reform process.\nIt is our sincere hope that the new initiatives of the\nSecurity Council, proposed by Ambassador Robert\nFowler, Chairman of the Committee on Sanctions, as well\nas the support already expressed by some Governments\nand international institutions, may contribute significantly\nto reinforcing sanctions, dismantling the illegal diamond-\ntrafficking network, which is subsidizing the war carried\nout by Savimbi, and bringing its perpetrators before the\ncourt.\nIn tandem with its efforts to implement peace, the\nAngolan Government is also committed to implementing\nsocial-impact economic programmes and to relaunching\n34\n\n\nthe basis for the resettlement of communities with a view\nto economically rehabilitating the country. In this regard,\nwe wish to call upon all United Nations Member States to\nsupport the draft resolution that Angola will submit to the\nGeneral Assembly on economic rehabilitation. In addition\nto lending their support to the draft resolution, we call on\nour partners particularly to participate in the economic\nrehabilitation of Angola.\nThe disarming of anti-personal landmines is another\ntask that requires the ongoing involvement and support of\nthe international community. The Angolan Government will\nremain engaged at the national, regional and international\nlevels in order to overcome that scourge. A clear\ndemonstration of this determination is the fact that we were\none of the first State parties to the Ottawa Convention on\nthe Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and\nTransfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction.\nThe security, stability and territorial integrity of\nAngola and its neighbours depend on the stability of the\nregion. We are currently facing a dangerous increase of\ndestabilization which, if not controlled, may seriously affect\nthe development of that part of the continent. Angola will\ncontinue to lend its support, under SADC, to the\nimplementation of peace in the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo. The Ceasefire Agreement signed in Lusaka and its\ncomplete fulfilment will pave the way for the return of\nrefugees and the initiation of dialogue between the\nCongolese political forces, to which falls the responsibility\nof deciding the destiny of their country. The United Nations\nand the OAU are also called upon to play a crucial role in\nthe establishment of a lasting peace. It would be reasonable\nfor the invading countries to make a gesture by\nwithdrawing from Congolese territory and ceasing to\nexpand their occupation.\nIn the African Horn, Angola welcomes the acceptance\nby the Governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea of the\nFramework Agreement prepared by the OAU with a view\nto settling the dispute between the two countries. We wish\nto call upon both countries to demonstrate flexibility in\norder to ensure that a peace agreement, taking into account\nthe interests of their peoples, can be celebrated.\nWith respect to Somalia, we call upon the international\ncommunity to support the efforts of the OAU to reconcile\nthe political and military factions and to establish an elected\nGovernment so that the country can resume its place in the\ncommunity of nations.\nIn Western Sahara, the fulfilment of the Ceasefire\nAgreement enabled the further development of the joint\nefforts of the United Nations and the OAU leading to the\nholding of a referendum. Angola expects the process to\nbe transparent and fair and that both parties shall accept\nthe verdict of the Sahraoui people.\nConcerning East Timor, whose people is connected\nto Angola by a shared language and a historical past of\nstruggle against Portuguese colonization, we were\ndisturbed by the acts of violence that followed the\nannouncement of the results of the popular consultation.\nThe decision of East Timor’s people in favour of self-\ndetermination and independence should be respected. It is\nnow the United Nations responsibility to prepare an\nenabling environment. In this regard, we strongly support\nthe dispatch of a United Nations international peace force.\nAs to the Middle East, Angola welcomes the\ncelebration of the Sharm el-Sheikh agreements between\nIsrael and the Palestinian Authority that have enabled the\npeace process to be relaunched. It is our view that the\nnew agreements conform to the aspirations of the\nrespective peoples to living in peace and security.\nThe Government of the Republic of Angola and its\npeople are concerned about the difficult political,\neconomic and social situation of the Cuban people, which\nhas worsened under the ongoing economic embargo\nimposed on their country. We hope that the matter will be\nresolved through a constructive bilateral dialogue.\nThe latest international developments and the\nchallenges of the next millennium require that the United\nNations and its main bodies, particularly those dealing\nwith peace and security, economic development and the\nadministration of international justice, be adjusted to the\nnew situation.\nReform and an increase in the membership of the\nSecurity Council will be crucial to making the\ndecision-making process more transparent. In this respect,\nit is essential that all the regions of the world be\nrepresented equally. Angola reaffirms the position of the\nnon-aligned countries on the reform of the Security\nCouncil, as well as the common African position adopted\nby the OAU.\nDespite the progress achieved in some economies\nand the disappearance of the signs of a new world\ndepression, the international economic situation continues\nto be characterized by serious imbalances. The root\n35\n\n\ncauses of the difficult situation faced by some developing\ncountries include the unfair system governing international\neconomic, monetary and financial relations; the adoption of\nprotectionist measures; the unilateral nature of world trade;\nand the worsening of the external debt, which has become\na heavy burden for the developing countries.\nIt is necessary to take concrete measures which may\nlead to structural changes in international economic\nrelations and may contribute to the balance of the world\neconomy. To this end, there should be a serious and\ntransparent will in the North-South dialogue.\n\n\n
## 86 Allow me to begin by\ncongratulating you, Sir, on behalf of my Government\nand on my own behalf, on your assumption of the\npresidency of the fifty-fifth session of the General\nAssembly.\nI also wish to congratulate, in particular, the\noutgoing President, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, the\nMinister for Foreign Affairs of Namibia, for the wise\nand dynamic manner in which he carried out his\nmandate. I would also like to express our appreciation\nto Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his unselfish\nefforts to make the United Nations an increasingly\neffective instrument, capable of dealing with the\ndemands of our times and finding and implementing\nsolutions for the most pressing problems of the world.\nJust a few days ago, during the Millennium\nSummit, the leaders of the world defined the priorities\nof the United Nations for the twenty-first century and\nexpressed the need to adapt its structure for the\ndemands and challenges of the future. During that\nevent of transcendental importance for the lives of the\npeople of this planet, the indispensable and\nirreplaceable character of the United Nations in\ninternational relations was reaffirmed. Member States\nreiterated their promise to maintain and preserve the\nUnited Nations as a privileged mechanism for\ninternational dialogue and cooperation in the name of\npeace and well-being of all peoples.\nIndeed, given the role of the United Nations as\nguarantor of peace and well-being of the peoples, it is\nurgent that we begin the implementation of actions\naimed at adapting its internal structure to new world\nrealities. This will permit the Organization to deal\nrapidly and effectively with the main problems of the\nworld and avoid having its members resort to solutions\noutside the established framework of its main\norgans namely, the General Assembly and the\nSecurity Council.\nIn recent years, the United Nations sought,\nthrough world summits, to find global solutions with\nbroad international consensus for the many misfortunes\nthat afflict humanity, such as local wars, degradation of\nthe environment, violations of human rights and\ninadequate social development, among others. Various\nplans of action were outlined. However, the problems\n12\n\nthey sought to attenuate or resolve persist. Many have\neven become worse.\nA revision of the mechanism for implementing\ndecisions is needed, through a revitalization and\nstrengthening of the United Nations system,\nparticularly that of its principal bodies, such as the\nSecurity Council. From our point of view, that body\nrequires greater internal democracy, and its\ncomposition should reflect the current membership in\nthe Organization and its geographic diversity. We think\nthat, in this way, its decision-making would be faster\nand its performance in the area of peacekeeping and\ninternational security more effective.\nThe persistence of a climate of insecurity and\ninstability in a number of regions of the world cannot\nbe attributed solely to internal causes; it also stems\nfrom weakness in the international security system. A\nreflection of this are the deficiencies that still exist, for\nexample, in the early warning system and in the\npeacekeeping operations mechanisms. These have not\nalways corresponded to the desired objectives, either\nbecause the peacekeeping missions sometimes are not\nsent in a timely manner, or because at times, they are\nnot provided with adequate human, material and\nfinancial resources. Sometimes this is due to the\nambiguity in the mission mandate itself.\nWe recognize that the effectiveness of action in\nthe area of peace and international security does not\ndepend only on United Nations activities. There has to\nbe renewed commitment on the part of each and every\nState. On this matter, I would like to applaud the recent\npublication of the Brahimi report.\nIt is our understanding that the adoption of\nmeasures at the national, regional and international\nlevels should be made part of this commitment in order\nto eliminate the sources of financing for local wars. In\nthe particular case of the African continent, the\ncontinent most affected by the scourge of war, the\nillicit trade in diamonds has been the primary source of\nsupport for wars incited by some rebel groups with the\nobjective of overturning democratically elected\nregimes. Some new initiatives have been launched with\nthe aim of reducing access of these conflict\ndiamonds to the international market. My Government\nsupports these initiatives and will provide any\ncooperation necessary for their implementation.\nAnother serious issue affecting international\nsecurity is the circulation and transfer of small arms\nthat flow to areas of conflict by way of rebel groups.\nThis takes place with the connivance of certain\nGovernments and networks of transnational organized\ncrime. The lack of international legal instruments\ncapable of controlling transactions of these arms is\nstimulating the creation of actual arms markets, above\nall in Africa. This is leading to an increased number of\nconflicts and making their resolution even more\ndifficult. According to United Nations data, the effects\nof these arms on civil populations are shocking. They\nhave already resulted in more deaths than the two\nworld wars combined. In fact, the issue of conflict\ndiamonds and the proliferation of small arms assumes\nspecial importance for Angola. It is through the sale of\nillegally mined diamonds that the rebels led by Jonas\nSavimbi reconstituted their war machine, with which\nthey then undertook a large-scale military campaign\naimed at taking power. That war campaign led to a\nprocession of death and destruction, and it is the\nprincipal reason for the economic instability in Angola.\nThis scenario is repeating itself in other regions of\nAfrica and the world. For this reason, a solution is\nurgently required.\nThe economic and social development and\nsubsequent eradication of poverty, full respect for\nhuman rights, democracy and good governance can\nonly be achieved in absolute conditions of peace and\nstability. It is in this context that my Government\nestablished, as a priority, the restoration of definitive\npeace in Angola. As a result of its efforts to attain this\nobjective, the general situation in Angola has\nsignificantly improved. It is for this reason that today\nwe are more confident than ever of a future of peace,\ndevelopment and prosperity.\nIndeed, the war has ceased to have the same\nintensity as it did several years ago, and the conflict\nitself is moving progressively towards an end. The\npolitical and military measures undertaken by the\nGovernment have significantly reduced the ability of\nthe rebels to wage war. These measures have also\nallowed the Government to resume control over nearly\nthe entire country.\nMore than 12,000 rebel military personnel have\nabandoned their arms and joined the efforts of\nreconstruction and national reconciliation. Those who\npersist in waging war have less and less space, and\ntheir activities are limited today to isolated armed\nattacks against civilian targets, the objective being to\ndestroy and loot the people's property.\n13\n\nThe military measures undertaken by the\nGovernment represent a necessary and legitimate\nrecourse designed to stop the violence unleashed by the\nrebels of UNITA, which put in jeopardy the very\nexistence of the Angolan democratic system. However,\ndespite the fact that the ongoing measures aimed at the\ntotal control of our national borders and the elimination\nof the remaining pockets of criminal armed groups are\nhaving a positive impact in the search for peace, they\ndo not constitute our only option for the resolution of\narmed conflict.\nSimultaneously, we will continue to implement\nother actions aimed at guaranteeing the total\nimplementation of the Lusaka Protocol, which for us\ncontinues to be a valid basis for the resolution of the\nAngolan problem. In this context, we reiterate our\nreadiness to continue to integrate in our society all\nthose who choose to abandon the option of war.\nThe international community, and the United\nNations in particular, still has an active role to play in\nthe process of restoring peace in Angola, through the\ncontinued implementation and strengthening of\nsanctions against the rebels led by Jonas Savimbi.\nThe recent nomination by the Secretary-General\nof the members of the mechanism to monitor the\napplication of sanctions against the UNITA rebels, in\naccordance with Security Council resolution 1295\n(2000), will contribute to greater international\nvigilance regarding possible violations. It will deny\nbases of support to the armed rebellion in Angola. We\nhope that all Members of the United Nations will\nextend their cooperation to that body.\nThe significant improvement of the situation in\nAngola, however, has not brought an immediate end to\nthe effects of war on the lives of the people. The\nhumanitarian situation continues to be critical, and for\nthat reason we appeal to the international community to\nincrease its assistance to the needy populations.\nThe positive evolution of the situation is not\nlimited to the politico-military field; it has also carried\nover into the macroeconomic sector. Angola continues\non the path of economic reforms which have earned the\nconfidence of international financial institutions. This\nprogress translated to the recent signature of an\nagreement with the International Monetary Fund\nrelating to the implementation of a monitored\nprogramme.\nWe hope that the international community will\ncontribute substantially through the investment of\ncapital during the recovery phase of the Angolan\neconomy in supporting stability and growth. Angola\nadopted legislation to protect foreign investment by\nproviding incentives and guarantees.\nThe international situation continues to be\ncharacterized by violence and tension in various parts\nof the world; they constitute a serious threat to peace\nand stability. Angola is seriously concerned by the\ncontinuation of the conflict in the Democratic Republic\nof the Congo in view of the grave repercussions for\nstability and development in the central region of\nAfrica. The situation in that neighbouring country,\nwhich shares more than 2,000 kilometres of common\nborder with Angola, remains quite volatile and\ncomplex. It runs the risk of a serious worsening if\nappropriate measures are not taken.\nThe resolution of the Congolese conflict must\ncome about, fundamentally, through the\nimplementation of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement. In\nspite of its shortcomings, which perhaps call for a new\nreading, it continues to be the only basis acceptable to\nall the parties involved. It respects the sovereignty and\nterritorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo. Invading forces should withdraw completely\nfrom Congolese territory and cease immediately their\nsupport for the destabilization of that country.\nThese conditions, in addition to the inter-\nCongolese dialogue, founded on a realistic base\nincluding the unequivocal recognition of the authority\nof the Government in Kinshasa, will be crucial for the\nsuccess of the peace process. Angola reiterates its\ncommitment to continue to make the necessary efforts,\ntogether with the mediator, President Frederick Chiluba\nof Zambia, and other parties to the Lusaka Agreement,\nuntil a way out of the conflict is found.\nIn Sierra Leone, the prosecution of hostilities\ncontinues to delay the pacification of the country.\nAngola supports regional initiatives aimed at\nreactivating the peace process and condemns the\nattacks against United Nations personnel and forces.\nWe support steps aimed at bringing to international\njustice the principal parties responsible for the\natrocities committed against the people of that country.\nIn Somalia, the progress reached at the national\nconference led to the re-establishment of some national\ninstitutions and moved the country closer to peace.\n14\n\nAngola encourages the continuation of these efforts\nand hopes that in the near future Somalia may be able\nto reassume, de facto, its rightful place in the\ninternational community.\nIn the Horn of Africa, the conflict between\nEthiopia and Eritrea has undergone some positive\nmovement following the signing of the Cessation of\nHostilities Agreement in Algiers. We hope that the two\nparties honour their commitments under the accord and\ncreate conditions for the establishment of good-\nneighbourly relations and cooperation.\nSimilarly, we continue to be optimistic regarding\nthe resolution of the conflict in Western Sahara through\nthe implementation of the United Nations peace plan.\nAngola is following with particular attention the\nsituation in Zimbabwe, our fraternal country, and\nsupports the efforts of the Government of that country\nto find a just and fair solution to the land problem that\nwas inherited from the colonial period. In this context,\nwe share and fully support the position expressed by\nthe Southern African Development Community\n(SADC) and the Non-Aligned Movement on land\nreform in Zimbabwe.\nIn the Middle East, the question of Palestine\nconstitutes the fundamental cause of conflict in the\nregion. Angola reaffirms its support for the right of the\nPalestinian people to self-determination. The resolution\nof this conflict must encompass a political compromise\nbetween the parties involved and the effective\nimplementation of relevant Security Council\nresolutions and other understandings reached.\nLess than a year ago, the people of East Timor\nfinally succeeded in exercising their right to self-\ndetermination. Angola feels pleased and compensated\nby this historic accomplishment, since it was one of the\ncountries that fought in the United Nations and other\ninternational forums for the right of the Timorese\npeople to freely choose their own destiny.\nThe international community, and the United\nNations in particular, which is responsible for the\nmanagement of the transition period, cannot permit the\ncurrent climate of violence, provoked by the militias\nwith the objective of impeding the independence of the\nterritory, to impose itself over the will of a people that\nhas already suffered for decades the scourge of\ncolonialism and foreign domination. Angola strongly\ncondemns these acts of violence, which have resulted\nin great loss of life, destruction and chaos. Angola\nappeals to the Security Council to take appropriate\nsteps to ensure its immediate cessation.\nIn the past two years, the world economy has\nregistered a clear recovery since the crisis that shook\nAsia. The industrial economies and the so-called\nemerging markets are becoming stronger and achieving\nconsiderable rates of growth. However, the present\nworld economic order continues to be marked by sharp\ndistortions between North and South. While the North\nenjoys unprecedented prosperity, the South continues\nto suffer poverty and social injustice. Contributing to\nthese ills are restrictive economic measures imposed\nunilaterally. The embargo imposed against Cuba is one\nexample its principal victims are the most\nvulnerable strata of its population. We will continue to\nsupport the lifting of the embargo.\nThe international goal of reducing by one half, by\nthe year 2015, the percentage of the world population\nliving in extreme poverty will require strenuous efforts,\nabove all by the wealthiest countries and international\nfinancial institutions. In particular, it will be necessary\nto relieve the burden of external debt, whose service\npayments alone absorb a large part of the financial\nresources of developing countries.\nAt the same time, steps will be necessary to\nattenuate the negative impact of globalization. Despite\nthe fact that it has strengthened the spirit of community\nin international economic relations, globalization has\nbenefited wealthy countries more than underdeveloped\ncountries. The structural adjustment programmes under\nway in many developing countries should take account\nof real necessities and specifics, because many of the\nmeasures imposed by the international financial\ninstitutions have caused serious difficulties, above all\nof a social nature.\nTo conclude my remarks, I would like to call\nattention to the need to pay more attention to the\neconomic situation of the African continent. This\nshould be done in such a way as to facilitate its\nintegration into the world market, particularly through\nthe transfer of technology and increasing productive\ninvestment.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 87 Allow me to\nstart by congratulating you, Mr. President, on behalf of\nmy Government and myself, on your election to the\npresidency of the United Nations General Assembly.\nYour election is an acknowledgement of the many\ncontributions made by the Republic of Korea to United\nNations efforts to maintain international peace and\nsecurity, as well as to promote the economic and social\ndevelopment of our peoples.\nThis session is being held during a period of\nmajor challenges to our Organization and the\ninternational community in general.\nPeace and security continue to be endangered by\nmany armed conflicts, particularly in Africa, as well as\nby terrorist activities launched systematically or\nsporadically against some countries. Extreme poverty\nand misery still affect large numbers of the world\npopulation, especially in my continent, where one\nfourth of our 800 million inhabitants survive on less\nthan $1 per day. The HIV/AIDS epidemic, now\naffecting more than 36 million people, most of them\neconomically active people, may seriously threaten the\neconomic development and future of many societies\nunless urgent measures are taken.\nTo face these and many other challenges, the\nUnited Nations must continue to improve its internal\nstructure, including the Security Council, whose\nmembership must be reconsidered to allow for a more\nequitable geographic balance. In addition, its working\nmethods should be restructured to ensure effective\nimplementation of its decisions.\nThe United Nations must also endeavour to\nimplement the action plans and recommendations\nadopted over the last decade, with a view to resolving\nproblems in the areas of HIV/AIDS, social\ndevelopment, human rights, racism and racial\ndiscrimination, as well as terrorism.\nAt the last session of the General Assembly, my\nGovernment voted in favour of resolution 55/158, on\nmeasures to eliminate international terrorism. We\ncontinue to believe that its implementation will be\nessential to fighting this enemy. Terrorism is an\ninternational scourge with many faces. No country is\nimmune to this heinous evil, and to fight it, we must\ncooperate at the bilateral, regional and international\nlevels, under the leadership of the United Nations.\nAngola reiterates its firm condemnation of the 11\nSeptember terrorist attacks, which victimized\nthousands of innocent civilians and endorses the use of\nforce to eliminate terrorist networks and their support\nbases.\nHaving been subjected to terrorism for many\nyears, Angola is pleased to join all other States in this\nanti-terrorist campaign. In this context, we have joined\nthe other members of the Southern Africa Development\nCouncil to promote a forum to discus and identify the\nmany faces of terrorism, as well as effective means to\nprevent and fight its activities in and from our region.\nAs to the African continent, we believe measures\nto combat terrorism should particularly address its\nsources of financing, such as the illicit diamond, drug\nand weapons traffic, and identify its networks in order\nto prevent the free circulation of its members.\nIn partnership with some countries, Angola has\ndeveloped an international diamond certification\nsystem that has prevented diamonds originating from\nillegal traffic to reach international markets. Thus, we\nhave helped prevent the financing of terrorist groups\nand their activities in many countries of our continent.\nAt this stage, the struggle against terrorism\nrequires that, beyond the measures encompassed by\nSecurity Council resolution 1373 (2001), special\nattention be devoted to the completion of an\ninternational convention against terrorism. This legal\ninstrument could eliminate some of the ambiguities\nstill surrounding the definition of this phenomenon.\n23\n\nMy Government is firmly committed to peace in\nAngola, the African continent and the world as a\nwhole. After a period of uncertainty, peace is slowly\nbecoming an irreversible reality in Angola. The regular\nforces of UNITA’s militarist wing, which had launched\na large-scale military campaign to seize power, have\nbeen completely neutralized. Counties under their\nillegal control have been liberated and the Angolan\nGovernment now controls the entire national territory.\nLarge numbers of rebel soldiers and officers\nsurrendering their weapons and being integrated into\nAngolan society is now a daily event. Today UNITA’s\nmilitary wing has only small groups, inadequately\narmed in the jungle or in remote areas of our large\nterritory. Although they can make isolated armed\nattacks, they do not represent a threat anymore to\nAngolan democratic institutions or to the safety of\nmost of our population.\nMy Government believes that the Lusaka\nProtocol continues to be a valid formula for resolving\nproblems related to peace and national reconciliation in\nAngola.\nThe climate of peace that is starting to prevail is\nhaving favourable repercussions on the country’s\neconomy. Although considerable distortions and\nweaknesses still exist, reform efforts under way can\nhelp overcome serious social problems and enable\ngeneral elections to be held in the near future in a truly\ndemocratic environment.\nAs a result of a long period of war, Angola still\nneeds the support of the international community in its\neffort to alleviate the problems of poverty, displaced\npersons and refugees, and to rebuild its infrastructure.\nThe environment of relative peace would not be\npossible without the help of the international\ncommunity, which has made the distinction between\nthose who are committed to peace and democracy and\nthe proponents of war, and has imposed Security\nCouncil sanctions against UNITA’s militarist wing led\nby Jonas Savimbi. The most visible effect of these\nsanctions has been their contribution to a significant\nreduction of Savimbi’s capacity to wage war and, as a\nresult, to persuade a great number of UNITA members\nto give up their weapons and join the peace effort.\nThat outcome clearly demonstrates the efficacy of\nthe sanctions as a means, and not as an end in\nthemselves. That is why my Government favours\nkeeping and tightening them until peace becomes\nirreversible in Angola. Nevertheless, my Government\nis still concerned with the findings of United Nations\nreports, according to which not all countries have fully\nadopted measures called for by the sanctions\nresolutions.\nThe Security Council resolutions on sanctions\nagainst UNITA were adopted in accordance with the\npowers given to the Council by the United Nations\nCharter. All nations are legally obligated to abide by\nand implement those resolutions. The resulting\nobligations on the Member States prevail over any\ninconsistent obligation to which they might be subject\nby virtue of any other treaty or international agreement\nto which they are, or may become, party. That principle\nshould also be applied with regard to sanctions against\nUNITA.\nThe Angolan Government considers inconsistent\nthe arguments put forward by certain Governments —\nsome of which have a privileged relationship with\nAngola — of a supposed incompatibility between their\ninternal legislation and Security Council resolutions.\nWe appeal to those countries to reverse their position\nand to take the measures required. This, we believe,\nwill contribute to the development of harmonious\nbilateral relationships with Angola.\nAngola is firmly committed to a search for peace\nin the Great Lakes region, and particularly in the\nDemocratic Republic of the Congo. We are pleased\nwith the positive results achieved lately by the peace\nprocess. In general terms, the ceasefire has been\nadhered to and foreign troops have been withdrawn.\nAngola, for example, has withdrawn 75 per cent of its\ntroops. Namibia has completed its withdrawal, and\nboth Zimbabwe and Uganda have started to repatriate\ntheir respective armies. Only Rwanda has not yet taken\nany step to signal its willingness to withdraw its forces,\nand therefore to fulfil its basic obligation as a signatory\nto the Lusaka Agreement and the obligations of the\npertinent resolutions of the Security Council. We are\nhopeful that proper preparation of the inter-Congolese\ndialogue will lead to a substantive discussion of the\nrelevant questions regarding the political future of the\ncountry.\nAs regards Burundi, Angola salutes the\nestablishment of a transitional Government, which is a\ndirect outcome of the Pretoria agreement, for which the\nmediation efforts of former President Nelson Mandela\n24\n\nwere so crucial. We hope this step will soon lead to\npeace and stability in Burundi and good-neighbourly\nrelations with bordering countries.\nWith regard to Western Sahara, Angola thinks it\nis necessary to find a solution acceptable to both\nparties that makes it possible to overcome the barriers\nto the implementation of a plan to resolve the conflict.\nMy Government encourages the United Nations and the\nOrganization of African Unity (OAU) to persist in their\nefforts in that direction.\nThe international community should not forget\nthe problems of Somalia. The establishment of a\nTransitional National Government is an important step\non the way to a peaceful resolution of the internal\nconflict there. Both the United Nations and the OAU\nshould support that step in order that Somalia can\nreturn to its rightful place in the community of nations.\nAngola is also concerned with the deterioration of\nthe peace process in the Middle East, which has\nresulted from the recent intensification of the violence.\nWe believe that a resolution of the conflict between\nIsrael and Palestine will require negotiations. We\ntherefore appeal to the parties to continue their\ndialogue and to abide by the agreements they signed\nand by the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.\nAngola is pleased with the advances achieved by\nthe fraternal people of East Timor in their struggle for\nthe right to self-determination and independence. The\npolitical, moral and diplomatic support that Angola and\nother members of the international community have\nbeen providing through the years in major international\nforums was decisive in enabling the people of the\nterritory to reach a point where they can finally choose\ntheir destiny in freedom. The Timorese are now\npreparing to proclaim the birth of a new, independent,\nsovereign and democratic nation, but they will continue\nto need the support of the United Nations for the\nconsolidation of their institutions.\nThe international economic recession will have a\nmajor impact on developing countries, and on Africa in\nparticular, which has already suffered the effects of\nglobalization. Of course, African countries cannot\navoid globalization. But to engage in cooperative and\ncollective activities, African nations must be based in\nstrong States, something that hardly exists in the\ncontinent.\nIn the New Partnership for Africa’s Development\n(NEPAD), the countries of the continent have found a\nway to break away from stagnation and to promote\ninter-African cooperation and achieve development.\nAngola is engaged in the New Partnership. Economic\nprogress can be achieved in Africa through the\npromotion of trade among its nations, the establishment\nof healthy economic conditions and good governance,\nfighting regional threats — including conflicts and\nendemic diseases — and welcoming capital inflows.\nWe hope that NEPAD will become a force for political\nstabilization and economic development in African\ncountries, particularly those affected by serious\ndivisions.\nThe International Conference on Financing for\nDevelopment, to be held in Monterrey, Mexico, must\nbe an opportunity to mobilize resources for\ndevelopment, particularly for the 49 least developed\ncountries, 34 of which are in Africa, and to alleviate\nthe extreme poverty under which more than 600\nmillion people are now living.\n\n\n\n\n
## 88 Allow me, on\nbehalf of my Government and in my own name, to\nsalute Mr. Kavan on his election to the presidency of\nthe General Assembly. We are convinced that his\nknowledge and diplomatic experience will guide us to\nsuccess in our activities.\nAs the international situation remains caught in\nthe throes of instability, insecurity, economic\nbackwardness and the scourge of pandemics and\nhunger, we nevertheless note with pleasure the great\nprogress that has been made since our last session.\nAfter decades of conflict, peace was finally restored\nthroughout southern Africa and is now slowly\nbecoming a reality in other regions. The people of East\nTimor were finally able to assert their self-\ndetermination and independence. Countries such as\nAngola, which have actively advocated the legitimate\nrights and interests of East Timor at the United\nNations, take great pleasure in welcoming that new\nsister republic to the family of this world Organization.\nImportant advances were also made by the\ninternational community in the struggle against\nterrorism. Thanks to a global and coordinated effort,\nmajor terrorist networks have been dismembered.\nAngola reiterates its strong condemnation of terrorist\nacts, such as that perpetrated against the American\n22\n\npeople in September last year. Angola continues to be\ncommitted to the strict implementation of Security\nCouncil resolution 1373 (2001). We support stronger\ncontrol measures, particularly in the financial area, so\nas increasingly to curb the scope of action of terrorist\ngroups.\nAll these advances underscore the fact that, in\nspite of their complexity, the serious problems that\nafflict our world today can be resolved. No country or\nregion should be doomed to live forever under the\nscourge of war and terror or be deprived of its rights.\nUnder the auspices of the United Nations, the\ninternational community must react to crisis situations\nexpeditiously and effectively. Experience has shown\nthat belated and ineffectual reactions lead to the\nescalation of protracted and intractable conflicts,\nespecially in Africa. Fortunately, however, the\nindividual and collective efforts of many Governments\nin Africa are now easing these tensions, laying the\nessential bases for a solid, just and lasting peace.\nThe current situation in Angola is a reflection of\nthat reality. For the first time since our independence,\nAngola and Angolans are now enjoying a climate of\nauthentic peace, thanks to the allaying of factors that\ncould have provoked a resurgence of the past war and\ninsecurity. The efforts of the Angolan Government\nhave blazed the trail from a fratricidal war towards\nirreversible peace, thanks to the goodwill and profound\npatriotic spirit demonstrated by all Angolans. Military\nhostilities effectively ended seven months ago. The\npeace understandings reached on 4 April have been\nscrupulously adhered to. Armed political parties no\nlonger exist. Today, there is just one single army, under\nthe authority of the Angolan Government.\nThe peace process will soon be concluded with\nthe completion of the political tasks still pending under\nthe Lusaka Protocol. In Angola, the process of\neconomic and social rehabilitation is well under way\nand Government institutions have begun to operate\nnormally throughout our national territory.\nClearly, given the current situation, it will be\ndifficult for the Angolan Government to rise\nappropriately to the nation's economic and social\nchallenges. Our main challenge now lies in the\nreintegration into society of thousands of combat\nveterans, 4 million displaced persons, refugees and\nthousands upon thousands of handicapped, war orphans\nand widows.\nOn behalf of my Government, I would like to\navail myself of this opportunity to thank the Secretary-\nGeneral, members of the troika of observer nations in\nthe peace process and all those who, in various ways,\nhave contributed to the achievement of peace in Angola\nand who have pledged their assistance to solve the\nproblems caused by the recently ended war.\nNow at peace, Angola is more than ever ready\nand willing to take up its role as a sister nation of\nAfrica and of the world. In the coming days, it will\nassume the presidency of the Southern Africa\nDevelopment Community, the most important regional\norganization for the economic integration of southern\nAfrica. Angola is also a candidate for a non-permanent\nseat in the Security Council in the elections scheduled\nfor this session of the General Assembly. In these\nbodies, Angola intends to contribute actively towards\nan environment of stability, fostering the development\nand economic welfare of our peoples. Of central\nconcern to Angola is the issue of peace in Central\nAfrica, particularly in the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo. Only over time will it be possible to avert the\nwidespread destabilization of the region.\nAngola has been a factor of stability in Central\nAfrica, having contributed substantially to the\ncessation of the wave of violence and to the relative\npeace now enjoyed by the population in the area.\nIn the context of these efforts, and under\nAngola's aegis, the Presidents of the DRC and Uganda\nsigned an agreement in Luanda on 6 September. This\nwas seen as a crucial step for the complete settlement\nof the Congolese conflict and for the establishment of\ngood neighbourly relations between the two countries.\nAngola welcomes the diplomatic initiatives\nundertaken by other countries to resolve the conflict,\nwhether or not they are involved in the conflict, under\nthe Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and the\nunderstandings reached by the Congolese parties\nthemselves. Angola advocates a new regional order of\npeace, security, cooperation and development, to be\nbased on respect for sovereignty and territorial\nintegrity, non-intervention in the internal affairs of\nother States, democratic values and respect for human\nrights. We are willing to work together with other\ncentral and southern African countries and to offer\nthem our good offices.\nThe instability in some parts of the world requires\na greater measure of commitment by the United\n23\n\nNations and the parties concerned for peace and\nsecurity. Special attention should continue to be\nfocused on the settlement of the Somali conflict,\nfostering unification of the country and consolidation\nof lasting peace there. In Western Sahara, we are\nconcerned at delays in the process towards a\nreferendum by those resident in the territory. Angola\nurges the parties involved to show flexibility and to\ncontinue cooperating with the United Nations and the\nAfrican Union towards a negotiated settlement.\nIn the Middle East, renewed escalation of the\nviolence may hamper current initiatives towards a\npeaceful settlement of the Palestine issue and the\ntermination of Arab-Israeli crisis. We urge the parties\nto return to the negotiating table and to find a political\nsettlement that will serve the best interests of all\npeoples living in the region and meet their security\nrequirements.\nLast July, the African States established the\nAfrican Union as a more effective tool to help in the\nresolution of innumerable problems that are at the root\nof underdevelopment, such as poverty, foreign debt,\nlack of know-how and epidemics, among others. Our\npriority is to end the current economic stagnation in\nAfrica. The establishment of the New Partnership for\nAfrica's Development reflects the determination of\nAfrican Governments to resolve the problems of\neconomic backwardness, poverty and social exclusion\nthat afflict the majority of their peoples and the\ncontinuing marginalization of Africa from international\nmarkets in terms of capital, services and goods. Angola\nhopes that the international community, especially\ndonor nations, will lend Africa a helping hand by\nincreasing official development assistance on the basis\nof fair and non-discriminatory criteria.\nIn closing, allow me to offer my hearty\ncongratulations to Switzerland as it joins our family of\nmembers of the United Nations.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 89 I would like\nto start by congratulating Mr. Julian Hunte on his\n33\n\nelection to the presidency of the General Assembly at\nits fifty-eight session. We wish him great success in the\nfulfilment of this difficult and lofty task.\nThe current session is taking place at one of the\nmost troubled times in our era. The recent events in the\nGulf region were a severe test of the capacity and\nreadiness of the United Nations to provide appropriate\nresponses to the challenges presently faced by the\ninternational community. The impact of these events\nsomehow diminished the cohesion of our world\nOrganization and weakened trust among its Members.\nThere was a failure in the international security system,\nwhich puts us in the position of needing immediately to\nmake it more effective.\nIn fact, the present international security system,\ncreated after the last great war — despite having to\ndate prevented the outbreak of a new world conflict —\nhas shown signs of an incompatibility in the global\ncollective security interests of the Members of the\nUnited Nations in relation to the new challenges of this\nmillennium.\nWe are in urgent need of an integrated system\ncapable of dealing effectively with the major threats to\ninternational stability at the outset of this twenty-first\ncentury, specifically terrorism and international\norganized crime; weapons of mass destruction; internal\nconflicts, which, unfortunately, continue to plague the\nAfrican continent in particular; generalized poverty;\nand HIV/AIDS.\nTerrorism is today the most direct threat to the\nsecurity of our countries, as can be seen from the attacks\nthat in the past two years have killed thousands of\ncivilians in the United States, Russia, Africa and Asia.\nWith regard to armed conflicts, the situation\ncontinues to require urgent attention. During the last\ndecade, approximately one third of African States were\neither directly or indirectly affected by internal conflicts,\nwhich resulted in costs as high as $15 billion a year, and\ncaused hundreds of thousands of deaths, massive\ndisplacements of people, famine and malnutrition, and\nthe spread of diseases such as HIV/AIDS.\nThe prevalence of conflicts in Africa is not only\nthe result of the divisions inherited from the post-\ncolonial period and the cold war and of ethnic and\nreligious differences. It is also a consequence of factors\nsuch as the fragility of national institutions, the\nmarginalization of the African continent from the\nworld economy, the illegal exploitation of natural\nresources and the resulting arms proliferation, and the\nweak monitoring of national borders. This situation\nmust be swiftly reversed, since it can endanger the\nfuture of millions of Africans and increase the risk of\ncertain areas of the continent’s becoming true\nsanctuaries for terrorist organizations.\nImproving United Nations political institutions\nand security systems constitutes the most effective\nmethod of addressing the threats facing humankind. It\nis therefore necessary to establish new mechanisms\noutside of the traditional strategic doctrines. The\ninternational legal documents created by the United\nNations, and the current alliances between States, have\nproved insufficient to respond adequately and in a\nconsensual manner to such threats, particularly when they\nare posed by entities that are not themselves States.\nBecause of its universal nature, the United\nNations plays a central role in the management of\ncurrent and future challenges. But that is not enough. It\nis crucial that that role be performed within a more\ndemocratic and participative framework, particularly\nwith regard to major decisions on international peace\nand security.\nIraq and other parts of the Middle East are the\nmain hotbeds of tension in the world today, and the\ncombined efforts of the United Nations are being\nfocused on that region. The continued loss of life in\nIraq — with most of those killed being innocent\ncivilians, including United Nations officials, among\nthem the late Special Representative of the Secretary-\nGeneral, Sergio Vieira de Mello — is a reminder of the\nneed for increased support by the international\ncommunity to ensure the security of the Iraqi people,\nthe building of new institutions and the beginning of\nthe reconstruction of the country.\nThe will of the international community, and\ncertainly that of the Iraqi people, is for Iraq to become,\nas soon as possible, a viable, democratic State with\ninstitutions validated by its people, and a country living\nin peace with its neighbours.\nThe achievement of this goal implies the\nestablishment of a political and institutional framework\nin which the United Nations plays an active role,\nspecifically in the pacification and unification of the\ncountry; in the internal political dialogue; in the\nprocess of national reconciliation; and in the\nestablishment of new democratic institutions.\n34\n\nAngola hopes that the present convergence of\npositions among the members of the Security Council\non the role of the United Nations in Iraq will facilitate\nan understanding relative to the transitional process in\ngeneral and to the transfer of sovereignty to the Iraqi\npeople.\nAngola deplores the loss of civilian life and the\nmaterial damage caused by the escalation of the\nconflict in the Middle East. The rekindling of violence\nbetween Palestinians and Israelis represents the\ngreatest danger to the implementation of the road map\nfor peace, whose ultimate objective is the signing of an\nagreement for the creation of an independent, viable\nPalestinian State, living side by side and in peace with\nIsrael and its other neighbours. In our view, that is the\nonly solution capable of putting a definite end to the\ncycle of violence.\nThe end, last year, of the armed conflict in\nAngola, and the success of the peace process, are\namong the most extraordinary political achievements\nseen in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. With the\nattainment of peace in Angola, the Southern African\nregion became, for the first time in several decades, a\nzone free from conflict, and it can now focus its human\nand material resources on reconstruction and\ndevelopment efforts.\nAngola today is a country in its post-conflict\nstage. It is committed to the tasks of overcoming the\nheavy burden of a 40-year conflict, focusing on the\nstrengthening of its democratic process — which even\nduring the difficult war period was never abandoned by\nthe Government — and fully resuming its legitimate\nrole within the regional and international context.\nAs a result of the impact of the conflict on the\nhuman, economic, social and financial structures of the\ncountry, and given the inequities inherited from our\ncolonial past, the current post-conflict stage — which\nwill lead to the building of a new society in Angola —\nis a difficult and painful one, and this has been an\nobvious impediment to an immediate response to the\nlegitimate aspirations of Angolan citizens.\nThe challenges that confront Angola are enormous\n— perhaps immeasurable. The main challenges include\nthe resettlement of more than 4 million displaced\npersons and 450,000 refugees; the social reintegration\nof more than 80,000 former military personnel and\ntheir respective families; the resolution of the problem\nof absolute poverty, which now afflicts more than half\nof the Angolan population; and the reconstruction of\nthe social and economic infrastructure.\nAt the same time, in spite of the scarcity of\navailable resources, we are creating the necessary\nconditions to hold elections in the near future. Despite\nour numerous problems and challenges, there is hardly\nany assistance from the international community for\nAngola, as compared with other countries in similar\ncircumstances, some of which received an immediate\nresponse to their appeals, even though they lacked de\njure institutions. We would like to believe that such\ntreatment is not the result of any form of discrimination\nagainst our country.\nThere is no example in modern history of a State,\nrich or poor, that, in the aftermath of a devastating and\ndestructive war such as that which afflicted Angola,\nhas managed to overcome the burden left by such a war\nand rise again without outside assistance. In Angola,\nthis reconstruction effort has, up to now, been borne\nsolely by the Angolans themselves, in spite of the\nreiterated promises that the only factor that hindered\nthe supply of aid to our reconstruction was the\npacification of our country.\nWe hereby renew, therefore, our appeal to the\ninternational community to help Angola in its domestic\nreconstruction effort. To this end, my delegation will\nsubmit a draft resolution on international assistance\nand the reconstruction and economic development of\nAngola, which proposes that an international donor\nconference be convened. We are counting on the\nsupport of the Assembly.\nAngola also welcomes the progress made in the\narea of peace and security in other regions of the\ncontinent, especially the Democratic Republic of\nCongo. The role of Angola, as well as that of its\npartners, was crucial in preventing a situation of chaos\nand disintegration in the territory of that brotherly\ncountry, with which we share a long border, and in\nconvincing the parties to give up war and choose\ninstead a negotiated political solution.\nThe Congolese patriots have shown signs of great\nmaturity in guaranteeing the success of the peace process\nand the transformation of the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo into a viable country that does not constitute a\nthreat to the stability of its border regions.\nAngola will continue to be open to strengthening\nthe traditional relations of friendship and cooperation it\n35\n\nhas maintained with the authorities of the interim\nGovernment of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,\nas well as with future authorities that are legitimately\nelected by popular vote.\nThere is still a stalemate with regard to the\nsituation in the Western Sahara. Difficulties regarding\nthe holding of a referendum on the self-determination\nof the territory are a hindrance to the search for a\ndefinitive solution to this question. Angola urges the\nparties involved to show flexibility and seek a political\nsolution that enables the people of that territory to\ndecide freely about their own destiny.\nToday, as one part of the world, particularly the\nindustrialized countries, enjoys considerable wealth, 40\nper cent of the 600 million Africans continue to survive\non less than one dollar a day. In fact, Africa continues\nto show the lowest social and economic development\nindicators, and those levels are becoming even worse, due\nto the marginalization of the African countries in the\nprogress of globalization and within the world economy,\nwhere trade and capital share are only 1 per cent.\nAfrica is also the continent that benefits the least\nin terms of foreign direct investment, receiving only 7\nper cent of the investment targeted at the developing\ncountries. External debt has been a huge obstacle to the\ndevelopment process because repayment of the debt\nservice alone has depleted the already-limited national\nresources of the African States. Angola supports the\ncancellation of the external debt service of the least\ndeveloped countries, particularly those in the African\ncontinent.\nThe macroeconomic measures imposed by the\nBretton Woods institutions within the framework of the\nstructural adjustment programme have not always been\nable to help the African continent overcome its\ninternational economic problems. In many cases, that\nhas led to controversial results. Based on such results,\nexperience has shown that, in fact, the financial\ninstitutions very often do not take into account the\nidiosyncrasies of each country and frequently put the\nGovernments in the position of choosing between\nmeeting the conditions imposed by the financial\ninstitutions or meeting the real needs of their people.\nAngola hopes that, with the establishment of the\nAfrican Union and the launching of the New\nPartnership for Africa’s Development, the tragic\nsituation in which the African continent finds itself\ntoday can be alleviated by setting priorities and giving\nspecial attention to immediate economic development\nissues.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
## 90 I am\noverwhelmed with a great sense of joy at seeing\nMr. Ping preside over the General Assembly at this\nfifty-ninth session. My first words are thus to convey\nto him, on behalf of my Government and on my own\nbehalf, the most heartfelt congratulations upon his\nelection. Our satisfaction springs from the great esteem\nin which the Angolan people hold your country and\nfrom the strong ties of friendship and fraternity that\nunite us.\nI would also like to congratulate your predecessor\nfor the dynamic manner in which he carried out his\nmandate.\n53\n\nAt a time when the world is confronting the\nhorrors of violence, poverty and hunger, the members\nof the Assembly once again have the difficult\nresponsibility of assessing the implementation of their\ndecisions and of seeking new solutions to problems\nthat affect millions of human beings — solutions that\nwill require a mechanism for international cooperation.\nThe United Nations must remain the pivotal\ninstrument for States in dealing with new international\nchallenges to peace and security, such as terrorism;\nhunger; poverty; violations of human rights that\ncontinue to deprive millions of human beings of their\nfundamental freedoms; the degradation of the\nenvironment; organized transnational crime, including\ndrug trafficking; and HIV/AIDS.\nThe recent difficulties that the United Nations has\nconfronted in dealing with situations that have\nseriously affected international security have exposed\nthe limitations of its structure and its operation. The\nUnited Nations system must be urgently reformed and\nadapted to the demands and challenges of the current\nsituation, which is characterized by globalization.\nThe main organs of the United Nations lack the\nbroad democratic character that they need in order to\nexpress the will of the majority of the Members of the\nOrganization. Both categories of membership of the\nSecurity Council should be expanded — on the basis of\nequitable geographical representation — so as to\nreflect the new international order.\nIn the past 50 years, humanity has made\nimportant advances in the areas of science and\ntechnology, economic development, medicine and\nother fields, which have resulted in improved living\nconditions and in an increase in the life expectancy of\nvast segments of the world’s population, as well as in\nthe growth of the world’s material and even spiritual\nwealth.\nHowever, while some countries and continents\nhave shared in those gains, others continue to be\nmarginalized — overwhelmed by economic setbacks\nthat force a significant part of their population to live\nbelow the poverty line.\nThe aspirations of such people to a world of\nsocial justice and the full exercise of their economic\nand social rights, including the right to development,\ncontinue to be unfulfilled. In fact, the ranks of the poor\nhave not stopped growing: since 1990, the number of\npoor people has been growing in sub-Saharan Africa,\nSouthern Asia and in Latin America and the Caribbean.\nIn the recent summit on hunger and poverty,\npromoted by the President of Brazil, Lula da Silva,\nworld leaders highlighted the dramatic situation of\nbillions of human beings living mainly in developing\ncountries who are suffering from hunger, malnutrition\nand diseases that are easily preventable.\nThis is a reprehensible picture, and we must\ntherefore make the eradication of hunger and poverty a\npriority in our national policies and on the\nOrganization’s agenda. This dramatic situation could\nrapidly be reversed by a greater commitment on the\npart of the Governments of developing countries and a\nstronger political will on the part of the richest\ncountries.\nFurthermore, restrictions on international free\ntrade have contributed to a deterioration in the living\nconditions of people in countries subjected to\nrestrictive economic measures, as is the case in Cuba.\nWe believe that such measures constitute an assault on\nmoral and humanitarian principles.\nIn spite of the efforts made by developing nations\nto improve their economic performance and the\nwell-being of their populations, the practical results do\nnot measure up to the needs of the development\nprocess. This is partly the result of the imposition on\ndeveloping countries of policies that do not take their\nrealities into account.\nSome institutions and rich countries are\npressuring poor countries to follow the steps taken by\nindustrialized countries during their economic\ndevelopment, alleging that developing countries will\ndevelop faster because of the benefits resulting from\nthe implementation of policies that have in the past\nyielded positive results.\nSuch guidelines do not come close to meeting the\ndevelopment needs of poor countries. They fail to\nplace an emphasis on training institutions at the local\nand national level; those institutions should, indeed,\nserve as levers for development.\nWealthy nations have a moral responsibility to\nfoster a spirit of partnership, not of inequality and\ndependence, so as to contribute to the development of\nthe less affluent countries and to the establishment of\ninstitutions capable of sustaining their integration into\nthe global economy.\n54\n\nThe existing economic disparities between the\nwealthy countries of the North and the developing\ncountries of the South is not the result of choice on the\npart of the latter. The enrichment of the industrialized\nworld has been achieved at the expense of the\nimpoverishment of the Third World through the\nrampant exploitation of its natural resources and\nworkforce and the imposition of a system of\noccupation and dominance.\nToday, our countries and peoples are still\nsuffering as a result of those policies of exploitation\nand subjugation, which in some cases have been\nworsened by internal conflicts that came about after the\nend of the period of foreign dominance.\nIt appears to us at times that the international\nfinancial institutions and the rich countries deliberately\nminimize those facts. From our point of view, the\nextensive hesitation with respect to financial assistance\nto developing countries is unjustified. Furthermore,\nsome of the imposed preconditions seem to be a\nresponse more to political interests rather than to the\nrequirements of sustainable economic development.\nWe had until recently called on this body and on\nthe international community to support the restoration\nof peace in Angola. That long-sought peace has finally\narrived and it has proved to be irreversible.\nThe success of the peace process ushered in a\nnew phase: the laying of the political groundwork for\nthe construction of a new society, one based on the rule\nof law, tolerance, a market economy, and the existence\nof a vibrant civil society. In addition to that political\nprocess, my Government is engaged in economic\nreform, which is a contributing factor to economic and\nsocial stability. Were it not for the tremendous,\nsimultaneous challenges that we have had to face, that\nprocess could have been faster.\nSo far, the Angolan Government has been\ntackling alone the task of national reconstruction. That\ntask involves the rehabilitation of social and productive\ninfrastructures, which were almost totally destroyed by\nthe armed conflict; the social reintegration of nearly\n100,000 former combatants and their families; the\nresettlement of more than 4 million internally displaced\npersons and more than 400,000 refugees; and a far-\nreaching effort to reduce the poverty that afflicts most\nof the population. This very difficult task can be\nsuccessful only with the full participation of the\ninternational community.\nThe reservations expressed by certain\ninternational donors in terms of providing assistance to\nAngola — overlooking the fact that the internal\nconflict was quite lengthy and destructive, that it\nabsorbed a large part of the country’s financial, human\nand materials resources, and that it disrupted the\ncountry — can be justified only by a lack of political\nwill.\nThe reconstruction of Angola urgently requires\npartnerships and substantial support comparable to the\nassistance given to other countries in post-conflict\nsituations.\nAs a country that is rejoicing in the peace and\nfreedom for which it fought for 40 years, Angola is\nconcerned with the instability in the Democratic\nRepublic of the Congo, a country that shares an\nextensive land border with Angola, and with which we\nhave fraternal ties. We were particularly shocked by\nthe massacres of civilians in Gatumba. The\nperpetrators of that heinous act, who provoked a new\nescalation of violence in order to make the peace\nprocess unworkable, must be held judicially\naccountable. That act makes clear, inter alia, that,\ndespite the significant efforts made in the context of\nthe peace process in the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo, the situation is still quite fragile.\nThe international community, particularly the\nSecurity Council and the African Union, must devote\nspecial and ongoing attention to this issue in order to\navoid a collapse of the process.\nIn that context, subregional organizations, the\ncountries of the region and other bodies involved in the\npursuit of lasting peace in that country must cooperate,\nwith a view to encouraging the Congolese parties to\nmeet their commitments under the transitional process.\nIt is crucial that all the countries neighbouring the\nDemocratic Republic of the Congo reiterate their\ncommitment to continue to respect the sovereignty and\nterritorial integrity of the country and not to interfere\nin its internal affairs.\nThe Transitional Government of the Democratic\nRepublic of the Congo needs the support of the\ninternational community. My Government is willing, to\nthe extent of its ability, to supply the necessary\nassistance in the process of the consolidation of peace\nand stability in that country.\n55\n\nThe crisis in Darfur is a thorn in the international\njuridical conscience. Angola supports the decision of\nthe Secretary-General to authorize an investigation. We\nhope that the authorities of the Sudan will fully\ncooperate with the African Union and the Security\nCouncil in their efforts to help bring peace to the\npeople of that region. We believe that there now exists\na solid basis for resolving that conflict.\nHaving in the past been a victim of terrorism,\nAngola cannot be indifferent to acts of terrorism,\nwherever they may happen. The acts of terrorism we\nhave witnessed in recent times, and the vile and cruel\nform they have taken, should not discourage the efforts\nthat the international community has been making to\nroot out their perpetrators, but should instead increase\nits determination to isolate terrorist groups and stymie\ntheir efforts.\nWe believe, however, that we should reflect\nfurther on ways to prevent and combat terrorism. Have\nthe methods used to date been effective in eradicating\nterrorism? Is the current system of collective security\ncapable of coping with the aggressiveness of the\nterrorists? Would responses to terrorism based on the\nmultilateral efforts of the United Nations be less\neffective?
## 91 It is with great\nhonour that I take this floor before this Assembly. At\nthe outset, I should like to congratulate the President,\non behalf of the Government of the Republic of\nAngola, for his election to the presidency of the\nsixtieth session of the General Assembly of our\nOrganization.\nI also wish to express my appreciation to his\npredecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, for his commitment and for\nthe transparent and efficient manner in which he\npresided over the fifty-ninth session of General\nAssembly.\nToday, 60 years after the foundation of the United\nNations, humanity continues to face new and complex\nchallenges. The continuation of armed conflicts,\nhunger, poverty, massive human rights violations, the\nspread of HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, the scar\nof terrorism and the risk that non-State actors can\nacquire, develop and use weapons of mass destruction\nindeed constitute a threat to international peace and\nsecurity. Therefore, the international community has\nevery reason to act collectively to reform and\nstrengthen the United Nations in order to render it\nbetter prepared to address the many and complex\nchallenges we are facing.\nThe Republic of Angola follows with great\nconcern the developments in several areas of the world,\nparticularly on the African continent. In spite of a\nrelatively positive tendency characterized by a\ndecrease in areas of tension in the world today, it is\nnecessary to continue to pay special attention to the\npeace processes in various parts of the world,\nparticularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,\nCôte d’Ivoire, Sudan and Guinea-Bissau, to mention\nonly a few.\nRegarding Guinea-Bissau, my delegation is\nsatisfied with the results achieved, and we commend\nthe political maturity shown by the people of Guinea-\nBissau during the transition period, particularly the\ncivic responsibility demonstrated during the period of\npresidential elections.\nIn this context, we believe that respect for the\nconstitutionally established institutions of sovereignty\nis an indispensable condition for political stability.\nOnly this will create a propitious environment for the\naccomplishment of tasks that guarantee the\nmaintenance of peace and economic reconstruction.\nSuch is the expectation of the Guinean people, who\nwent to voting stations in such significant numbers.\nThat is a vote for democracy.\nIn that connection, we welcome the round table\non Guinea-Bissau, scheduled for the month of\nNovember, and we urge donors to respond positively\nsince the international community’s assistance remains\na fundamental condition for the process under way.\nRegarding the process of consolidation of peace\ncurrently in progress in the Great Lakes region,\nAngola, in its capacity as a core country, is pleased\nwith what has been achieved so far. We thank the\nGroup of Friends, and particularly the Government of\n35\n\nCanada, for the support they have been providing, and\nespecially for the second Great Lakes Conference, due\nto be held next November in Nairobi.\nAlthough we understand that the primary\nresponsibility to prevent and resolve conflicts in Africa\nfalls upon African States themselves, we share the\nnotion that the international community should, in\npartnership with regional and subregional\norganizations, play a more significant role in the\nprevention and resolution of conflicts on the continent.\nBased on our own experience, we believe that in\norder for strategies for the prevention and resolution of\nconflicts to be successful, they should be based on an\napproach that is as inclusive as possible. In this\nconnection, the cooperation of the key organs of the\nUnited Nations — the General Assembly, the Security\nCouncil and the Economic and Social Council — is\nabsolutely essential. The pertinent involvement of the\ninternational financial institutions, as well as the\nprivate and business sectors, has proven to be equally\nfundamental.\nFor this reason, we support and welcome the\ndecision of the High-level Meeting to create the\nPeacebuilding Commission. We are ready to work with\npartners towards rendering this organ operational as\nsoon as possible.\nAngola supports the creation of the permanent\nfund for the consolidation of peace. We are also of the\nview that activities related to disarmament,\ndemobilization and reintegration should be financed\nfrom the regular budget and attributed to peacekeeping\noperations.\nWhile the illicit exploitation of natural resources\nwas not mentioned in the outcome document of the\nsummit, we hope that during the current session of the\nGeneral Assembly this issue will be given due\nconsideration since it constitutes a fundamental\nelement for the strategy of prevention and resolution of\nconflicts.\nTerrorism undoubtedly constitutes a permanent\nthreat to the world that no country can face alone.\nTherefore, it calls for cooperation among all countries,\nwith the United Nations playing the central role in the\nfight against it. In this connection, we join the\nSecretary-General’s plea for the conclusion, as urgently\nas possible, of the comprehensive convention against\ninternational terrorism, which would contain a\nuniversally accepted definition of the concept of\nterrorism.\nFive years since the adoption of the Millennium\nDeclaration, the social and economic situation in\nseveral parts of the globe continues to be characterized\nby extreme poverty.\nAs well-articulated mentioned by the Secretary-\nGeneral in his report, “In larger freedom” (A/59/2005),\npoverty is not only about development; it is also a\nmatter of security and respect for human rights, which\nare fundamental to the Millennium Development\nGoals. For this reason, I agree with several previous\nspeakers that this issue in the outcome document ought\nto be dealt with in greater detail. Thus, we look\nforward to continuing our work in the relevant forums,\nin particular in a strengthened Economic and Social\nCouncil.\nThe fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria,\ntuberculosis and other illnesses constitutes an\nindispensable condition for peace, stability and\ninternational collective security. For this reason, we\nurge the international community to redouble its efforts\nin mobilizing the required resources for the prevention\nand treatment of these illnesses.\nLet me take this opportunity to express my\nGovernment’s appreciation to the United States for\nfunding and initiating a programme to fight malaria in\nAngola, as well as in Tanzania and Uganda.\nIn my delegation’s opinion, in order to meet the\nchallenges facing the world, it is imperative that we\nproceed to the reform of the main organs of the United\nNations, with a view to adapting them to the current\nreality. We will remain active in the process of reform\nof the United Nations, including the Security Council\nand the other primary bodies of our Organization.\nWe share the opinion that the composition of the\nSecurity Council should properly reflect the present\nday political reality. Enlarging the Security Council\nwould render it more transparent and more\nrepresentative, with greater credibility and, in\nparticular, greater authority in its decisions.\nNevertheless, we would like to underline that the\nenlargement of the Council is just one aspect of the\nreform that needs to be completed. We should not\nunderestimate other elements of Council reform that\nwe consider no less important, such as the need to\n36\n\nimprove and render more transparent its working\nmethods.\nI am convinced that the results reached at the\nHigh-level Plenary Meeting during this session of the\nGeneral Assembly will stimulate the continuation of\nthe debate on the process of the reform itself. This will\ncreate a platform that will reinforce the Organization’s\ncommon vision and objectives: strengthening\ncooperation and providing greater assurances that\ninternational peace and stability can only be found in a\nreinforced multilateralism.
## 92 On behalf of \nmy Government, I wish to congratulate Ms. Al-Khalifa \non her election to the presidency of the General \nAssembly at its sixty-first session. We are confident \nthat under her guidance and leadership, this session \nwill be productive and will attain the goals set. I assure \nher of my delegation’s full cooperation. \n I would also like to take this opportunity to \nexpress my country’s appreciation to the Secretary-\nGeneral, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the valuable work he has \nperformed during the 10 years of his mandate, which is \nnow drawing to a close. \n Mr. Annan has made an indelible mark on the \nhistory of the United Nations by paying special \nattention to the most pertinent problems affecting our \nplanet, especially the African continent. In particular, \nAngola praises the role which Mr. Annan has played \nduring the most critical phase of the Organization’s \nhistory. I trust that the next Secretary-General will find \nin Mr. Kofi Annan’s legacy an impressive reference for \nthe reinforcement of the Organization’s capacity to \ndeal with the principal problems facing humanity. \n The aspirations to stability, security and social \njustice of the peoples represented in this Assembly \ncontinue to be unfulfilled. The persisting armed \nviolence in some States and the meagre results in the \nfight against world poverty have been contributing to \nthis picture; consequently, these make up the chief \nchallenges facing the United Nations. \n With regard to the new tendencies towards \nviolence, we see something new. It is more \nindiscriminate; it emerges not only from inter-State or \ninternal conflicts, but rather, and increasingly, it arises \nfrom actions that seek to alter the way of life of \nsocieties through intimidation and the brutal \ndestruction of human lives. \n In recent times alone, over a dozen countries in \nfour continents have been severely affected by acts of \nterror, which have become the most direct and \nimmediate threat to international peace and security. In \nspite of political or ideological differences, the \ninternational community has, in general terms, \ndemonstrated firmness and unity in the fight against \nacts of terror. We are of the view that this form of \ncollective action must continue to be the most \nappropriate way of dealing with threats to international \nsecurity, including terrorism. \n Poverty indexes around the world are also a \ncontributing factor to the bleak present-day \ninternational situation. Half of the world’s population, \nor three billion people, continue to live on less than \ntwo dollars a day; 640 million people are without \nappropriate housing; 400 million people do not have \naccess to drinking water; and 270 million people lack \nmedical assistance. Close to one billion people have \nentered the twenty-first century illiterate and with little \nhope of emerging from spiritual and material poverty. \n Africa is the continent most affected by this \nscourge, and not even the potential for economic \ngrowth of some of our countries permits us to hope that \nthe poverty indexes will be drastically reduced. \n Notwithstanding this unwelcome picture, in \nrecent times, we have seen significant progress in the \narea of peace and security, democracy and respect for \nhuman rights. For instance, the resolution through \ndialogue of the Angolan internal conflict, which was \namong the longest-running conflicts in Africa, \nconstitutes one of the more significant success stories \nin this regard. Recently, the Angolan Government \nopted for the same path of dialogue and negotiation in \norder to extend the peace process to the territory of \nCabinda, where some insecurity persisted. \n The establishment of peace in Angola was the \nsupreme objective of a sensible and principled political \nprocess led by President José Eduardo dos Santos, \nwhose goals were: to liberate, together with some \nforces in our region, the people of southern Africa from \nthe dominance of oppressor regimes; to settle the \nconflicts in Central Africa through negotiation; to \nextinguish the threat that some States represented to \ntheir neighbours; and, finally, to economically develop \nand integrate the region. \n The fruits of this political endeavour are visible \ntoday: the people of the region, who before were under \noppressive regimes, now live in freedom and have built \ndemocratic societies. With Angola’s support, one State \nin Central Africa settled its internal conflict, and, once \n \n \n06-53005 50 \n \nfree, its people took charge of their destiny and \nrecovered their sense of peace and stability. Another \nState in Central Africa overthrew the dictatorship that \nhad oppressed its people and had created a permanent \nfocus of regional tension by acting as a source of \ninstability for neighbouring countries. Today, the \npeople of that country are engaged in building a new \ndemocratic society by means of transparent elections \nand national reconciliation. \n Now that peace has been achieved, one of the \nfundamental objectives of the Government of Angola is \nthe complete elimination of factors of conflict. We \nhave prioritized the pursuit of political reforms with a \nview to the consolidation of a democratic regime and a \nrighteous State, aware that these constitute \nprerequisites for the maintenance of peace, political \nstability, respect for citizens’ rights and economic \ndevelopment. This is a serious commitment which my \nGovernment will not forsake, the main objective being \nthe regular holding of elections. \n The next electoral process is at an advanced stage \nof preparation, and voter registration will begin next \nNovember. My Government is creating all the \nnecessary conditions to make the next elections \ntransparent and credible, so that their results are \naccepted by all the parties, and so that they constitute a \nstep on the road to prosperity. Therefore, the \norganization of the next elections is going ahead surely \nand firmly. \n Other priorities are the reintegration of the \ndisplaced population, refugees and former combatants, \nas well as the rehabilitation of the economy and the \nreduction of poverty. These areas have registered \nimportant progress. In only four years of peace, \nroughly 4.5 million displaced persons and more than \n400,000 refugees have been resettled. Nearly 200,000 \nformer combatants and members of their families have \nbeen socially and productively reintegrated; and \ncountless infrastructures that were destroyed by the \nconflict are also being rehabilitated. \n The national economy is characterized by a solid \nmacroeconomic stability resulting from a coherent \nmonetary and budgetary policy. It is among the fastest-\ngrowing economies in the world. For 2006 and future \nyears, we foresee continuous, vigorous economic \ngrowth, of the order of 20 per cent. \n In social terms, the results over the last four years \nare also encouraging. Poverty has been reduced from \nover 80 per cent to 56 per cent. With the ongoing \nimplementation of poverty reduction programmes and \nsubstantial investment in capital goods, we foresee a \ngradual improvement of social well-being and \nemployment indexes in the short term. The global \nadvances which my country has achieved in four years \nof peace are evidence that its people can look to the \nnew Angola with real hope. The international \ncommunity can count on Angola as a dependable \npartner. \n In the area of peace, important progress has been \nmade in other parts of the African continent. The \nDemocratic Republic of the Congo, a neighbour and \nbrother of Angola, is steadily approaching a situation \nof normality, which is likely to contribute to the \nlessening of tensions in Central Africa and in the Great \nLakes region. Recently, and for the first time in its \nhistory, the people of this country exercised their right \nto freely choose their legitimate representatives. Such \nan act marks a crucial stage in the process of \ndemocratic transition and the consolidation of internal \nstability. It was made possible by the support of the \ninternational community, particularly of Angola, which \nsupplied $30 million and some logistical means for the \nelectoral process. \n Angola has always stood by the Congolese people \nand always will. It contributed to the cessation of the \ninternal conflict that devastated the country and is \ncurrently contributing to building the capacity of the \nCongolese institutions charged with maintaining \ninternal peace, security and order. It is now up to the \nCongolese parties to demonstrate that they are truly \ncommitted to peace and democracy. We want to believe \nthat they will not frustrate the expectations of their \npeople and of the international community and that \nthey will respect the verdict of the ballot box. \n The situation in Côte d’Ivoire remains volatile. \nThe Ivorian people continue to be the principal victims \nof a conflict that is jeopardizing the country’s future. \nAngola associates itself with the efforts of the \ninternational community to reach a definitive and \npeaceful resolution of the conflict in that country. \n In the Middle East, the continuing violence is \nrendering ineffective any blueprints for peace aimed at \nresolving the conflict between Israel and Palestine. \nAngola supports the right to existence of all States in \nthe area as well as their right to live in peace with their \nneighbours. It is important to return to a process aimed \n \n \n51 06-53005 \n \nat the peaceful resolution of the conflict — a process \nbased on the road map for peace — in order to arrive at \na comprehensive solution leading to regional \nstabilization. \n Angola hopes that the people of Iraq and of \nAfghanistan will be able, in the short term, to fulfil \ntheir aspirations to live free from violence and from \ntension, and that those countries will be respected as \nsovereign and genuine States. \n In conclusion, we would like to reiterate our \ndesire that the process of reform of the United Nations, \nmainly of the Security Council, be accelerated. The \ncurrent composition of that organ is anachronistic and \nfails to reflect the contemporary structures of the \ninternational community. \n In the context of United Nations reform, we wish \nto stress the importance of the recent creation of the \nPeacebuilding Commission and of the Human Rights \nCouncil. I would like in that respect to express my \ngratitude to all Members of the United Nations for the \ntrust they placed in my country, which is to preside \nover the Peacebuilding Commission during its first \nyears of existence.
## 93 At the outset, \nI would like to salute the international community, \nlegitimately represented here today. I would also like \nto take this opportunity to personally congratulate \nMr. Ban Ki-moon on his election to the post of \nSecretary-General of our Organization. I am confident, \nSir, that your able leadership, steadfastness and \ncommitment will assist us in our search for consensual \nsolutions to the issues that affect humanity in order to \nmake the world an increasingly safer, freer and fairer \nplace. \n Today, the world is confronted with global \nwarming, a consequence of the atmospheric pollution \nresulting from human activity on Earth, which is \ncausing dramatic and dangerous climate change. The \nworld is also confronted with extremists who resort to \nterrorism and the use of religion for political ends; with \ngrowing militarism as a would-be response to \nterrorism; and with the hoarding of capital, information \nand know-how, all of which widen the gap between the \nrich and the poor and generate social tensions around \nthe world. \n On the issue of terrorism, the model of an open, \ndemocratic and tolerant civilization, with a State that \nserves the interests of all, has shown that parties that \nalternate in political office in the post-cold-war period \ncan coexist and fight for their principles and values \nthrough peaceful means. I believe that the same model \ncan be successful if properly adjusted to the concrete \nrealities of other regions. \n At the same time, we must continue to deepen our \nstudy and analysis of the threat of terrorism and use \npeaceful means to seek an ever-broader consensus on \nthe collective responses needed to counter it. \n Islam can peacefully coexist in societies with \nother religious beliefs. However, it is necessary to \nneutralize fanaticism and prevent the Islamization of \nthe State, which is contrary to humanity’s modern legal \nconcept of a secular State. \n In our opinion, it is necessary to defend cultural \ndiversity and to render more inclusive and fair the \nprocess of political, economic and social development; \nto support and stimulate, in countries that are \npredominantly Islamic, all the forces and movements \nthat defend modern life and the separation of State \nfrom religion; and to support the values and privileges \nof the universal culture that are enshrined in \nconventions, charters and international treaties. This \nmovement is immense, it continues to grow and it can \nbe more effective than military action, which in our \nunderstanding should only constitute a last resort. \n Ecumenism and dialogue among cultures are \nother avenues for action that can be better and more \nfrequently used to bring together the dominant \nreligions and all the people of the world, based on the \nideals of peace, solidarity and fraternity. \n The fight against poverty and hunger in the \nworld, with a global plan monitored by the United \nNations as an international convention, higher and \nfairer remuneration for commodities or natural \nresources extracted from developing countries and \ntechnical support to poor States would contribute \ngreatly to eliminating social inequalities and the social \nseedbed and support of those who prefer violence. \n In this regard, the globalization of the economy \nmust be regulated in order to mitigate the asymmetries \nbetween the centre and the periphery of the economic \nsystem and to ensure that each person has the \nnecessary means for survival with dignity. \n Such regulation should further address \nenvironmental matters. There are countries that have \nexperienced rapid industrial development without \npaying due attention to the protection of the \nenvironment. Other countries are now involved in an \nidentical endeavour, thus increasing the production of \ncarbon dioxide and worsening the greenhouse effect. It \nis plain that a new meeting of all world leaders is \nurgently required in order to approve and begin the \nexecution of a global plan of environmental protection. \n We therefore support the initiative of the \nSecretary-General to that end, convinced that the \ncountries that most pollute the atmosphere, such as the \nrichest countries, should contribute more resources to \nits protection. \n Today, the Republic of Angola is in a position to \nengage more actively in this collective effort of \nsolidarity for humanity, because the country has been \nat peace for a little more than five years and is moving \ntowards complete normalization of its political, \neconomic and social life. Proof of that lies in the fact \nthat Angola has already signed all the international \nprotocols in favour of environmental protection, such \nas the Kyoto and the Montreal Protocols, while \ncontributing to conflict resolution and peace in its \nregion and in the African continent as a whole. \n As a country that has recently chaired the \nPeacebuilding Commission, we are pleased to learn of \nthe important progress achieved in consolidating the \npeace processes in the Democratic Republic of the \nCongo, Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Serra \nLeone. \n However, the conflict between Ethiopia and \nEritrea and the conflict in Darfur, Sudan, still prevail, \nwhile the issue of Western Sahara’s self-determination \nremains unresolved. I am convinced that the \nOrganization will remain engaged in the search for a \nsolution to these problems in the shortest time possible \nand that United Nations forces will be urgently \ndeployed in Darfur. \n The Commission of the Gulf of Guinea is \ncurrently headquartered in Luanda, where the \nrepresentatives of the Zone of Peace and Cooperation \nof the South Atlantic met recently at the initiative of \nAngola. Both institutions promote peace, security, \n\nstability and multiform cooperation among their \nmembers, in consonance with the principles of the \nUnited Nations Charter. \n I must highlight the decisive role that regional \nand subregional organizations can play in the \nprevention and resolution of conflicts. At the same \ntime, they can alert everyone to the need to strengthen \nthe mandates and the financing of United Nations \npeacekeeping operations, without prejudice to post-\nconflict activities, such as disarmament and the \nresettlement of populations, among other actions. \n In the particular case of Africa, it is in our \ninterest to see the Millennium Development Goals \n(MDGs) fully achieved, so that the growth rate of the \nentire continent can be aligned with that of the world \neconomy. The reduction of extreme poverty by 50 per \ncent by 2015, as foreseen by the United Nations, must \nbe accompanied by a decisive fight against hunger and \ndisease, including HIV/AIDS and other endemic \nscourges. The effectiveness of these actions depends, \nhowever, on complementary achievements, such as \nfairer trade with developed countries, greater fluidity \nin the transfer of capital, official development \nassistance and forgiveness of foreign debt. \n In recent years, significant progress has been \nmade in the reform of the United Nations system. It is \nnevertheless important to continue to move forward in \nthat process, especially in regard to the Security \nCouncil, with the objective of strengthening the \nauthority and the effectiveness of the Organization and \nmaking it more representative, more democratic and \nmore participatory in the areas of international security, \ndevelopment and human rights. \n In spite of criticism and some known failures, the \nUnited Nations remains the only institution at the \ninternational level with the prestige and credibility to \nresolve inter-State conflicts and crises that, due to their \ndimensions, escape the control of the authorities of a \nState or endanger its population. \n The United Nations-led fight against \nconventional, nuclear, chemical and biological \nweapons and landmines, in addition to the \npeacekeeping and humanitarian operations of the Blue \nHelmets in many regions, have contributed to greater \nworld security. In that regard, it is important to \nstrengthen the monitoring of the implementation of the \nTreaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons \n(NPT), so as to move towards a global disarmament \nprocess and discourage a new arms race. It is also \nurgent to relaunch the Middle East peace process in a \ncommitted and comprehensive manner, for the Middle \nEast remains unstable and the source of a constant \nthreat to world peace. \n A recurring theme in the Assembly’s agenda is \nthe embargo against Cuba. It is imperative to put an \nend once and for all to the economic, trade and \nfinancial embargo imposed by the United States of \nAmerica, as it violates the principles of international \nlaw and Chapters I and II of the United Nations \nCharter. Angola hopes that the United Nations will \nstate its view on this matter and remain faithful to the \ncore of its Charter, according to which all actions must \nbe the result of a debate and a collective decision, thus \nexcluding unilateralism. \n The challenges that lie ahead of us entail a \nconstructive dialogue among all the countries involved, \nespecially among heads of State and Government, who \nwill have to overcome possible differences and \nimpediments and will have to find middle ground \nbetween the possible and the desirable, between \nboldness and realism. \n We believe that through joint action, the \npromotion of dialogue among civilizations and the \nrevitalization of the spirit of international solidarity, it \nwill be possible to build a better world for all. A world \nof peace, based on justice and the rule of law, without \nweapons of war and without dangerous pollution is a \nsafer world. Its construction depends entirely on the \npolitical will of all States Members of the United \nNations, especially the permanent members of the \nSecurity Council. Let us all unite our forces for a better \nworld for all.
## 94 I am \nparticularly honoured to address the General Assembly \non behalf of His Excellency Mr. José Eduardo dos \nSantos, President of the Republic of Angola. \n First, I should like, on behalf of my Government, \nto warmly congratulate Mr. Miguel d’Escoto \nBrockmann on his election to preside over this organ. \nWe wish him all success during his mandate and assure \nhim of the support of my country. \n The present session of the General Assembly is \ntaking place at a time of serious challenges for the \ninternational community. They include the food crisis, \nthe rise in fuel prices, unexpected climate change, the \nfinancial crisis, the escalation of cold-war rhetoric and \nterrorism. The global scale of those challenges and \ntheir negative effects on the lives of millions of human \nbeings on all continents indicate that we are at a \ncritical moment. We must overcome those challenges \nthrough a collective response, with the central role \nplayed by the United Nations. Above all, however, \neach State must also act individually. \n With regard to the financial crisis, we must take \nmeasures that help to prevent serious effects on the \nglobal economy, especially the economies of the more \nvulnerable countries. Such measures must be effective \nand must help to reduce the negative impact on the \nprogress that African countries have already made by \nimplementing reforms that have enabled them to have \nan annual growth rate of 5 per cent. \n We are also concerned at the rise in food prices. \nThat has dealt a hard blow to the efforts to fight \npoverty, which affects more than 1 billion people. The \nrise in food prices is closely linked to climate change, \nwhich is not only causing the destruction of \ninfrastructure and basic means of subsistence in many \ncountries, but is also forcing millions of people into \npoverty. \n The elimination of distorting elements in \ninternational trade is also fundamental if we are to \nresolve the world food crisis. The agricultural subsidies \nprovided by the wealthiest countries to their farmers \nare ruining the farming production in poor countries, \nrendering difficult their farmers’ access to international \nmarkets. The failure of the World Trade Organization \nnegotiations during the Doha Round last July further \naggravated that scenario. The collapse of those talks \neliminated the chances of concluding, in the short term, \na general trade agreement that would remove such \nsubsidies and other obstacles to international trade \nexchanges. The Republic of Angola hopes that \nnegotiations will resume as soon as possible and that \nthe main actors will show the necessary flexibility to \nallow countries that are underprivileged as a result of \nthe lack of a global trade agreement to avoid remaining \neternally marginalized from the global economy. \n Turning this extremely dangerous situation \naround, particularly for the countries of the South, \nrequires that the General Assembly intensify its efforts. \nOur hope is that the President will steer the debate \ntowards addressing these concerns. The Republic of \nAngola commits itself to contributing, within the limits \nof its capacity, to finding solutions to these problems \nthat affect all States. \n South-South cooperation, including triangular \ncooperation, has the potential to contribute to the \neradication of poverty through the establishment of \npartnerships for sustainable development, trade, \n \n \n55 08-52265 \n \ninvestment, tourism, prevention and combating of drug \ntrafficking, illicit trade in small arms and light \nweapons, and transnational organized crime. In that \nconnection, Angola is honoured to chair the Zone of \nPeace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic, an \neffective interregional mechanism for cooperation in \nthe areas of development, peace and security among its \n24 member States in Africa and South America. \n I would like to avail myself of the opportunity to \nassure our international partners that the Republic of \nAngola is motivated more than ever to assume the \nresponsibilities that arise from membership in the \ninstitutions of the international community, those of the \nAfrican continent and those of the United Nations. Our \nengagement and commitment will, in the meantime, \ncontinue to lie primarily in the maintenance of peace \nand security, the consolidation of democracy, respect \nfor human rights and sustainable economic \ndevelopment, on the basis of the social laws of a \nmarket economy that will safeguard the interests and \nthe satisfaction of the majority of the population. \n Those are the principles that have guided our \ntrajectory as a country, in particular since the end of \nthe cold war. A coherent application of those principles \nis the basis for the progress that Angola is building in \nthe political, social and economic domains. As a result, \nsince 2002, a climate of peace prevails in the entire \ncountry, with the eradication of conflict factors and \nimportant advances in national reconciliation, \nemergence of a highly entrepreneurial private sector, a \ndynamic civil society and a free, vibrant and active \npress. \n In the last five years, Angola has been registering \nhigh economic growth rates. During this period, the \ngross domestic product (GDP) grew at an estimated \nrate of 14.7 per cent in real terms. The non-oil sector \ngrew at a rate of 17.4 per cent, faster than the oil \nsector, which reached an annual growth rate of 12.7 per \ncent. This growth allowed the unemployment rate, \nwhich in the mid-1990s was estimated to be at 45 per \ncent, to decrease to an estimated level of 22.5 per cent \nin 2007. \n The relative weight of the extractive industry, \ndominated by the oil and diamond subsectors, grew at a \nsignificant rate of 61.6 per cent. Moreover, Angola saw \na reduction in inflation levels from 105.6 per cent in \nDecember 2003 to 11.78 per cent in December 2007, as \nwell as a transformation in public accounts from a \ndeficit of 7 per cent of the GDP in 2003 to a surplus of \n11.4 per cent of the GDP in 2007. These figures \nencourage us to be optimistic in relation to the \nimplementation of the Millennium Development Goals. \n On 5 September of this year, Angola added one \nmore pillar to its democratic structure by holding \nlegislative elections in a transparent and totally free \nenvironment. Despite the criticism and the pressure on \nthe Angolan Government to hold the elections earlier, \nindependently of the objective and subjective \nconditions prevailing at the time, the discernment of its \nleader, His Excellency Mr. José Eduardo dos Santos, \ndemonstrated that the elections were held at the most \nappropriate moment. \n With the gradual yet significant improvement in \nthe quality of life of the people, and with fully \nreconciled and peaceful spirits, a climate of tolerance \nand political coexistence emerged into its optimal \nspace. The elections were indeed an expression of the \nreaffirmation of our dignity. \n All the efforts involved in the complex electoral \nprocess that led to the success of this historic feat were \nmade with the human and material resources of the \nAngolan Government. We are proud to once more have \ngiven a good example of political maturity, civic \ndiscipline and full popular participation. It gives us joy \nto state before this Assembly that, like other peoples of \nthe world, Africans have the capability and the ability \nto build their own destiny and develop participatory \ndemocracy. \n Armed conflicts continue to absorb resources \nfrom both the international community and the parties \ninvolved, resources that could be better utilized for the \nwell-being of the population in affected territories. \nHowever, for the first time in many years, Africa is \nexperiencing a significant reduction in conflict, \nallowing for improved economic indicators. The \nprogress in the peace process in Côte d’Ivoire and the \nconsolidation of peace under way in Sierra Leone and \nin Liberia have brought about a new aura of hope. \nFurthermore, the progress made in the Democratic \nRepublic of Congo, despite some tension in the eastern \nareas, is manifestly encouraging. \n We hope that the efforts currently being made by \nthe United Nations and the African Union, as well as \nby regional organizations, will help resolve the \nconflicts in Somalia and Darfur in a peaceful manner. \n \n \n08-52265 56 \n \n As Chair of the Organ on Politics, Defence and \nSecurity Co-operation of the Southern African \nDevelopment Community (SADC), the Republic of \nAngola has given its all, together with the other \ncountries of that region and the facilitator, to support \nthe negotiation process with a view ending the political \ncrisis in Zimbabwe. Angola welcomes the inter-party \nagreement reached in Zimbabwe and will continue to \nmake efforts to help the parties put national interests \nbefore all personal quarrels so as to ease the return to \npolitical stability and to reverse the grim economic \nsituation that prevails in the country. We appeal to the \ninternational community, particularly to the European \nUnion, to support the programme aimed at overcoming \nthe crisis, which will be drawn up by the inclusive \nGovernment resulting from the inter-party agreement. \nWe also call for the subsequent lifting of the sanctions \nimposed on that country. \n However, we must remain vigilant to the \npossibility of the eruption of new conflicts due to the \npolitical instability that exists in other countries of the \ncontinent. We must invest in preventive diplomacy and \nin the strengthening of rapid alert mechanisms. \n In the Middle East, the latest developments seem \nto introduce a light at the end of the tunnel, with regard \nto a definitive resolution of the Palestinian and the \nIsraeli-Arab issues. Angola encourages the parties \ninvolved to engage in a dialogue that will lead to the \nde facto and de jure establishment of a Palestinian \nState, with recognized borders, coexisting side by side \nwith Israel. \n My Government maintains its solidarity with the \nCommon African Position and with all those who \nadvocate the need to democratize the United Nations \nand to reform its system, including the expansion of \nthe Security Council so that it reflects a fair and \nequitable regional representation, with all the rights \ninherent in membership. \n I would not like to end my statement without \nonce again conveying my regret to the General \nAssembly over the continuation of the embargo that the \nRepublic of Cuba is subjected to by the United States \nof America. It constitutes a situation that does not \ncomply with the rules that govern relations between \nStates. We are in an age of peaceful coexistence among \npeoples and nations, and that embargo wounds the \nuniversal collective conscience of our time.
## 95 First of all, \nallow me to take this important opportunity to \ncongratulate Mr. Ali Treki on his election to preside \nover the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session. I \nwould like to assure him of the unconditional support \nof the Republic of Angola in fulfilling his important \nmission. The delegation of Angola is absolutely \npositive that under his auspicious leadership, the sixty-\nfourth session will reaffirm the importance of the \nGeneral Assembly in the search for consensual \nsolutions to the burning issues affecting humanity, \nthereby greatly contributing to creating an increasingly \nsafe, free and fair world. \n I would also like to express my delegation’s deep \nappreciation to Mr. Treki’s predecessor, Mr. Miguel \nd’Escoto Brockmann, for the high degree of efficiency \nand vast expertise with which he conducted the work \nof the presidency. \n Guided by the most elementary sense of justice, \non behalf of the Republic of Angola, I express my \ndeepest appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban \nKi-moon, for the excellence with which he has \nmanaged to consolidate reforms and ensure the \nfulfilment of the decisions of the Millennium Summit \nand other major United Nations conferences, as well as \nfor the commitment that he has consistently shown in \nplacing the needs and development of Africa at the \ncentre of the international agenda. I would also like to \npraise the Secretary-General for his timely initiative to \nconvene the high-level meeting on climate change. \n The Assembly’s sixty-fourth session is taking \nplace in a political, social and economic context of \nenormous complexity. Ensuring international peace and \nsecurity, fighting poverty, protecting the environment, \nensuring a better future for generations to come, \nensuring the rule of law in relations among the \nmembers of the international community and \npromoting and safeguarding human rights — all of \nthese issues are clearly among the major challenges \nconfronting us. Combating organized crime and the \nimplementation of the Anti-Terrorism Strategy are also \nfactors of extreme importance that require the steady \n \n \n09-52604 32 \n \nattention of the United Nations as it calls for more \neffective measures and a greater commitment from the \ninternational community. \n These challenges must be added to the list of \nothers to which our Organization must also devote \ngreat attention, especially the lack of decisions on \ndisarmament, the persistence of armed conflicts and \nthe consequences of these conflicts for the lives of \npeople, and finally, the issue on the agenda for all \nMember States — the reform of the Security Council \nof the United Nations. \n We live in a more globalized world, one that is \nincreasingly characterized by substantial economic and \nsocial inequality. Hunger and poverty, aggravated by \nthe fact that they are linked to endemic diseases such \nas malaria and tuberculosis, cause millions of deaths \nevery year and in Africa are devastating an entire \ngeneration, dramatically jeopardizing the development \nand progress of our continent. It is therefore urgent that \nwe reverse this situation, which is consuming our \npeople, putting men and women at the mercy of \ninducements that inevitably lead to violence and crime \nand, to some extent, are the cause of some of the \nserious problems that humanity currently faces. \n Food security thus seems to be one of the main \nconcerns of the African continent, due to its importance \nto health, productivity, social and political stability and \neconomic growth. Angola believes that it is possible to \nsubstantially reduce the food security deficit in Africa \nif the international community comes together around \nthe following fundamental issues. \n First, reserves of food and medicines for \nemergency aid and for people in need should be \nmaintained. Secondly, national and regional integrated \nstrategies and programmes in agriculture, trade, \ntransport, water and vocational training — which can \nbe implemented with the support and experience of the \nFood and Agriculture Organization, the International \nFund for Agricultural Development and other United \nNations specialized agencies — should be adopted. \n Action plans within the framework of regional \ninitiatives are also extremely important and can \ncontribute to reducing food shortages and combating \ndisease. Among other initiatives, I would like to \nhighlight the New Partnership for Africa’s \nDevelopment, the 2004 Ouagadougou Declaration and \nPlan of Action on employment and the eradication of \nextreme poverty, the Maputo Declaration proposing the \nallocation of 10 per cent of public expenditure to \nagriculture and rural development, the Sirte \nDeclaration on agriculture and water, the Abuja \nResolution on food safety, and the Abuja and Maputo \nDeclarations on HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and \nother related diseases. \n The economic and financial crisis, though of \nexogenous origin, has also been seriously affecting the \ngrowth of African economies, due, among other \nreasons, to the reduction in asset values and financial \nassets held abroad, and mainly due to a marked \ndecrease in the price of raw materials that are exported \nby countries on the continent. Rather than finding \ninterim solutions in order to overcome immediate \nproblems, the entire current economic and financial \nsystem should be reviewed. We need to identify ways \nof restructuring the world so that it serves the interests \nof all peoples and countries from a global perspective. \n My Government welcomes the initiatives that, \nthough insufficient, have been taken in the context of \ntrade liberalization, and we support the idea of \nreforming the regulatory institutions of the financial \nand economic world. We also call for greater fluidity \nand transparency in the transfer of capital to less \ndeveloped countries. \n Similarly, Angola welcomes the various multilateral \ninitiatives, emphasizing the Forum on China-Africa \nCooperation, the Africa-South America Conference, the \nTokyo International Conference on African Development, \nthe Africa-Europe summit, the India-Africa Forum, the \nSouth Korea-Africa summit, and, more recently, the \nTurkey-Africa summit. The Angolan Government \nconsiders that all of these initiatives are of fundamental \nimportance for the development of the least developed \ncountries, which include most countries in Africa, and \nAngola in particular. \n The Secretary-General presented an important \nreport to the high-level meeting on Africa’s \ndevelopment needs (A/63/130), particularly on the \nimplementation of commitments made by partners of \nthe African continent, which took place on the margins \nof the Assembly’s sixty-third session. Angola shares \nthe relevant concerns raised by the Secretary-General \nin that report, especially the references to the \nimportance and urgency of moving from mere \nexpressions of political will to concrete actions, with a \ncomprehensive and vigorous pursuit of the goals \nenvisaged. \n \n \n33 09-52604 \n \n The Secretary-General gave conclusive examples: \na reduction of aid levels and commitments; \ncancellation of the foreign debt of African countries, \nwhich is taking a long time to materialize; and the \nnegative effects arising from the failure to complete the \nWorld Trade Organization round of negotiations, which \nwill result in fewer opportunities for the African \ncontinent. Angola shares all those concerns. As we \nconclude from all the eloquent statements by the \nspeakers before me, there are no magic solutions or \none-size-fits-all models to enable the least developed \ncountries to find easy and immediate answers to \ndevelopment overnight. \n As the President is certainly aware, economic \ngrowth in Angola has been quite encouraging. The \ninvitation to my country to participate in the summit of \nthe Group of Eight, held in L’Aquila, Italy, on 10 July — \nwhich greatly honoured the Angolan Government and \npeople — was unquestionable proof of the international \ncommunity’s recognition that Angola is on the right path \ntowards promoting sustainable development. Between \n2004 and 2007, the national economy accumulated \ngrowth of 92.4 per cent in real terms. In barely four \nyears, the value of the gross domestic product almost \ndoubled, with an average annual real growth of \napproximately 17.8 per cent. In that same period, the \ncountry saw a sharp rise in the level of public and \nprivate investments, which generated a large number of \njobs, in particular in the agricultural sector. \n Angola is firmly committed to achieving \nuniversal education, as demonstrated by the fact that \nwe have tripled the number of students in our \neducation system. In 2005, as a result of the \ninvestments that the Government directed towards the \nsocial sector, Angola moved up five positions in the \nUnited Nations human development index ranking. \nAnd the country is committed to efforts towards \nachieving the eight Millennium Development Goals. In \nthe area of sports, Angola recently won its tenth \nAfrican basketball championship, and next January it \nwill host the African Cup of Nations, having built the \nnecessary infrastructure for that significant event for \nour continent. \n Those major accomplishments, achieved in such a \nshort time, fill all Angolans with pride and strengthen \ntheir confidence in the future. However, such \nachievements are possible only in peace and social \nharmony and when States themselves take on the \nprimary responsibility for the development, progress \nand well-being of their populations. \n Despite the progress already made in Africa in \nthe areas of good governance and the \ninstitutionalization of the organs of the African Union, \nas well as in growth and economic and social \ndevelopment, we must be aware of the difficulties and \nthe long way still to go. I am referring, for example, to \nthe burning issue of promoting peace and security, \nessential conditions for the development and promotion \nof human rights. \n In that regard, it is important to add that it is \nessential that the Security Council continue to fund \noperations for peace and security in Africa and to \nsupport the efforts of African States to combat drug \ntrafficking, the illicit arms trade, piracy and terrorism. \nIn addition, I believe it important to emphasize that the \nstrategy of conflict prevention and resolution, in \nparticular the mandates of peacekeeping missions, \ncannot be separate from measures to combat organized \nand transnational crime and the relationship between \nthe illegal exploitation of natural resources and the \nillegal trade in small arms. Moreover, the conflict \nprevention and resolution strategy should be \ncomplemented by measures to combat the financing of \nterrorists, another major challenge facing the entire \ninternational community. \n Speaking for a country that has chaired the \nUnited Nations Peacebuilding Commission, I am \nparticularly pleased to note the progress in the peace \nprocesses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, \nBurundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone. The \ninclusion of Guinea-Bissau on the agenda of the \nPeacebuilding Commission is also very important. In \nthat regard, without false modesty I stress here the role \nplayed by Angola, not only in the negotiations that led \nto the holding of free and fair elections in that country, \nbut also in consolidating peace and political, economic \nand social stability of that brother country. \n The active participation of Angola in resolving \nthe conflicts that have plagued several countries in \nvarious regions of Africa has clearly raised the \nexpectations of the entire international community, in \nparticular the Secretary-General of the United Nations \nand the Chairman of the African Union Commission. \nAllow me to reaffirm my Government’s commitment to \ncontinuing to work within the African Union and the \n \n \n09-52604 34 \n \nUnited Nations in the search for lasting solutions for \npeacebuilding and national reconciliation. \n It is fitting to refer here to another issue of utmost \nimportance that is a consequence of armed conflict. \nThat is the humanitarian situation — the maintenance \nand protection of refugee camps and identifying \ndurable solutions for the millions of refugees whose \nrights must be protected and respected. \n The United Nations is unquestionably the \nprincipal forum of multilateralism, and its credibility \nshould constantly and increasingly be enhanced by the \nadoption of effective, creative and practical measures. \nThus, the Government of Angola welcomes the new \nformat and functions of the Economic and Social \nCouncil, especially the Annual Ministerial Review and \nthe Development Cooperation Forum. Among the \nreforms that have already taken place, the \nestablishment of the Peacebuilding Commission and of \nthe Human Rights Council should also be highlighted. \n My country’s Government, despite welcoming the \nprogress in the evolution and functioning of the United \nNations system, cannot help note that the United \nNations was created a long time ago — over half a \ncentury ago — at a particular time in the international \ncommunity’s history that we all hope will never \nreoccur. \n The world today is substantially different. The \nindustrial, economic and social development of a large \nnumber of countries has narrowed the gap between the \nmost developed countries and the least developed \ncountries. Communications have advanced; technology \nhas progressed; transport is much more sophisticated; \nand Internet surfing occurs throughout the world. \nGiven this new reality, the Government of Angola \nbelieves that the structure of the Organization, which \nbrings together people from around the world, cannot \nremain indifferent to those developments and should, \ntherefore, adapt to the modern world. \n Specifically, the Government of Angola considers \nthat the fact that the reform of the Security Council, \nparticularly aspects related to its composition and the \ndemocratization of its decision-making mechanism, has \nnot evolved since 2005 suggests that this is a situation \nthat must be corrected with urgency. \n In that context, my Government hopes that the \nprocess of ongoing negotiations within the General \nAssembly will be conclusive. \n Furthermore, the Government of Angola attaches \ngreat importance to the effort led by the United Nations \nto implement the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of \nNuclear Weapons, and disarmament in general, and \nrecognizes that it deserves the utmost attention of all \nits Members. \n Angola also believes that the United Nations \nshould strengthen its monitoring of the implementation \nof its Programme of Action on Small Arms and develop \ninitiatives to promote the universalization of the \nOttawa Convention on Landmines. \n At the end of my statement, I would like to avail \nmyself of this golden opportunity to launch an appeal \nfor the lifting of the economic, trade and financial \nembargo on Cuba. It is fair and imperative to abolish \nthat embargo, because it violates the principles of \ninternational law, in particular Articles 1 and 2 of the \nUnited Nations Charter. \n Angola is fully convinced that the United Nations \nwill not refrain from once again taking a clear and fair \nposition on that embargo, a position that is also \nconsistent with the principles of the Charter. \n Finally, I would like to reiterate my conviction \nthat with effort and determination, our Organization \nwill be in a position to correct asymmetries and \nprovide solutions to problems that still exist in the \ninternational community in order to build a world that \nis more fair, stable, and secure and able to provide \ncurrent and future generations with a standard of living \nconsistent with human dignity.
## 96 First, I should \nlike to take this opportunity to congratulate the \nPresident on his election to the presidency of the \nGeneral Assembly at its sixty-fifth session and to \nassure him that he can count on the support of Angola \nso that at the end of this session we will all be better \nprepared to respond to the multiple and complex \nchallenges facing the international community. I also \ntake this opportunity to convey, though the President, \nour most sincere gratitude to the outgoing President for \nthe selfless manner in which he conducted the sixty-\nfourth session. \n In the last decade several events have profoundly \nmarked the world community, including natural \ncalamities and man-made disasters, which should lead \nus to consider the need to work towards a more \ncooperative and increasingly integrated world, for no \none is immune to those phenomena. The terrorist attack \nof 2001 on the Twin Towers of New York that killed \nmore than 3,000 people, the tsunami of December 2004 \nin which more than 200,000 people perished, the recent \nearthquake in Haiti that caused more than 200,000 \ndeaths, and the series of natural disasters that have \noccurred on every continent, added to the global \nfinancial and economic crisis, should awaken us to the \nfact that we live in a different world that requires \nbroader cooperation among nations, given that those \nphenomena are unforeseeable. \n Therefore, in today’s world, the consequences of \nthe irresponsibility of a few can have repercussions on \nthe lives of us all. It is thus imperative that we pursue \nrelationships that have greater balance and equality \nbetween large and small and rich and poor, because the \nnew reality is that we are increasingly interdependent \nin a global world. \n Angola, has always been convinced of the \nimportant role of the United Nations and of multilateral \ndiplomacy in general, because no country can progress \nand develop unilaterally, isolated from the community \nof nations and alienated from the common problems \naffecting humanity as a whole. \n \n \n25 10-55276 \n \n In the President’s speech to the General Assembly \non the occasion of his election (see A/64/PV.93), \namong other things he set the following topics as \npriorities for the sixty-fifth session: climate change, the \nMillennium Development Goals, food security, \nsustainable development, rebuilding and strengthening \nfragile post-conflict States, and humanitarian aid and \ndisarmament. Angola is of the opinion that the \nenvironment and other issues he mentioned must \nremain priorities on the national and international \nagendas. They are crucial for sustainable development, \nfor the growth of our economies, for the implementation \nof national strategies for combating poverty, and for \nthe attainment of the Millennium Goals. \n At the Food and Agriculture Organization’s \nRegional Conference for Africa, held recently in \nLuanda, the participants expressed their concern about \nthe impact of climate change on the world food crisis \nin some regions and recommended that States make an \nextra effort to reduce its impact on agriculture. \n Angola believes in the importance of \nmultilateralism as the best form of treatment and \nresolution of the multifaceted challenges that humanity \nfaces today. In that context Angola advocates a shared \ncommitment to find solutions to our problems at all \nlevels. \n My country gives priority to political and \ndiplomatic coordination and to strengthening \ninstitutional relations with the organizations of the \nUnited Nations system, as well as with the regional and \nsubregional organizations to which it belongs, namely, \nthe African Union, the Southern African Development \nCommunity (SADC), the Economic Community of \nCentral African States (ECCAS), the International \nConference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and \nthe Commission on the Gulf of Guinea, the latter \nhaving its headquarters in Angola. \n In the Commission on the Gulf of Guinea, \nmember States cooperate with a view to managing \npotential conflicts linked to maritime borders and \nmanaging shared maritime resources, as well as \ncoordinating policies for the prevention of maritime \ntrafficking and piracy, thus providing security to a \nregion that produces more than 15 per cent of the \nworld’s oil. \n With that motivation, Angola and its armed forces \nbravely participated in the liberation of southern \nAfrica, having contributed to the independence of \nNamibia and to the end of apartheid in South Africa. \nWith that same motivation we contributed to the \nstabilization of the Republic of Congo and the \nDemocratic Republic of the Congo. With other \ninternational partners of the United Nations, we are \nparticipating in the training of the armed forces of the \nDemocratic Republic of the Congo. \n Today the Angolan armed forces are a factor for \nstability not only for Angola, but also for the southern \nand central regions of Africa, where we are part of the \nearly warning mechanisms of SADC and ECCAS. At \npresent we are committed to finding solutions to the \ncrisis in Guinea-Bissau, in close cooperation with other \npartners in West Africa, namely, the Economic \nCommunity of West African States, and in partnership \nwith the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries. \n It was therefore with great amazement that we \nlearned of the mention of involvement by the Angolan \narmed forces in alleged acts of human rights violations \nin the Democratic Republic of the Congo in a report \nintended to be circulated as a document of the High \nCommissioner for Human Rights. We stress that that \ndocument was produced at the initiative of an organ of \nthe United Nations Secretariat with no specific mandate \nfrom the Secretary-General or from Member States. \n It is important to emphasize before the Assembly \nthat Angola intervened in the Democratic Republic of \nthe Congo on the basis of a SADC mandate, at the \nrequest of the Government of the Democratic Republic. \nThat intervention made it possible to stop the \nbloodbath and to save the lives of millions of people \nand lay the basis for the negotiations that culminated in \nthe establishment of the transitional Government, the \ninstallation of the United Nations peacekeeping \nmission and the successful holding of the first \ndemocratic elections. It thus contributed to the \npacification of the Great Lakes region. \n Angola vehemently rejects the insinuation and \nconsiders abnormal the manner in which that so-called \nmapping exercise was conducted. We question the \nmotivations behind that venture. We would like to \nreiterate that Angola and the Angolan armed forces will \ncontinue to act responsibly and on the basis of \ninternational standards and scrupulous respect for \nhuman rights. \n The report of the Secretary-General to the sixty-\nfifth session contains references to peace and security, \nconsidering them essential for development and for the \n \n \n10-55276 26 \n \npromotion of and respect for human rights. Angola \nshares the concerns of the Secretary-General. Our \nexperience shows that only peace, the democratic rule \nof law and respect for human rights can guarantee the \nstability necessary for sustainable development and \nimprovement of the living conditions of our people. \nAngola encourages the efforts by regional organizations \nand the United Nations in conflict resolution and \npeacekeeping to ensure global security and stability. \n A situation that is certainly of concern to all of us \nis the conflict in the Middle East. Angola recognizes \nthat it has lasted a long time, with serious \nconsequences for the population. Therefore we support \nthe resumption of peace talks by President Barack \nObama with a view to creating a Palestinian State that \ncoexists peacefully with the State of Israel. \n Angola is also concerned at the persistence of the \neconomic, commercial and financial blockade against \nCuba, despite successive General Assembly resolutions \ndemanding its immediate removal. That unilateral \nmeasure, particularly its extraterritorial effects, is \ncontrary to the principles and norms of international \nlaw and contributes to the precarious humanitarian and \nsocial situation of the Cuban population. From this \nrostrum we reiterate our vehement appeal for the lifting \nof a measure whose anachronistic nature has been \nrestated here on numerous occasions. \n Regarding the question of Western Sahara, \nAngola notes with concern that despite various United \nNations resolutions and initiatives, there has not been \nthe type of progress that would lead to meeting the \naspirations of the Saharan people. We urge the \nSecretary-General to continue his efforts to attain those \nobjectives. \n Mutually beneficial cooperation, the promotion of \npeace and respect for human rights remain the major \ndrivers of Angolan foreign policy, based on the \nobservance of the principles of respect for sovereignty \nand territorial integrity, equality and non-interference \nin the internal affairs of other countries. \n Internally, and as a result of experiences during \ndifferent periods in our history, marked by three \ndecades of war and political instability, Angola is now \nentering a new cycle, of which we are very proud. It is \ncharacterized by the adoption of a new constitution that \nmarks the end of the transition period and definitively \nestablishes democratic rule of law, given that elections \nwill be held in June 2012. \n We are aware that we still have a long way to go, \nespecially in view of all the time lost and the delays \naccumulated in several areas. But it seems important to \nus to emphasize that the progress already achieved did \nnot happen by chance. Rather, it resulted from the \nleadership efforts of the Angolan executive organs, the \npragmatism of its policies and its commitment to better \nthe human development indexes, which are reflected \ntoday in the improved welfare of the people. \n After eight years of peace, Angola has \nimplemented economic and social reform policies that \nhave allowed for the revitalization of its economy and \nthe rehabilitation of key infrastructure. Such policies \nhave enabled the country’s annual growth rates to \naverage double digits, with a direct impact on the \nimprovement of basic indicators of the Millennium \nDevelopment Goals. \n Since 2002 more than 2 million children have \nbeen enrolled in primary education. The percentage of \nchildren attending school has risen sharply, to 76 per \ncent. The rate of infant and maternal mortality fell \nconsiderably, from 1,400 per 100,000 live births in \n2001 to 660 per 100,000 live births in 2010. Moreover, \nin order to eradicate hunger and poverty, Angola has \nadopted its National Food Security Strategy (2009-\n2014) as a mechanism to increase agricultural \nproduction in a sustainable manner. \n We are convinced that the international \ncommunity is also aware of how much still has to be \ndone, particularly in the areas of financing for \ndevelopment and the materialization of the \ncommitments made at major international conferences \non financing for development. \n Finally, the reform of the Security Council, given \nits importance in the democratization of international \nrelations, must remain a topic on the agenda of the \nOrganization. In that connection, Angola reiterates its \nsupport for the African common position embodied in \nthe Ezulwini Consensus.
## 97 I would like \nto take this opportunity to congratulate the President of \nthe General Assembly on his election to preside over \nthe work of the Assembly at its sixty-sixth session and \nto assure him of Angola’s support and cooperation in \nensuring success in the work of this session. I also \nwant to express our gratitude to his predecessor, \nMr. Joseph Deiss, for the competent and impartial \nmanner in which he conducted the proceedings of the \nAssembly at its sixty-fifth session. \n Allow me to also congratulate the Secretary-\nGeneral on his reappointment and to assure him of my \nGovernment’s support for the success of his very \ncomplex and demanding mission in the service of \npeace and cooperation among nations, a cornerstone of \nthe mandate embodied in the Charter of the \nOrganization. \n We congratulate the Republic of South Sudan on \nits admission as a Member of the United Nations. We \nwish South Sudan a future of peace and prosperity and \nwould like to say that the Government of Angola \nstands ready to cooperate with this new State’s efforts \nto consolidate its independence and its socio-economic \ndevelopment. \n We also welcome the establishment of \nUN-Women. We are certain that it will give further \nimpetus to the promotion and empowerment of women \nand the achievement of their legitimate rights. \n This session of the General Assembly takes place \nat a particularly complex juncture in the international \nsituation, which is characterized by so many crises that \n \n \n11 11-51398 \n \nI believe it is not an exaggeration to say that they \nchallenge the very foundations of our international \nOrganization. If we were to list them, although not \nexhaustively, we could mention the current economic \nand financial crisis, which triggered the most serious \nsocial crisis witnessed to date by our generation; a \ndangerous environmental crisis of unpredictable \nconsequences for the future of humankind, which will \nbe irreversible unless the international community as a \nwhole applies immediate and courageous measures; \nand a general escalation of violence and outbreak of \nconflict, which, combined with the environmental \ncrisis, has caused the most serious humanitarian crisis \nthat humankind has witnessed since the end of the \nSecond World War. In brief, we are living in dangerous \ntimes, where a combination of factors is endangering \nstability, peace and security in the world. \n The analysis of the current international situation \nmade by the majority of the speakers who preceded \nme, and which we agree with, constitutes an appeal to \nour collective responsibility. \n A particularly disturbing factor is the current \neconomic and financial crisis, which has affected \nvirtually every country in the world, in particular \ndeveloping countries, with serious consequences for \npolitical stability and social cohesion. \n It is therefore urgent that we find solutions to \nthese problems. That will require strengthening \ninternational cooperation on the basis of greater justice \nand equality. Moreover, it is urgent that we take \nmeasures aimed at deepening economic reforms within \nStates that promote economic growth and social \ndevelopment. \n Angola is extensively affected by the \ninternational economic and financial crisis. We have \ntherefore adopted a set of measures to mitigate its most \nadverse effects. Without prejudice to the maintenance \nof macroeconomic balance, we have focused \nconsiderable resources on social development and \ncombating poverty. \n The theme of this session of the General \nAssembly — “The role of mediation in the settlement \nof disputes through peaceful means” — reflects the \ndeep concern of the international community with \nregard to the need for an integrated approach to \nresolving conflicts that affect it. That is what makes it \nnecessary to implement mediation efforts after \nconflicts have started. Conflict prevention should be \nthe key element in the management of any area of \ntension. \n Respect for fundamental rights and freedoms, the \nrule of law and good governance are key elements in \nensuring that any human society can live in peace and \nharmony. They are also the main guarantors of \neffective conflict prevention. \n There are other elements I would like to mention \nthat are also important causes of the spread of conflict. \nI am referring here to external interference, which, in \ngross violation of international law, frequently \nobstructs efforts at mediation and peaceful resolution \nand prevents the reaching of solutions to conflicts. \n Angola has paid a very high price as a result of \nsuch interference, which for too long compounded a \nfratricidal conflict that Angolans were finally able to \nsettle and wisely overcome with magnanimity, fairness \nand inclusion, thanks to the leadership of our President. \nThe role of Angola and its contribution to internal and \nregional peace should be seen in the broader context of \nconflict resolution. In that regard, the implementation \nof the landmark Security Council resolution 435 (1978) \nled to the independence of Namibia and created the \nconditions for peaceful coexistence in a region that had \nendured extreme hostility and constituted a permanent \nthreat to world peace. \n Imbued with a spirit of fraternity, the \nGovernment of Angola has spared no effort in pursuing \nits policy of effective reconciliation, which has allowed \nthe reconciliation of all its children who were \npreviously involved in the conflict. There has been \ngenuine investment in peace, which has been a decisive \nfactor in the process of post-conflict reconstruction. \nAngola has served as a reference point for the \nresolution of several conflicts on the African continent. \nMoreover, we have spared no effort in sharing our \nexperiences with other peoples and countries. \n Also in the context of conflict resolution, it is \nimportant to strengthen the role of multilateralism \nwhile adhering to the principle of shared responsibility \nand shared benefits, recognizing the legitimate \ninterests of all parties and engaging in consultations \nand dialogue in the search for workable solutions to \ninternational peace and security issues. \n There is therefore a need to refer to the \ninstruments of cooperation between the Security \nCouncil and the African Union, as well as to the role of \n \n \n11-51398 12 \n \nthe United Nations and regional institutions in \npreventing and resolving conflicts. It is of crucial \nimportance to strengthen the action of regional \norganizations in the management of situations that may \nconstitute threats to peace and security. In that \nconnection, the Security Council has the primary role \nin preventing and resolving conflicts and in \nmaintaining peace, in accordance with the powers \nconferred upon it by the Charter of the United Nations. \n The central theme of our debate has drawn \nattention to the need for reform of the Security \nCouncil, including the imperative of achieving fair \nrepresentation for all regions and increasing the \nnumber of permanent members, thereby adapting the \nCouncil to contemporary reality. \n With regard to peaceful cooperation at the \nregional level, Angola is a member of the Southern \nAfrican Development Community (SADC), the \nEconomic Community of Central African States, the \nGulf of Guinea Commission and the Community of \nPortuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), which, with \nseveral partners, has acted on the basis of preventive \ndiplomacy in the search for peaceful solutions to the \nvarious crises that have arisen. \n With regard to the constitutional crisis in \nMadagascar, SADC mediated the recent signing by all \nparties involved of the road map for the \nimplementation of the reconciliation process, which is \nintended to lead to elections and the restoration of \nconstitutional order. That was an important \nbreakthrough in the process, which Angola welcomes. \n Guinea-Bissau, our brotherly country and partner \nin the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, \nhas been the subject of special attention by Angola. As \npart of the CPLP, Angola and other member States \nhave striven to establish a strategic partnership with \nthe Economic Community of West African States under \nthe coordination of the United Nations, aiming to bring \npolitical stability to the country so that it can carry out \nmajor structural reforms, in particular the reform of the \ndefence and security sectors. We welcome the positive \ndevelopments that the country is now experiencing and \nwe encourage the authorities of Guinea-Bissau to \nvigorously pursue the process of stabilization. \n The drought in the Horn of Africa is a cause of \ndeepest concern for my country and the entire \ninternational community. The consequences of drought \nin Somalia are felt even more profoundly due to the \nprevalence of armed conflict, which compounds the \nhumanitarian crisis, shocks the world’s conscience and \ncalls for a redoubled effort by the international \ncommunity. Angola has joined the international \nhumanitarian assistance efforts under way, as well as \nthe search for political solutions to end the armed \nconflict and open new prospects for a better future for \nthe Somali people. \n With regard to the situation in Libya, the Angolan \nGovernment hopes that the Libyan people can find \nstability in the very near term. That can only be \nachieved through the free exercise of their democratic \nrights. In that regard, Angola urges the National \nTransitional Council to promote genuine national \nreconciliation and to form an inclusive Government, as \nthose are prerequisites for ensuring that Libya can \nregain its rightful place in the African and international \narenas. However, we must make use of lessons learned \nwith a view to achieving more effective cooperation \nbetween external partners and the African Union in \nseeking joint solutions based on international law and \nmutual respect. \n Angola remains concerned about the limited \nprogress in addressing the problem of Western Sahara, \nwhich remains an important issue on the international \nagenda. We call on the warring parties to resume \nnegotiations under the auspices of the United Nations \nand the African Union, so that the people of Western \nSahara can exercise their right to self-determination. \n The situation in the Middle East, particularly in \nthe Palestinian territories, is one of the most serious \nproblems facing the international community. Angola \nis witnessing with great concern the escalation of the \nconflict and the lack of progress towards a solution of \nthe Palestinian question. In line with the general \nposition of the international community regarding the \nconflict, my country advocates the establishment of an \nindependent Palestinian State, living side by side with \nthe State of Israel, in peace and security, within secure \ninternationally recognized borders. \n As in previous sessions, the sixty-sixth session of \nGeneral Assembly will address the embargo imposed \non Cuba, which violates the rules of international free \ntrade. In spite of the timid steps taken towards \nnormalizing the situation, Angola reiterates its position \nof principle by reaffirming the need to end the embargo \nagainst Cuba. \n \n \n13 11-51398 \n \n Angola has been making its contribution to \nfinding solutions to the most pressing problems. Within \nthe broader international community, we have sought \nto cooperate with all countries based on mutual respect \nand interests, upholding the highest ideals of peace and \ncooperation for development. We will continue on this \npath, firmly believing that the defence and promotion \nof these principles contribute to the development and \nadvancement of all peoples.
## 98 On behalf\nof the Government of the Republic of Angola, I avail\nmyself of this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Vuk\nJeremić on his election to preside over the General\nAssembly at its sixty-seventh session and to assure him\nof the support of my country in the fulfilment of his\nmission. It is our belief that under his leadership this\nsession will confirm the importance and role of the General Assembly in finding solutions to the burning\nissues affecting humankind, thereby helping to make\nthe world safer and fairer. I would also like to express\nour gratitude to Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for\nthe exemplary and wise manner in which he conducted\nthe work of the Assembly at its previous session. I\nfurther salute Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for\nthe dynamism he has invested in the work of our\nOrganization. In this connection, I would like to thank\nhim for his visit to my country in February of this\nyear, during the celebration of the tenth anniversary\nof the advent of peace in Angola. During that visit,\nhe had the opportunity to familiarize himself with the\nprogress made in the reconstruction of the country and\nconsolidation of democratic institutions.\nThis session of the General Assembly is taking place\nat a time of profound international political, economic\nand social transformations, which reaffirm the relevance\nof the central theme of our discussion: maintaining\ninternational peace and security, eradicating poverty,\npromoting development, protecting the environment\nand ensuring a better future for generations to come,\nguaranteeing the rule of law in international relations,\nand promoting and ensuring the protection of human\nrights. These are indeed the main challenges facing us\ntoday.\nIn addition to these, there are further challenges\nrequiring priority attention from our Organization,\nincluding disarmament, the fight against organized\ncrime, the implementation of the Global Counter-\nTerrorism Strategy, and the persistence of armed\nconflicts and their impact on people’s lives. Having\nhad the painful experience of war, which still has\nmajor consequences for the lives of our people, Angola\nreiterates that dialogue and negotiation are the way to\na peaceful resolution of conflict. Angola will continue\nto meet its obligations and fulfil its responsibilities\nat the international level, in particular with regard\nto Africa as a whole, as well as in the context of the\nregional economic and political groups to which it\nbelongs, including the Southern African Development\nCommunity, the Community of Portuguese-speaking\nCountries, the Economic Community of Central\nAfrican States and the International Conference of the\nGreat Lakes Region.\nThe international economic and financial crisis\nthat is affecting all countries in the world continues\nto demand solutions, including the reform of the\neconomic, financial and international trade system in order to serve the interests of all countries in a global\nperspective. In this regard, my Government reiterates\nits support for initiatives aimed at liberalizing\ninternational trade in line with the Doha Round. The\nreform of the international economic and financial\nsystem’s regulatory institutions is of crucial importance\nto ensure greater flexibility and transparency in\nallocating capital to the least developed countries — a\ncategory that includes the majority of African nations.\nIt is also essential to take appropriate measures\ntowards strengthened support for international action\non sustainable development and increased financial\ncontributions to the United Nations to enable our\nOrganization to fulfil its mandate efficiently. It must\ndo so by renewing its commitments to the sustainable\ndevelopment issues contained in Agenda 21, adopted\nat the United Nations Conference on Environment and\nDevelopment in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. The United\nNations Conference on Sustainable Development\nprovided a solid framework for creating national and\ninternational policies to ensure the social, economic\nand environmental welfare of our peoples.\nWe note that despite the progress made, there is\na continued need for the international community to\ntranslate commitments into action in order to achieve\nsustainable development. Africa in general, and my\ncountry in particular, believe that intensive efforts on\nthe part of the international community are needed to\ntackle the phenomena that threaten to reverse progress\nmade with respect to development. Drought and\ndesertification, climate change, natural disasters, loss\nof biodiversity and rapid urbanization are just some of\nthe factors that adversely affect development efforts\nworldwide.\nThe Security Council plays a key role in preventing\nand resolving conflicts, and in peacekeeping efforts, in\naccordance with the powers conferred upon it by the\nCharter of the United Nations. The central theme at\nthe heart of our debate calls for reform of the Security\nCouncil, as well as ensuring the fair representation\nof all regions and the broadening of its permanent\nmembership in order to adapt it to contemporary reality.\nAllow me to refer to a set of conflicts that are of\ncritical concern to my country. In the Great Lakes\nregion, the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the\nCongo continues to worry the international community.\nMy country reaffirms its support for the decisions of\nthe third extraordinary summit of the International\nConference on the Great Lakes Region, held in Kampala, as well as the efforts of the African Union\nand the Southern African Development Community.\nAngola welcomes the normalization of the legal\nand constitutional order in Somalia as a result of the\ncompletion of the transition process, including the\ninauguration of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.\nGiven that the situation remains unstable, Angola urges\nthe international community to continue to support the\nstabilization process in that country.\nThe situation in the Sudan has seen positive\ndevelopments. Angola welcomes the recent agreements\nbetween the sisterly Republics of South Sudan and the\nSudan, with a view to the settling of their disputes.\nAngola urges stakeholders to engage with one another\nand to show the political will necessary to implement\nthe commitments undertaken.\nWith respect to Mali, Angola deplores the\nworsening humanitarian situation resulting from\nthe crisis prevailing in that country. Angola calls\nupon the international community to demonstrate its\ndetermination to preserve the unity, sovereignty and\nterritorial integrity of Mali.\nIn the sisterly nation of Guinea-Bissau, we\nadvocate a comprehensive solution and the permanent\nnormalization of the constitutional order, in accordance\nwith the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the\nAfrican Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking\nCountries and the Economic Community of West\nAfrican States, as well as the wishes of all the internal\nactors, in order to stabilize the country and establish\npeace.\nWe remain concerned about the lack of progress\nin resolving the issue of Western Sahara. We call on\nthe parties involved to continue negotiations under\nthe auspices of the United Nations so that the people\nof Western Sahara can exercise their right of self-\ndetermination.\nThe prevailing situation in the Middle East in\ngeneral, and the Palestinian territories in particular,\nis one of the most serious problems facing the\ninternational community. Angola supports the creation\nof an independent Palestinian State living side by side\nwith the State of Israel in peace and security and within\nsecure internationally recognized borders, in line with\nthe position of the international community.\nThe conflict in Syria poses a grave threat to\ninternational peace and security and will seriously exacerbate the humanitarian situation in the region.\nAngola urges the international community to support\nthe efforts of Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, Joint Special\nRepresentative of the United Nations and the League\nof Arab States for Syria, to seek a negotiated solution\nto the conflict.\nThe embargo imposed on Cuba violates international\nlaw and for decades has been a major impediment to that\ncountry’s development and improvements in the lives\nof its citizens. Angola reiterates its principled position\naffirming the need to end the embargo in accordance\nwith the relevant United Nations resolutions.\nAngola’s foreign policy will continue to be based on\nmutual respect, mutual benefit, good-neighbourliness\nand the strengthening of regional economic integration.\nAngola will continue to comply with all the international\ncommitments and international instruments to which it\nis a party.\nTen years after achieving peace, Angola has\nrecorded significant progress in consolidating its\ndemocratic process. General elections were held on\n31 August in a civil and peaceful atmosphere, thus\ndemonstrating the maturity of its people. The results\nexpressed the sovereign will of the Angolan people,\nas verified by international observers who closely\nfollowed the election.\nCurrently, Angola is joyfully celebrating the\ninvestiture of its organs of State sovereignty, including\nthe President of the Republic and the National Assembly,\nas well as the assumption of office by members of the\nGovernment. It is experiencing a dynamic reconstruction\nand development process marked by the consolidation\nof macroeconomic stability that has had positive\neffects on the stabilization of the national currency.\nIn addition, the rehabilitation and modernization of\nmajor productive and social infrastructure, namely\nthe reconstruction of roads, railways, electricity\nsupply and distribution systems, water supply systems\nand sanitation and telecommunication networks, are\ncontributing to the progressive improvement of the\nliving conditions of Angolans.\nPolitical stability and the strengthening of\ninstitutional capacity have enabled the Angolan\neconomy to grow at an average rate of 9.2 per cent over\nthe past five years, while the non-oil sector has grown\nat an average rate of 12 per cent. Those growth rates\nwere due to effective measures by the Government\naimed at stabilizing the fiscal, monetary and currency macroeconomic indicators and thereby facilitating the\nrevival of the economy.\nThe fi ght against hunger and the struggle to reduce\nand eradicate poverty are two of the biggest challenges\nbeing addressed by the Angolan State owing to their\nimpact on people’s lives. Indeed, their resolution is\ncrucial if we are to build a more prosperous society and\nachieve social justice.\nDespite Angola’s successes in the last decade,\nit was not possible to achieve the Millennium\nDevelopment Goals as we had wished. However, the\ncountry’s macroeconomic development indicators have\npermitted the Committee for Development Policy of\nthe Economic and Social Council to consider Angola\neligible to graduate from its least developed country\nstatus starting in 2015.\nOn behalf of the Angolan Government, we would\nlike to express our gratitude for the trust that investors have shown in us and for the assistance provided by\ninternational partners which, added to investment from\nnational sources, has allowed us to achieve the level of\neconomic growth the country has been experiencing.\nWe are aware that there is still much to do to ensure\nthat the high growth rates the country has seen in the\nrecent past are reflected in an effective, systematic and\ngradual increase in the standard of living of the Angolan\npeople, through a better distribution of national income\nand higher employment levels, especially among youth,\nand increased and better investment in the area of social\nwelfare.\nIn conclusion, I must reiterate Angola’s commitment\nto the purposes and principles embodied in the Charter\nof the United Nations and state that we will continue\nto engage in the search for solutions to the challenges\nfacing the international community.
## 99 On behalf of \nthe President of the Republic of Angola, His Excellency \nMr. José Eduardo dos Santos, whom I have the honour to \nrepresent before the Assembly, allow me to congratulate \nAmbassador John William Ashe on his election to the \npresidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-eighth \nsession and to assure him of my country’s support in \nthe fulfilment of that important and noble mission. \nI would also like to express our gratitude to His \nExcellency Mr. Vuk Jeremi. for the effective manner \nin which he conducted the work of the previous session, \nand we salute Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his \ncontinued dedication to the cause of our Organization.\n\nThis session of the General Assembly is taking \nplace in a complex international climate, one where the \nintervention of the international community is needed \nto provide lasting solutions to conflicts that constitute \nserious threats to international peace and security. \nThe prevalence of armed conflicts and their impact \non populations, terrorism, organized crime and drug \ntrafficking, maritime piracy, environmental crimes \nand looting of resources, as well as extreme poverty, \ndeprivation and hunger are issues that require priority \nattention from our Organization. Angola reiterates \nthe importance of the role of the United Nations as a \ndriving force behind global efforts to maintain peace, \nstability and economic and social development, and \nit is therefore important to strengthen its capacity for \nconflict prevention and crisis management.\n\nMy country will continue to contribute actively \nin peacekeeping efforts, assuming responsibilities \nat the international level, in particular with regard to \nAfrica, as well as in the regional framework and the \neconomic and political groups it is a part of, including \nthe Southern African Development Community, the \nEconomic Community of Central African States, the \nCommunity of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the \nInternational Conference on the Great Lakes Region \nand the Gulf of Guinea Commission.\n\nIn that context, the Peace, Security and Cooperation \nFramework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo \nand the Region, signed in February in Addis Ababa, is \nboth the most appropriate mechanism for the peaceful \nresolution of the conflict in the eastern Democratic \nRepublic of the Congo and the best guarantee for \nregional stability and for safeguarding the peace, \nsecurity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the \nDemocratic Republic of the Congo. We reiterate our \ncall to the signatories to respect their commitments, and \nwe condemn the threats that negative forces continue to \npose to civilian populations, particularly in the city of \nGoma and its surrounding area.\n\nIn the context of global efforts to maintain \ninternational peace and security, we reiterate the \nimportance of revitalizing the United Nations system, \nparticularly through reform of the Security Council, \nwhich should adapt to the realities of today’s world by \nincreasing the number of its permanent members so as \nto fairly represent every region.\n\nWe express our deep concern about the escalation \nof violence in Egypt and add our voice to the call to the \ntransitional authorities to act with moderation. We urge \nthe African Union and the international community to \ncontinue to work towards a solution to the crisis in that \ncountry.\n\nThe conflict in Syria poses a risk to international \npeace and security, and the violence is seriously \nworsening the humanitarian situation in the region. \nWe call on the international community to act urgently \nin order to arrive at a peaceful solution to the conflict \nthrough the mediation of the United Nations and the \nArab League, and we urge respect for the human rights \nof civilians.\n\nThe Israeli-Palestine conflict is one of the oldest on \nour planet and one that still confounds the international \ncommunity. Angola supports the mediation efforts \nundertaken by United States Secretary of State John \nKerry, and hopes for the resumption of dialogue and \nthe conclusion of an agreement between Palestine and \nIsrael that can convert the deadlock into lasting peace \nand the establishment of an independent Palestinian \nState within the 1967 borders, living side by side with \nthe State of Israel in security.\n\nWe note with concern the poor progress being \nmade in resolving the question of Western Sahara, \nand we urge the parties to continue negotiations under \nthe auspices of the United Nations, so that the people \nof Western Sahara can exercise their right to self-\ndetermination.\n\nAngola welcomes the normalization of the legal \nand constitutional framework of various African \ncountries that, after tumultuous periods of instability, \n\n\n\f\nhave successfully held free and fair elections and are \nnow making strides towards building democratic \nStates, establishing the rule of law and promoting \neconomic and social development. In that connection, \nwe welcome the democratic election of President \nIbrahim Keita in Mali and express our solidarity with \nthe process of reconciliation and reconstruction of the \ncountry. We also congratulate those countries that have \nshown positive developments and that despite unstable \nsituations are working to implement agreements aimed \nat resolving crises and normalizing their constitutional \nframeworks. They include Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, \nSomalia, the Sudan and South Sudan. We call for the \nentire international community to support the efforts \nthose countries are making to achieve peace and \nstability.\n\nSix years after the onset of the international \nfinancial crisis, with its grave repercussions for the \nworld economy, many countries are experiencing serious \ndifficulties in financing programmes for economic \ngrowth and mobilizing resources for development \naimed at improving living conditions and meeting the \nMillennium Development Goals. That situation is even \nmore problematic for developing countries, particularly \nin Africa, where armed conflict and poverty frequently \ncoincide.\n\nIn that context, the Angolan Government believes \nthat it is essential that we consider “The post-2015 \ndevelopment agenda: setting the stage”, the theme of \nthis session of the General Assembly, in the hope that \nit will contribute effectively to the economic and social \ndevelopment of developing countries. The Angolan \nGovernment is of the view that during this session the \nAssembly should consider holding regional meetings \nbased on the report of the High-level Panel on the Post-\n2015 Development Agenda, A New Global Partnership: \nEradicate Poverty and Transform Economies through \nSustainable Development, in which various leaders \ncould define their positions on the post-2015 agenda \nfrom a regional perspective, and which could be \nfollowed by another meeting at the global level. In that \nregard, the Government of Angola reiterates its support \nfor initiatives aimed at liberalizing international trade \nso as to promote fair and balanced competition, and \nwe hope that the ninth World Trade Organization \nMinisterial Conference, scheduled to take place in Bali \nin December, will lead to the best results.\n\nEnvironmental challenges persist. By renewing the \ncommitments to sustainable development contained \nin Agenda 21, the United Nations Conference on \nSustainable Development provided a sound basis \nfor policy-making at the national and international \nlevels and for ensuring the social, economic and \nenvironmental welfare of our peoples. To that end, we \nreiterate that it is essential to take appropriate measures \nto strengthen international support for actions in support \nof sustainable development, as well as to increase \nthe financial resources of the United Nations budget \nthrough contributions so as to enable the Organization \nto fulfil its mandate efficiently and make sustainable \ndevelopment a reality.\n\nOn another topic, the embargo against Cuba violates \nthe rules of international law and has for decades been \na major impediment to the development of that country \nand to the improvement of the living conditions of the \nCuban people. Angola reiterates its position of principle \nthat, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the \nUnited Nations, the embargo should be brought to an \nend.\n\nAngola reiterates its belief in mutual respect \nand mutual benefit, good neighbourliness and the \nstrengthening of regional economic integration. Angola \nwill continue to respect all international commitments \nand treaties to which it is a party. We respect and \nimplement the principles of the Charter of the United \nNations and the Constitutional Act of the African Union, \nand we establish relations based on the principles of \nself-determination, the peaceful settlement of disputes \nand respect for human rights.\n\nCurrently, Angola is experiencing a period of \nconsolidation in its democratic institutions and the \nrule of law. There has also been a dynamic process \nof reconstruction and development marked by the \nconsolidation of macroeconomic stability through the \nimplementation of a national policy and strategy for the \npromotion of economic diversification contained in our \neconomic and social development plan for the period \n2013-2017.\n\nBy agreeing to join the programme of countries \neligible to graduate from the least developed country \ncategory, Angola reaffirms its priority to implement a \nprogramme of diversification of its domestic production \naimed at achieving balanced growth in various sectors, \nexpanding employment opportunities and decreasing \nits dependence on imports of consumer products and its \nhigh dependence on oil sector exports.\n\n\n\f\nDespite progress made in the past decade and the \nfact that the Angolan economy is on the right path, much \nremains to be done in order to fulfil the Millennium \nDevelopment Goals. Aware of that challenge, the \nGovernment continues to develop programmes aimed \nat reducing social inequality, while pursuing the fight \nagainst hunger and poverty as two crucial elements \nfor building a prosperous society and attaining social \njustice. Furthermore, rehabilitating and upgrading the \nmain productive and social infrastructure, including \nthe reconstruction of roads and railways, electricity and \nwater supply and distribution systems, and sanitation \nand telecommunication networks, continue to be a \nchallenge for the Government in its quest to improve \nthe well-being of the population and attain sustainable \ndevelopment in Angola.\n\nI would like to conclude by referring to an issue \nof particular importance for the Government of my \ncountry. The Republic of Angola is a candidate for \nnon-permanent-member status in the Security Council, \nwith elections to be held at the sixty-ninth session of \nthe General Assembly. We hope we can count on the \nsupport of all the States that make up the Assembly.\n\nI will finish by expressing my country’s \nunconditional support for the initiatives of the United \nNations aimed at building a better world for all, based \non justice and freedom, free from all threats that \nendanger international peace and security.
## 100 On behalf of \nthe Government of the Republic of Angola, allow me \nto congratulate you, Mr. Sam Kutesa, on your election \nas President of the General Assembly at its sixty-ninth \nsession, and to assure you of my country’s support as \nyou fulfil your mission. I would also like to congratulate \nAmbassador John William Ashe for the competent \nmanner in which he led the work of the previous \nsession. We extend our greetings to Secretary-General \nBan Ki-moon and commend him for his commitment to \nfinding solutions to the issues facing the international \ncommunity.\n\nThis session of the General Assembly is taking \nplace in an environment that gives rise to concern \ndue to the aggravation of international tensions, the \nintensification of conflicts and the deepening of global \ncrises that require effective and sustainable solutions. \nIt is a matter of consensus that the solutions to common \nchallenges are to be found in multilateral negotiations \nand should take into account the specificities of each \n\n\ncountry and each people. The United Nations has \nalways been and will continue to be the mainstay of \nMember States’ participation in decision-making on \nissues of concern to the international community and \nin upholding the global values of tolerance and peaceful \nand harmonious coexistence of countries and peoples, \nin accordance with the principles set forth in the Charter \nof the United Nations and international law.\n\nAngola would once again like to reiterate the \nimportance of all Member States joining in efforts \nto make the United Nations a strong and effective \norganization, and one that serves as the basis for a more \nbalanced, fair and inclusive international legal order \nand global security system, while promoting confidence \namong States and strengthening relations of friendship \nand international cooperation. Our Organization should \npay special attention to the resurgence of armed conflicts \nand their negative effects on populations, as well as to \narms flows, trafficking in drugs and human beings, \ntransnational organized crime, international terrorism \nand piracy — all phenomena that have an adverse \nimpact on economic development and consequently \nimpede the improvement of living conditions.\n\nReligious fundamentalism in some African \ncountries is taking on such violent proportions that \nit poses a threat to regional security, with serious \nconsequences for peace, stability and development. \nAngola strongly condemns the acts committed by \nterrorist groups and expresses its support for efforts to \nensure the full neutralization of those groups. Angola \nsupports efforts to strengthen the crisis-management \ncapacity of the United Nations and considers dialogue \nand negotiation to be the best means of resolving \nconflicts.\n\nWe will continue to meet our international \nobligations, with special emphasis on the African \ncontinent and the regional groupings in which we \noperate, including the Southern African Development \nCommunity, the Economic Community of Central \nAfrican States, the African countries that use Portuguese \nas an official language, the Gulf of Guinea Commission \nand the International Conference on the Great Lakes \nRegion, with a view to defining mechanisms and forms \nof cooperation with the United Nations, the African \nUnion, the Community of Portuguese-speaking \nCountries and other international partners.\n\nAngola assumed the rotating presidency of the \nInternational Conference on the Great Lakes Region \nin January, and in that forum continues to promote the \nresolution of conflicts on the African continent with a \nview to attaining stability, political and institutional \ndevelopment, internal and border security, good \ngovernance and human rights. It is in that context \nthat Angola is engaged in the peace processes in the \nDemocratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African \nRepublic and the Great Lakes region.\n\nThe Ebola epidemic is an issue of great concern. \nThe position of the Security Council, which declared \nthe epidemic to be a threat to international peace and \nsecurity, fully reflects the seriousness of the situation. \nA decisive commitment on the part of the international \ncommunity is required if the scourge is to be combated \nand eradicated.\n\nWe reiterate the need to reform and revitalize the \nUnited Nations system, in particular the need to reform \nthe Security Council, which should be brought into \nline with the current international context and whose \nmembership should reflect an equitable geographical \nrepresentation through an increase in the number of \npermanent members. Angola reiterates the right of the \nAfrican continent to sit among the permanent members \nof the Council.\n\nThe Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the lack of \nprogress in finding a lasting solution are a major cause \nof widespread instability in the Middle East, and \nalso the root cause of the resurgence of terrorism in \nthe region. That situation worries the Government of \nAngola. We call for political will and flexibility from \nboth parties, and we encourage the Secretary-General \nand the United States Secretary of State to continue \ntheir mediation efforts with a view to establishing a \nsovereign and independent Palestinian State, as well as \na modus vivendi to ensure that the two States coexist \nin peace and security within internationally recognized \nborders.\n\nThe impasse in resolving the question of Western \nSahara continues to delay the exercise of the right \nto self-determination of the people of that territory. \nAngola calls on the parties to continue negotiations \nunder the auspices of the United Nations and the \nAfrican Union in order to find a solution in accordance \nwith the principles of the Charter of the United Nations \nand resolution 1514 (XV) of December 1960.\n\nWith regard to the situation in the Ukraine, Angola \ndeplores the loss of human lives caused by instability \n\n\nin the region and calls for dialogue between the parties \ninvolved to find a political solution to the conflict.\n\nThe situations in Somalia and South Sudan \nremain cause for concern. However, there has been \nsome encouraging progress, which is why we urge \nthe authorities in those countries and the international \ncommunity to continue their efforts for stabilization. \nAngola welcomes the constitutional normalization in \nsome African countries. We welcome the holding of \ndemocratic elections in Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar \nand Egypt, and we express our solidarity with the \nnational reconciliation and reconstruction processes \nand the economic and social development in those \ncountries.\n\nThe Government of Angola expresses its \nappreciation for the choice of the central theme of \nthis session, “Delivering on and implementing a \ntransformative post-2015 development agenda”. It is \ngreatly relevance, especially for the least developed \ncountries. The progress made in some of those \ncountries is far behind the targets of the Millennium \nDevelopment Goals, due to structural issues, and is \ninsufficient to mitigate the persistent effects of the \neconomic problems.\n\nWith one year remaining until the final assessment \nof the achievement of the Millennium Development \nGoals, our economies continue to suffer the effects of \nthe international economic and financial crisis, which \ncreate barriers to economic growth and hinder the \nimplementation of programmes to combat poverty and \nimprove the living conditions of our peoples. However, \nwe note with satisfaction that the African continent \nhas ceased to present the image of desolation it did at \nthe beginning of the millennium. A new reality has \nemerged in which African countries boast an average \ngrowth of 5 per cent per year and improvements in \nseveral human development indicators. We believe that \nthe trend of progress will prevail in the near future, \nand we will do everything to make it so by investing in \nfuture generations on the basis of the objectives of the \nNew Partnership for Africa’s Development, the post-\n2015 road map and the African Agenda 2063.\n\nAngola is implementing its National Development \nPlan 2013-2017, which aims to increase the supply of \nsocial services to the population, diversify the economy \nand consolidate macroeconomic stability, thus laying \nthe foundation for the process of graduation to a \nmiddle-income country.\n\nAngola reiterates the need to end the economic and \nfinancial embargo imposed on Cuba, which limits the \nright of the Cuban people to development and is a clear \nviolation of the principles and rules of international law.\n\nFinally, we appreciate and have been touched by \nthe support that Angola has received from numerous \ncountries for its candidature to be a non-permanent \nmember of the Security Council for the 2015-2016 \nbiennium, elections for which will place during the \nAssembly’s present session. Once elected to that \nimportant organ, we will work with partners in the \nCouncil to seek solutions to the serious problems \nfacing the international community and to make a real \ncontribution to peace and security in the world.
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## 62 74 0 Afghanistan -0.5950642 0.538
## 63 75 0 Afghanistan -0.6163883 0.575
## 64 32 NA <NA> NA NA
## 65 33 NA <NA> NA NA
## 66 35 NA <NA> NA NA
## 67 36 NA <NA> NA NA
## 68 37 NA <NA> NA NA
## 69 38 NA <NA> NA NA
## 70 39 NA <NA> NA NA
## 71 40 NA <NA> NA NA
## 72 41 NA <NA> NA NA
## 73 42 NA <NA> NA NA
## 74 43 NA <NA> NA NA
## 75 44 NA <NA> NA NA
## 76 45 NA <NA> NA NA
## 77 46 NA <NA> NA NA
## 78 47 NA <NA> NA NA
## 79 48 NA <NA> NA NA
## 80 49 NA <NA> NA NA
## 81 50 NA <NA> NA NA
## 82 51 NA <NA> NA NA
## 83 52 NA <NA> NA NA
## 84 53 NA <NA> NA NA
## 85 54 NA <NA> NA NA
## 86 55 0 Angola -0.3495803 0.484
## 87 56 0 Angola -0.2492463 0.489
## 88 57 0 Angola -0.6753098 0.608
## 89 58 0 Angola -0.3353366 0.629
## 90 59 0 Angola -0.5182854 0.627
## 91 60 0 Angola -0.5105788 0.628
## 92 61 0 Angola -0.4402398 0.628
## 93 62 0 Angola -0.3021094 0.628
## 94 63 0 Angola -0.5695965 0.688
## 95 64 0 Angola -0.6406169 0.690
## 96 65 0 Angola -0.6910593 0.695
## 97 66 0 Angola -0.6854248 0.694
## 98 67 0 Angola -0.7395220 0.694
## 99 68 0 Angola -0.7375012 0.696
## 100 69 0 Angola -0.7231566 0.696
## democratic_performance_name major_power regime_status_name nonwest
## 1 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 2 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 3 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 4 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 5 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 6 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 7 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 8 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 9 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 10 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 11 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 12 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 13 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 14 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 15 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 16 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 17 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 18 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 19 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 20 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 21 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 22 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 23 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 24 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 25 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 26 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 27 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 28 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 29 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 30 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 31 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 32 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 33 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 34 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 35 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 36 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 37 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 38 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 39 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 40 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 41 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 42 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 43 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 44 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 45 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 46 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 47 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 48 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 49 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 50 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 51 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 52 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 53 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 54 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 55 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 56 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 57 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 58 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 59 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 60 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 61 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 62 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 1
## 63 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 1
## 64 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 65 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 66 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 67 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 68 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 69 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 70 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 71 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 72 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 73 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 74 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 75 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 76 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 77 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 78 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 79 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 80 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 81 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 82 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 83 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 84 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 85 <NA> NA <NA> NA
## 86 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 87 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 88 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 89 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 90 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 91 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 92 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 93 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 94 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 95 Authoritarian Regime 0 Authoritarian Regime 0
## 96 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 0
## 97 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 0
## 98 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 0
## 99 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 0
## 100 Hybrid Regime 0 Hybrid Regime 0
## gaiscore country_name lsd_net_sent topic
## 1 NA Afghanistan 29 2
## 2 NA Afghanistan 45 2
## 3 NA Afghanistan 58 2
## 4 NA Afghanistan 98 2
## 5 NA Afghanistan 59 2
## 6 NA Afghanistan -11 2
## 7 NA Afghanistan 94 2
## 8 NA Afghanistan 160 2
## 9 NA Afghanistan 139 2
## 10 NA Afghanistan 171 2
## 11 NA Afghanistan 147 2
## 12 NA Afghanistan 11 2
## 13 NA Afghanistan 5 5
## 14 NA Afghanistan 107 3
## 15 NA Afghanistan 75 3
## 16 NA Afghanistan 128 3
## 17 NA Afghanistan 135 3
## 18 NA Afghanistan 118 3
## 19 NA Afghanistan 107 3
## 20 NA Afghanistan 47 10
## 21 NA Afghanistan 121 3
## 22 NA Afghanistan 57 3
## 23 NA Afghanistan 71 4
## 24 NA Afghanistan 28 4
## 25 NA Afghanistan 38 4
## 26 NA Afghanistan -27 4
## 27 NA Afghanistan -43 4
## 28 NA Afghanistan -35 4
## 29 NA Afghanistan 7 4
## 30 NA Afghanistan 21 4
## 31 NA Afghanistan 96 10
## 32 NA Afghanistan 19 8
## 33 NA Afghanistan 29 8
## 34 NA Afghanistan 74 8
## 35 NA Afghanistan 76 8
## 36 NA Afghanistan 13 5
## 37 NA Afghanistan 41 8
## 38 NA Afghanistan 65 8
## 39 NA Afghanistan -19 8
## 40 NA Afghanistan 3 8
## 41 NA Afghanistan 7 8
## 42 NA Afghanistan 33 8
## 43 4.80 Afghanistan -40 8
## 44 4.80 Afghanistan 37 8
## 45 4.80 Afghanistan 56 8
## 46 4.80 Afghanistan 24 8
## 47 5.10 Afghanistan 25 8
## 48 5.10 Afghanistan 54 1
## 49 5.10 Afghanistan 19 8
## 50 5.10 Afghanistan 10 8
## 51 5.10 Afghanistan 6 8
## 52 3.60 Afghanistan 14 1
## 53 3.60 Afghanistan 27 8
## 54 3.60 Afghanistan 38 8
## 55 3.60 Afghanistan 11 8
## 56 3.60 Afghanistan 72 8
## 57 2.70 Afghanistan 73 6
## 58 2.70 Afghanistan 15 6
## 59 2.70 Afghanistan 63 1
## 60 3.32 Afghanistan 4 5
## 61 3.32 Afghanistan 39 1
## 62 3.32 Afghanistan 46 5
## 63 3.32 Afghanistan 4 6
## 64 NA Angola 19 3
## 65 NA Angola 65 3
## 66 NA Angola 18 3
## 67 NA Angola 14 3
## 68 NA Angola -19 3
## 69 NA Angola -44 3
## 70 NA Angola 39 3
## 71 NA Angola 6 3
## 72 NA Angola 1 3
## 73 NA Angola 23 3
## 74 NA Angola 51 3
## 75 NA Angola 43 3
## 76 NA Angola 43 3
## 77 NA Angola 48 3
## 78 NA Angola 58 7
## 79 NA Angola 68 7
## 80 NA Angola 91 7
## 81 NA Angola 42 7
## 82 NA Angola 81 7
## 83 NA Angola 32 7
## 84 NA Angola 60 7
## 85 NA Angola 46 7
## 86 4.30 Angola 7 7
## 87 4.30 Angola 22 7
## 88 4.30 Angola 13 7
## 89 4.30 Angola -17 7
## 90 4.60 Angola 2 7
## 91 4.60 Angola 34 7
## 92 4.60 Angola 9 7
## 93 4.60 Angola 37 1
## 94 4.60 Angola 36 7
## 95 4.10 Angola 65 7
## 96 4.10 Angola 36 7
## 97 4.10 Angola 39 7
## 98 4.10 Angola 69 7
## 99 4.10 Angola 55 7
## 100 3.70 Angola 28 7
## topic_title Country.Name
## 1 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 2 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 3 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 4 Africa & the Global South <NA>
## 5 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 6 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 7 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 8 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 9 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 10 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 11 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 12 Africa & the Global South Afghanistan
## 13 Peacebuilding & Disarmament Afghanistan
## 14 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 15 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 16 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 17 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 18 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 19 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 20 International Cooperation Afghanistan
## 21 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 22 The Middle East Afghanistan
## 23 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 24 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 25 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 26 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 27 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 28 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 29 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 30 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy Afghanistan
## 31 International Cooperation Afghanistan
## 32 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 33 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 34 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 35 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 36 Peacebuilding & Disarmament Afghanistan
## 37 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 38 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 39 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 40 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 41 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 42 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 43 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 44 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 45 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 46 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 47 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 48 International Development & Economic Inequality Afghanistan
## 49 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 50 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 51 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 52 International Development & Economic Inequality Afghanistan
## 53 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 54 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 55 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 56 The Cold War Afghanistan
## 57 Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals Afghanistan
## 58 Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals Afghanistan
## 59 International Development & Economic Inequality Afghanistan
## 60 Peacebuilding & Disarmament Afghanistan
## 61 International Development & Economic Inequality Afghanistan
## 62 Peacebuilding & Disarmament Afghanistan
## 63 Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals Afghanistan
## 64 The Middle East Angola
## 65 The Middle East Angola
## 66 The Middle East Angola
## 67 The Middle East Angola
## 68 The Middle East Angola
## 69 The Middle East Angola
## 70 The Middle East Angola
## 71 The Middle East Angola
## 72 The Middle East Angola
## 73 The Middle East Angola
## 74 The Middle East Angola
## 75 The Middle East Angola
## 76 The Middle East Angola
## 77 The Middle East Angola
## 78 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 79 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 80 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 81 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 82 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 83 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 84 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 85 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 86 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 87 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 88 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 89 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 90 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 91 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 92 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 93 International Development & Economic Inequality Angola
## 94 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 95 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 96 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 97 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 98 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 99 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## 100 Peacekeeping Operations Angola
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. Gini.index
## 1 NA NA
## 2 NA NA
## 3 NA NA
## 4 NA NA
## 5 NA NA
## 6 NA NA
## 7 NA NA
## 8 NA NA
## 9 NA NA
## 10 NA NA
## 11 NA NA
## 12 NA NA
## 13 NA NA
## 14 NA NA
## 15 NA NA
## 16 NA NA
## 17 NA NA
## 18 NA NA
## 19 NA NA
## 20 NA NA
## 21 NA NA
## 22 NA NA
## 23 NA NA
## 24 NA NA
## 25 NA NA
## 26 NA NA
## 27 NA NA
## 28 NA NA
## 29 NA NA
## 30 NA NA
## 31 NA NA
## 32 NA NA
## 33 NA NA
## 34 NA NA
## 35 NA NA
## 36 NA NA
## 37 NA NA
## 38 NA NA
## 39 NA NA
## 40 NA NA
## 41 NA NA
## 42 NA NA
## 43 308.3183 NA
## 44 277.1181 NA
## 45 338.1400 NA
## 46 346.0716 NA
## 47 338.6373 NA
## 48 363.6401 NA
## 49 367.7583 NA
## 50 410.7577 NA
## 51 417.6473 NA
## 52 488.8307 NA
## 53 542.8710 NA
## 54 525.4270 NA
## 55 568.9290 NA
## 56 580.6038 NA
## 57 575.1462 NA
## 58 565.5697 NA
## 59 563.8723 NA
## 60 562.7696 NA
## 61 553.1252 NA
## 62 557.8615 NA
## 63 527.8346 NA
## 64 NA NA
## 65 NA NA
## 66 2835.4592 NA
## 67 2613.7394 NA
## 68 2519.3516 NA
## 69 2529.4019 NA
## 70 2583.6198 NA
## 71 2577.4651 NA
## 72 2557.9588 NA
## 73 2571.4969 NA
## 74 2637.7819 NA
## 75 2550.2943 NA
## 76 2380.1762 NA
## 77 2324.3694 NA
## 78 2118.1665 NA
## 79 1559.5172 NA
## 80 1529.9944 NA
## 81 1701.6973 NA
## 82 1867.9350 NA
## 83 1936.9162 NA
## 84 1961.0372 NA
## 85 1938.8618 NA
## 86 1932.9885 51.9
## 87 1947.8567 NA
## 88 2139.8726 NA
## 89 2128.1958 NA
## 90 2277.8670 NA
## 91 2526.4106 NA
## 92 2716.2530 NA
## 93 2983.0419 NA
## 94 3193.2877 42.7
## 95 3100.6093 NA
## 96 3114.6961 NA
## 97 3099.9423 NA
## 98 3236.5749 NA
## 99 3268.6389 NA
## 100 3300.7351 NA
## Employers..total....of.total.employment...modeled.ILO.estimate.
## 1 NA
## 2 NA
## 3 NA
## 4 NA
## 5 NA
## 6 NA
## 7 NA
## 8 NA
## 9 NA
## 10 NA
## 11 NA
## 12 NA
## 13 NA
## 14 NA
## 15 NA
## 16 NA
## 17 NA
## 18 NA
## 19 NA
## 20 NA
## 21 NA
## 22 NA
## 23 NA
## 24 NA
## 25 NA
## 26 NA
## 27 NA
## 28 NA
## 29 NA
## 30 NA
## 31 NA
## 32 NA
## 33 NA
## 34 0.2778536
## 35 0.2884495
## 36 0.2852850
## 37 0.2821912
## 38 0.2967285
## 39 0.2946751
## 40 0.2921345
## 41 0.2887980
## 42 0.2843804
## 43 0.2785340
## 44 0.2780519
## 45 0.3287812
## 46 0.3493622
## 47 0.3653932
## 48 0.3783115
## 49 0.4012996
## 50 0.4340644
## 51 0.4884471
## 52 0.5893446
## 53 0.7146043
## 54 0.8220659
## 55 0.9763727
## 56 1.4864598
## 57 2.2306963
## 58 2.4435700
## 59 2.4849602
## 60 2.6256722
## 61 2.2763518
## 62 1.9009849
## 63 1.6432603
## 64 NA
## 65 NA
## 66 NA
## 67 NA
## 68 NA
## 69 NA
## 70 NA
## 71 NA
## 72 NA
## 73 NA
## 74 NA
## 75 NA
## 76 NA
## 77 1.5079816
## 78 1.5187068
## 79 1.5301905
## 80 1.5424765
## 81 1.5556022
## 82 1.5696341
## 83 1.5846615
## 84 1.6008504
## 85 1.6184149
## 86 1.6378177
## 87 1.6598203
## 88 1.6832670
## 89 1.7099243
## 90 1.7429251
## 91 1.7847974
## 92 1.8463736
## 93 1.9487354
## 94 2.1047389
## 95 2.2639915
## 96 3.0900841
## 97 4.1848032
## 98 4.4061790
## 99 4.6119728
## 100 4.7890229
## Indicator.Name
## 1 NA
## 2 NA
## 3 NA
## 4 NA
## 5 NA
## 6 NA
## 7 NA
## 8 NA
## 9 NA
## 10 NA
## 11 NA
## 12 NA
## 13 NA
## 14 NA
## 15 NA
## 16 NA
## 17 NA
## 18 NA
## 19 NA
## 20 NA
## 21 NA
## 22 NA
## 23 NA
## 24 NA
## 25 NA
## 26 NA
## 27 NA
## 28 NA
## 29 NA
## 30 NA
## 31 NA
## 32 NA
## 33 NA
## 34 NA
## 35 NA
## 36 NA
## 37 NA
## 38 NA
## 39 NA
## 40 NA
## 41 NA
## 42 NA
## 43 NA
## 44 NA
## 45 NA
## 46 NA
## 47 NA
## 48 NA
## 49 NA
## 50 NA
## 51 NA
## 52 NA
## 53 NA
## 54 NA
## 55 NA
## 56 NA
## 57 NA
## 58 NA
## 59 NA
## 60 NA
## 61 NA
## 62 NA
## 63 NA
## 64 NA
## 65 NA
## 66 NA
## 67 NA
## 68 NA
## 69 NA
## 70 NA
## 71 NA
## 72 NA
## 73 NA
## 74 NA
## 75 NA
## 76 NA
## 77 NA
## 78 NA
## 79 NA
## 80 NA
## 81 NA
## 82 NA
## 83 NA
## 84 NA
## 85 NA
## 86 NA
## 87 NA
## 88 NA
## 89 NA
## 90 NA
## 91 NA
## 92 NA
## 93 NA
## 94 NA
## 95 NA
## 96 NA
## 97 NA
## 98 NA
## 99 NA
## 100 NA
# Word Counts
word_counts <- sapply(strsplit(un2$text, "\\s+"), length)
# Compute average word count
average_word_count <- mean(word_counts)
print(average_word_count)
## [1] 2931.375
summary(un2$lsd_net_sent)
## Min. 1st Qu. Median Mean 3rd Qu. Max.
## -216.00 27.00 51.00 52.89 77.00 412.00
hist(un2$lsd_net_sent, breaks=40)
un2 %>% group_by(topic_title) %>% summarize(mean_sent = mean(lsd_net_sent)) %>% arrange(desc(mean_sent))
## # A tibble: 10 × 2
## topic_title mean_sent
## <chr> <dbl>
## 1 Africa & the Global South 65.3
## 2 International Cooperation 64.6
## 3 Island Nations 59.5
## 4 Peacekeeping Operations 57.6
## 5 International Development & Economic Inequality 55.5
## 6 Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals 52.3
## 7 The Middle East 50.2
## 8 The Cold War 42.9
## 9 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy 30.4
## 10 Peacebuilding & Disarmament 21.4
un2 %>% group_by(topic_title) %>% summarize(topic_count = n()) %>% arrange(desc(topic_count))
## # A tibble: 10 × 2
## topic_title topic_count
## <chr> <int>
## 1 Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals 1637
## 2 International Development & Economic Inequality 1563
## 3 Africa & the Global South 1296
## 4 International Cooperation 1220
## 5 Peacekeeping Operations 1147
## 6 Island Nations 942
## 7 The Middle East 864
## 8 The Cold War 842
## 9 Peacebuilding & Disarmament 709
## 10 War, Conflict, & Diplomacy 540
# Fixed effects model with selected variables
fe_model <- plm(lsd_net_sent ~ GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. +
Gini.index +
nonwest +
vdem_gender +
dem_bi,
data = un2,
index = c("country_name", "year"),
model = "within", effect = "twoways")
## Warning in pdata.frame(data, index = index, ...): at least one NA in at least one index dimension in resulting pdata.frame
## to find out which, use, e.g., table(index(your_pdataframe), useNA = "ifany")
fe_model %>% summary()
## Twoways effects Within Model
##
## Call:
## plm(formula = lsd_net_sent ~ GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. +
## Gini.index + nonwest + vdem_gender + dem_bi, data = un2,
## effect = "twoways", model = "within", index = c("country_name",
## "year"))
##
## Unbalanced Panel: n = 137, T = 1-21, N = 1424
##
## Residuals:
## Min. 1st Qu. Median 3rd Qu. Max.
## -108.419617 -16.623747 0.053718 17.581828 121.183290
##
## Coefficients:
## Estimate Std. Error t-value Pr(>|t|)
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. -1.5749e-04 4.3294e-04 -0.3638 0.71609
## Gini.index 5.6067e-01 3.7516e-01 1.4945 0.13530
## nonwest 1.0672e+01 5.8895e+00 1.8120 0.07022 .
## vdem_gender -5.2484e+01 3.2020e+01 -1.6391 0.10144
## dem_bi 1.2758e+01 5.4135e+00 2.3567 0.01859 *
## ---
## Signif. codes: 0 '***' 0.001 '**' 0.01 '*' 0.05 '.' 0.1 ' ' 1
##
## Total Sum of Squares: 1078100
## Residual Sum of Squares: 1068600
## R-Squared: 0.0088092
## Adj. R-Squared: -0.11764
## F-statistic: 2.24319 on 5 and 1262 DF, p-value: 0.047932
stargazer(fe_model,
type = "text", # or "latex" / "html"
title = "Two-Way Fixed Effects Multivariate Regression",
align = TRUE, # aligns coefficients
dep.var.labels = "Net Sentiment (LSD)",
covariate.labels = c("GDP per Capita (2015 US$)",
"Gini Index",
"Non-Western Country (Binary)",
"VDEM Gender Equality",
"Democracy (Binary)"),
omit.stat = c("LL", "ser", "f"), # removes unnecessary stats
no.space = TRUE, # removes extra spaces
digits = 3, # controls decimal places
column.sep.width = "5pt")
##
## Two-Way Fixed Effects Multivariate Regression
## ========================================================
## Dependent variable:
## ---------------------------
## Net Sentiment (LSD)
## --------------------------------------------------------
## GDP per Capita (2015 US) -0.0002
## (0.0004)
## Gini Index 0.561
## (0.375)
## Non-Western Country (Binary) 10.672*
## (5.889)
## VDEM Gender Equality -52.484
## (32.020)
## Democracy (Binary) 12.758**
## (5.414)
## --------------------------------------------------------
## Observations 1,424
## R2 0.009
## Adjusted R2 -0.118
## ========================================================
## Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01
# Fixed effects model with selected variables
fe_rand_model <- plm(lsd_net_sent ~ GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. +
Gini.index +
nonwest +
vdem_gender +
dem_bi,
data = un2,
index = c("country_name", "year"),
model = "random", effect = "twoways")
## Warning in pdata.frame(data, index = index, ...): at least one NA in at least one index dimension in resulting pdata.frame
## to find out which, use, e.g., table(index(your_pdataframe), useNA = "ifany")
fe_rand_model %>% summary()
## Twoways effects Random Effect Model
## (Swamy-Arora's transformation)
##
## Call:
## plm(formula = lsd_net_sent ~ GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. +
## Gini.index + nonwest + vdem_gender + dem_bi, data = un2,
## effect = "twoways", model = "random", index = c("country_name",
## "year"))
##
## Unbalanced Panel: n = 137, T = 1-21, N = 1424
##
## Effects:
## var std.dev share
## idiosyncratic 846.745 29.099 0.695
## individual 275.697 16.604 0.226
## time 96.747 9.836 0.079
## theta:
## Min. 1st Qu. Median Mean 3rd Qu. Max.
## id 0.1314507 0.5485751 0.6269673 0.5672048 0.6351412 0.6428003
## time 0.5626272 0.6600930 0.6687268 0.6635964 0.6786471 0.6960774
## total 0.1255781 0.4896296 0.5428045 0.5003525 0.5568567 0.5768135
##
## Residuals:
## Min. 1st Qu. Median Mean 3rd Qu. Max.
## -107.08 -23.59 -1.50 -1.38 20.73 130.44
##
## Coefficients:
## Estimate Std. Error z-value Pr(>|z|)
## (Intercept) 4.4697e+01 5.1536e-01 86.7287 < 2e-16
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. -4.1150e-05 3.5561e-06 -11.5716 < 2e-16
## Gini.index 1.8065e-02 7.1515e-03 2.5261 0.01153
## nonwest 4.7370e+00 1.3004e-01 36.4274 < 2e-16
## vdem_gender -8.4210e+00 5.0292e-01 -16.7442 < 2e-16
## dem_bi 9.3122e+00 1.3786e-01 67.5473 < 2e-16
##
## (Intercept) ***
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. ***
## Gini.index *
## nonwest ***
## vdem_gender ***
## dem_bi ***
## ---
## Signif. codes: 0 '***' 0.001 '**' 0.01 '*' 0.05 '.' 0.1 ' ' 1
##
## Total Sum of Squares: 1682000
## Residual Sum of Squares: 1692200
## R-Squared: 0.00035591
## Adj. R-Squared: -0.0031689
## Chisq: 5408.73 on 5 DF, p-value: < 2.22e-16
# Simple regression
lm(lsd_net_sent ~ relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South"), data=un2) %>% summary() %>% tidy() # Setting Africa & The Global South as reference category due to it being around the median of sentiment scores
## # A tibble: 10 × 5
## term estimate std.error statistic p.value
## <chr> <dbl> <dbl> <dbl> <dbl>
## 1 "(Intercept)" 65.3 1.13 57.8 0
## 2 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -13.0 1.51 -8.61 8.40e- 18
## 3 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -0.684 1.62 -0.422 6.73e- 1
## 4 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -9.79 1.53 -6.40 1.57e- 10
## 5 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -5.79 1.74 -3.32 8.94e- 4
## 6 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -43.9 1.90 -23.1 2.95e-115
## 7 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -7.68 1.65 -4.66 3.23e- 6
## 8 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -22.4 1.80 -12.5 2.10e- 35
## 9 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -15.1 1.79 -8.46 3.03e- 17
## 10 "relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref … -34.9 2.08 -16.8 3.12e- 62
# Multivariate fixed-effects
plm(lsd_net_sent ~ relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South") +
GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. +
Gini.index +
nonwest +
vdem_gender +
dem_bi,
data = un2,
index = c("country_name", "year"),
model = "random", effect = "twoways") %>% summary()
## Warning in pdata.frame(data, index = index, ...): at least one NA in at least one index dimension in resulting pdata.frame
## to find out which, use, e.g., table(index(your_pdataframe), useNA = "ifany")
## Twoways effects Random Effect Model
## (Swamy-Arora's transformation)
##
## Call:
## plm(formula = lsd_net_sent ~ relevel(as.factor(topic_title),
## ref = "Africa & the Global South") + GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. +
## Gini.index + nonwest + vdem_gender + dem_bi, data = un2,
## effect = "twoways", model = "random", index = c("country_name",
## "year"))
##
## Unbalanced Panel: n = 137, T = 1-21, N = 1424
##
## Effects:
## var std.dev share
## idiosyncratic 786.156 28.038 0.739
## individual 207.303 14.398 0.195
## time 70.207 8.379 0.066
## theta:
## Min. 1st Qu. Median Mean 3rd Qu. Max.
## id 0.1104316 0.5099633 0.5920967 0.5314782 0.6007609 0.6088954
## time 0.5179958 0.6215863 0.6309085 0.6254749 0.6416467 0.6605812
## total 0.1038582 0.4427171 0.4986006 0.4568937 0.5132260 0.5346838
##
## Residuals:
## Min. 1st Qu. Median Mean 3rd Qu. Max.
## -100.073 -22.707 -1.453 -0.527 20.387 141.515
##
## Coefficients:
## Estimate
## (Intercept) -3.3948e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals 5.7054e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Cooperation 4.6863e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Development & Economic Inequality 6.0069e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Island Nations 5.2581e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacebuilding & Disarmament 3.3722e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacekeeping Operations 6.1925e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")The Cold War 3.7987e+01
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")War, Conflict, & Diplomacy 6.9467e+01
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. 5.0033e-05
## Gini.index 6.0353e-02
## nonwest 5.3276e+00
## vdem_gender -2.1246e+01
## dem_bi 1.0540e+01
## Std. Error
## (Intercept) 1.1582e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals 1.0347e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Cooperation 1.0925e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Development & Economic Inequality 1.0318e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Island Nations 1.0376e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacebuilding & Disarmament 1.0347e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacekeeping Operations 1.0428e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")The Cold War 1.0507e+00
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")War, Conflict, & Diplomacy 1.2234e+00
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. 3.3446e-06
## Gini.index 7.2032e-03
## nonwest 1.2656e-01
## vdem_gender 5.1045e-01
## dem_bi 1.3486e-01
## z-value
## (Intercept) -2.9311
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals 55.1385
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Cooperation 42.8973
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Development & Economic Inequality 58.2152
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Island Nations 50.6737
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacebuilding & Disarmament 32.5906
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacekeeping Operations 59.3856
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")The Cold War 36.1549
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")War, Conflict, & Diplomacy 56.7808
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. 14.9593
## Gini.index 8.3786
## nonwest 42.0972
## vdem_gender -41.6216
## dem_bi 78.1525
## Pr(>|z|)
## (Intercept) 0.003378
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Cooperation < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Development & Economic Inequality < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Island Nations < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacebuilding & Disarmament < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacekeeping Operations < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")The Cold War < 2.2e-16
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")War, Conflict, & Diplomacy < 2.2e-16
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. < 2.2e-16
## Gini.index < 2.2e-16
## nonwest < 2.2e-16
## vdem_gender < 2.2e-16
## dem_bi < 2.2e-16
##
## (Intercept) **
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Climate, Sustainability & Development Goals ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Cooperation ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")International Development & Economic Inequality ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Island Nations ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacebuilding & Disarmament ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")Peacekeeping Operations ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")The Cold War ***
## relevel(as.factor(topic_title), ref = "Africa & the Global South")War, Conflict, & Diplomacy ***
## GDP.per.capita..constant.2015.US.. ***
## Gini.index ***
## nonwest ***
## vdem_gender ***
## dem_bi ***
## ---
## Signif. codes: 0 '***' 0.001 '**' 0.01 '*' 0.05 '.' 0.1 ' ' 1
##
## Total Sum of Squares: 1682000
## Residual Sum of Squares: 1525600
## R-Squared: 0.093239
## Adj. R-Squared: 0.084878
## Chisq: 103286 on 13 DF, p-value: < 2.22e-16
# Creating df of aggregated topic metrics
topic_agg <- un2 %>% group_by(topic_title) %>% summarize(count = n(), mean_sent = mean(lsd_net_sent), na.rm=TRUE)
# Plotting
ggplot(topic_agg, aes(x = reorder(topic_title, count), y = count, fill=mean_sent)) +
geom_bar(stat="identity") +
coord_flip() +
labs(x = "Topic",
y = "Count",
title="Count and Avg. Net Sentiment of Topics",
fill="Avg. Net. Sentiment") +
scale_fill_gradient(
trans = "reverse"
) +
theme_minimal()
#### Word clouds by topic
# iteratre through each topic to create word clouds for each w. max words=50
for (i in unique(un2$topic_title)){
wordcloud(un2$text[un2$topic_title==i], max.words = 50, random.order = FALSE, colors = brewer.pal(8, "Dark2"))
text(x=0.5, labels=i) # add topic title to wordcloud
}
## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, tm::removePunctuation): transformation
## drops documents
## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, function(x) tm::removeWords(x,
## tm::stopwords())): transformation drops documents
## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, tm::removePunctuation): transformation
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## Warning in wordcloud(un2$text[un2$topic_title == i], max.words = 50,
## random.order = FALSE, : cooperation could not be fit on page. It will not be
## plotted.
## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, tm::removePunctuation): transformation
## drops documents
## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, function(x) tm::removeWords(x,
## tm::stopwords())): transformation drops documents
## Warning in wordcloud(un2$text[un2$topic_title == i], max.words = 50,
## random.order = FALSE, : cooperation could not be fit on page. It will not be
## plotted.
## Warning in wordcloud(un2$text[un2$topic_title == i], max.words = 50,
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## plotted.
## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, tm::removePunctuation): transformation
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## Warning in tm_map.SimpleCorpus(corpus, function(x) tm::removeWords(x,
## tm::stopwords())): transformation drops documents
# Topics over time
ggplot((un2 %>% filter(topic==1) %>% group_by(year, topic) %>% summarize(n=n()) %>% ungroup()), aes(x = year, y = n, color = topic)) +
geom_line() +
labs(x = "Year", y = "Value")
## `summarise()` has grouped output by 'year'. You can override using the
## `.groups` argument.
topic_type <- c("Peacebuilding & Disarmament") # Topic choice input
# Topic and sentiment over time
un_long <- un2 %>% filter(topic_title==topic_type) %>%
group_by(year) %>% summarize(n_topic = n(),
mean_sent = mean(lsd_net_sent)) %>%
pivot_longer(cols = c(mean_sent, n_topic), names_to = "variable", values_to = "value")
ggplot(un_long, aes(x = year, y = value, color = variable)) +
geom_line() +
labs(x = "Year", y = "Value")
Ideas for R Shiny app: - Topic and sentiment overtime (worldwide) - Sentiment by country over time - Counts of topics by country (bar chart) - Topic counts by year by country - Map (year, sentiment, topic, metrics)
country_choice <- c("Canada") # Input country
# Sentiment by country over time
ggplot(un2 %>% filter(country_name == country_choice) %>%
group_by(year) %>% summarize(mean_sent = mean(lsd_net_sent)), aes(x = year, y = mean_sent)) +
geom_line() +
labs(x = "Year", y = "Value")
#### Topic counts by chosen country over time
country_choice <- c("Canada") # Input country
# Counts of topics by country (bar chart)
ggplot(un2 %>% filter(country_name == country_choice) %>%
group_by(topic_title) %>% summarize(n_topic = n()), aes(x = topic_title, y = n_topic)) +
geom_col(fill='lightblue') +
scale_x_discrete(labels = function(x) str_wrap(x, width = 5)) +
labs(x = "Topic", y = "Count")